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BROEDERBOND South African Secret Society by Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom

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    The most controversial nation in the world, thenation of gold and diamonds, of apartheid andSoweto, does not exist in complete isolation.South Africa, whether we like it or not, isinextricably linked to the economies of theWestern world and its fate will affect us all. It isa nation divided not only between black andwhite but between white and white. I'ounderstand South Africa the world must knowthe Broederbond. This book is the first detailedand comprehensive expos6 of that exclusive andimmensely powerful organization which controlsand governs South Africa.

    Its 12,000 members all white, influential,male, protestant Afrikaners dominate the livesof 25 million people; people of all races, religionsand colors; the people of South Africa.

    Since its formation in I918 the Broederbondhas slowly tightened its grip on a nation.Through sophisticated methods of infiltration,backed up by the total commitment of itsmembers and the absolute secrecy of itsactivities, the organization has systematicallytaken control of the key areas of South Africansociety- the military, media, church, education,police and government. P.W. Botha, the PrimeMinister; B.J. Vorster, the State President; andall but two of the present cabinet are members.What were once internal Broederbond policiesof racial division and Afrikaner domination arenow the policies of the state. Today it standssupreme in South Africa the wordBroederbond means power!

    Until now the truth about South Africa hasremained hidden from the world.

    But inJanuary I978 a man walked into theoffices of theJohannesburg Sunday Times. He

    Continued on bach flap

  • told journalist Ivor Wilkins: "I've come totalk. . . I've been reading my bible constantly,and thinking. Now I feel certain I want to exposethe Broederbond." For the first time adisillusioned member was prepared to risk thevengeance of the Bond to tell all he knew.Wilkins went straight to news editor HansStrydom

    -

    the break on the Broederbond wasunderway.

    The defector had violated the organization'sstrict security regulations by keeping top-secretdocuments detailing policies and covering a widespectrum of political, religious and social issues-

    including apartheid.Armed with this evidence and with the fruits

    of extensive research and interviews, the authors,at great personal risk and under constant threatof government clampdowns on their newspaper,have succeeded in providing a full and giippingaccount of the most powerful secret society in theworld.

    And now, for the first time in its sixty yearhistory, the Broederbond stands exposed in thespotlight of international scrutiny.

    IVOR WILKINS was born in Potchefstroom,South Africa, in 1951. He entered the newspaperworld as a photographer for The Daily News inDurban and after a period in London returnedto that newspaper as a political reporter. In 1976he joined theJohannesburg Sunday Times,HANS STR"YDOM is news editor and assistantto the editor of the Sunday Times. Aftergraduating in sociology from the University ofSouth Africa in 1958 he first studied to become ateacher before standing for Parliament in 1961when he was twenty-five. He has worked as ajournalist on the Sunday Tribune ar.dsubsequently joined the Sunday Times as aparliamentary correspondent.

    lachet Design and Photography: BarnberForsyth Design.

    PRINTED IN IlSA

  • fvorWilkinsHansStrydom

    PADDINGTONPRESSTTD

    NEW YORI( & TONDON

  • Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication DataV'ilkrns. Ivor. r95 r-

    The Broederbond.Includes bibliographical references and index.I. Afrikaners-Politics and government. z. Broeder-

    bond. 3. South Africa-Politics and government-2oth century. 4. South Africa-Race relations.L Strydom, Hans, r936- joint author. n. Title.or888.w54 r979 32o.9'68'o5 7g-r2o29ISBN o 448 zz98r r (U.S. and Canada only)ISBN o 7og2 0734 4

    Copyright C; ,glg I. Wilkins, H. Strydom.All rights reservedFirst published in r978 byJonathan Ball Publishers, South Africa.Printed and bound in the United Srates.

    In the United StatesPADDI\CTO\ PRESSDistnbuted br'GRossET &' nl'sr.lpIn the Unired KingdomPADDI\GTO\ PRESSln CanadaDrstnbured bvR.{\DO\1 HOL'SE OF C.{\.\D.\ LTD.In Australia and \e*' ZealandDrstnbured br'.r.H. &'.{.\.\'. REED

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  • To my wife, Gertie, for the endless hours spent on deciphering:odes. and preparing the most extensive membership list' of theBroederbond ever published

    .. .

    To my children, for understanding a disrupted household at aJifficult time in their careers .. .To all my friends for their assistance and morar support.Hans Strydom

    To my family and friends.

    [r'or Wilkins

  • Con

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    Part I-

    HisI Her-1 Smj Th,: Pol

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  • Contents

    PrefaceProfile of power

    Part I Ascent to power1 History of the Afrikaner Broederbond2 Hervog3 SmutsI The sy-U"ri. o**"gon T..k oirq:g ...... ....5 Political Triumph _ ,f,. tg+S ilection Victor y . . . .

    Part II power6 After the Victory

    . . . .7 Republic -

    A Dream Achieved .8 Afrikaans-English Relations.. .

    j' ! " "' r'9 A View on the Indian Furure

    . .10 The Broederbond and tn" Cotour.a f"fi.y . . . .. . .11 Division Among Brothers _ tfr" ff Np Split12 The Broederbond and apr.,tr"il

    13 Soweto -June ,16.............

    14 Sports policy15 Education

    .....

    1! Il. St.rggi" f". ,f," Churches . .17 The Commission of Inquiry ....................

    1

    35537697

    108

    117135140157

    . 162

    . 177

    . 191.

    . 216

    . 239

    . 2s3

    . 290

    . 326

    341357372377383397408418430439451453

    Part III The Mechanics of power18 The Broederbond _ As ,."rr Uf ,fre Broeders

    .....19 The Consrirution, Adminir,.rion and Finance ...20 Recruitment.... qrturrrrdrrLs

    21 Induction....22 Secrecy

    . . -. .

    23 Discipiirr" rrra Wrr.f,aog Co*-iri".r. . . . . . . . . . .24 contact between Memb-ers and Subsequent Inflr.r." o, pori.y

    ";;. . .,ri i;:til:.T,1"ther rnstiru,i";; ro._.a by ;; ;;"ederbond27 Conclurion

    . .o

    Selected BibliographyIndex

    .....

    Appendix -

    List "f'Nr-".

  • "Do you realise what a powerful forceis gathered here tonight between these fourwalls? Show me a greater power on thewhole continent of Africa! Show me agreater power anywhere . , ."

    H J KlopperFirst chairman of the AfrikanerBroederbond in a celebratoryspeech on the occasion of theorganisation's 50th anniversaryin 1968.

  • Acknowledgements

    Many people have assisted in the publication of this book. In thenature of the subject, some of them have to remain anonymous.We extend our sincere appreciation to our main informant, whotook a lonely decision to break ranks; also to other members andformer members of the organisation who were prepared to co-op-erate, as well as to non-members who shared their knowledge. Fortechnical assistance and encouragement we would like to recordour thanks to Avril Hickman, Alison Lowry, Tessa Paul, ToniTickton and Melanie Yap.

    I WilkinsH Strydom

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    Preface

    InJanuary 1977 a letter arrived at the offices of the Sunday Times tnJohannesburg offering information about the Broederbond, thecxclusively Afrikaans, awesomely influential South African secretsociety. No telephone number or street address was given with theletter, only a Johannesburg post office box number. It aroused im-mediate scepticism.

    "Probably a crank. Breaks into the Broederbond just don'tcome this way," 'was the general response. But the letter was in-vestigated as a matter of routine.

    Ivor Wilkins wrote to the box number asking the informer totelephone and several days later he rang the Sunday Times and ar-ranged a meeting at the offices. At that stage security precautionsdid not figure in the calculations. Nobody really believed a breakinto the organisation was in fact beginning to materialise.

    The appointed time came and went and the informer did notturn up. There was no way to contact him as he had refused toleave a telephone number, so all that remained was to wait, andhope he would call in again. But there was a nagging feeling that itwas all a hoax.

    He did call dgain, about a week later, and another meeting wasarranged in the sunday Times office. He seemed completely hrppywith this arrangement, declining an offer to choose a different ren-dezvous. Again he refused to leave a telephone number.

    And again he failed to keep the appointmenr.This happened a third time as well. And then there was silence.

    No word was heard from him and gradually he was forgotten, justanother of the thousands of false leads that find theii way intonewspaper offices the world over. A year passed. Early in January1978, Wilkins was phoned by a securiry guard at the Sunday Timesreception desk. A man wanted to see him, could he come up tothe newsroom?

    "The name given didn't mean a thing," recalls wilkins. "Butobviously he knew me, as he had asked for me by name. I told the

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  • reception desk to send him up." Minutes later, a small insignifi-cant-looking man sat down at the desk and said: "I'm sorry, Iknow ['m a year late for our appointment, but I've come at last."His handshake rvas soft, and damp; his quietly-spoken Englishwas competent, although laced with a heavy Afrikaans accent. Hervas agitated and glanced around the busy newsroom constantly,continuously wringing his hands.

    Wilkins said he could recall no appoinrmenr with the man facinghim.

    "l've come to talk about the Broederbond," came the soft reply.There was a pause as the message sank in. "l've got documents.It's genuine. I want to talk. I'm sorry I didn't come before, but I'vebeen so nervous and confused.

    "I just didn't know whether I rvas doing the right thing. I knewI wanted to talk, but I didn't know whether I could trust you, orquite how to start.

    "f've been reading my Bible constantly, and thinking. Now Ifeel certain I want to expose the Broederbond."

    The man was clearly in an agonising state of nervousness and,despite his protestations that he had come to a firm decision aboutwhat he wanted to do, still torn by , terrible doubt.

    V/ilkins recalls: "I had my doubts, but his nervousness could nothave been contrived." He hustled his mysterious visitor out of thebuilding and arranged a meeting at his home later that afternoon.Then he went to tell news editor, Hans Strydom, that a break intothe Broederbond was under way.

    Instead of the enthusiasm he expected, his announcement metwith a heavy, doubtful silence. Strydom clearly disbelieved theman's story. Worse, he feared a trap.

    Newspapers in South Africa were under the very real threat ofGovernment clampdowns at the time. The Prime Minister, MrJohn Vorster, had given the Press a year to put its house in order.Powerful legislation, carrying heavy penalties, had been preparedto deal with newspapers failing to heed the warnings.

    The Broederbond was an extremely sensitive subject in this un-predictable situation. Little was known about the organisation,apart from its reputation for influence in high places. It was sus-pected that it was a secret arm of the Government; that the highestfigures in Afrikanerdom

    - including Vorster

    - were numbered

    among its ranks. Make a mistake on the Broederbond, and a news-paper would be wide open to trouble. One of the problems with a

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    story of this sort was the necessity to trust the source implicitly:there would be nobody with whom to check.

    After discussing the matter at some length, it was agreed thatStrydom would accompany wilkins to tlie informer,s-house rojudge for himself whether the information was genuine or not.The two men drove up to the modest home (for Jbvious reasonsits location cannot be disclosed) and were greeted by their nervoushost. Seated in his lounge, they were at lalt shown a ,-rlipile ofdocuments, duplicated on foolscap. Strydom, who had seen Broe-derbond documents before, quickly ionfirmed that they weregenuine. sThat was more, they were the latest documents in circu-lation. The three men sat and talked. Eventually, the informer ag-reed to let them take the documents away to be photocopied, witha strict admonition to return them straight away.

    He had taken-his first step in defianie of the organisation towhich he had belonged for nearly twenry years. He was commit-ting its most serious offence: betraying itr secrets. Sixty years oftradition glared down on traitors.

    That weekend the sunday Times ran the first of a six-part serieson the organisation. It started with a report on a secret masterplanto ensure white survival in South Africa. In effect it was an acceler-ated version of verwoerd's Bantustan plan, with all the details andramifications painstakingly worked out.

    It had been decided that from the first week of publication thatstrict security should be maintained on the ,toiy. particularlystringent precautions must be taken when meeting the informer.There had been warnings from well-disposed p.Jpl. who knewenough about the organisation to predici that once-it felt endang-ered, all possible steps would be taken to repair its breached def-ences. The two newspapermen were *rrr.d that they might befollowed, their telephones tapped. The warnings were not fantasy.After a previous expos6 of the Broederbond b! the sunday Times,,^h:

    ".*spaper's offices had been raided by members of SouthAfrica's security police. Broederbond do..rm.rrt, in the news-paper's possession were taken away.

    The following week a rendezvous was set up outside a post of-fice in a suburban shopping centre. The informer was there andthe three men went to a seedy local hotel and sat talking. Barefloorboards, bare formica-topped tables and chairs. This .f,e".I.r,setting became a regular meeting place.

    Strydom was concerned that the organisation might quickly

  • find out who was responsible for the leak, and confiscate all thedocuments. Tentatively, he suggested that all of them be handedover for photocopying. That w2), there would at least be a secondset availablc. It was agreed and, to the almost incredulous delightof the trvo journaiists, the informer revealed that he had docu-ments going back 15 years locked away ar home. He had violatedanother of the organisations's strict security measures, which in-sists that documents are not to be kept for longer than two yearsbeforc being destroyed.

    Boxes of papers were passed over to the two reporters. Teamsof volunteers from the newspaper's reporting and administrativestaff manned a battery of photocopying machines to duplicate theinvaluable collection. The newspaper office buzzed with excite-ment. on Saturday, their busiest production day, the editor, MrTertius Myburgh, could scarcely contain himself, rushing in andout of the rooms where the collecion was being compiled, pick-ing up documents at random and reading them with fascination.

    That night thc mammoth copying job was completed. v/ilkinspiled the originals into a car and drove out to return them. Hefound the informer in a renewed state of agitation.

    A circular had arrived that morning from the Broederbond'sheadquarters in Auckland Park, Johanesburg, concerning the pre-viotrs week's reports in the Sunday Times. All document-holdersin thc organisation were told to call a meeting of their branchexecutives, and account immediately for the papers quoted in thereports. The 'uvitch-hunt had begun. The following morning theSunday Times was able ro show how deeply it had penerrated, byquoting from the day-old circular itself.

    According to later disclosurcs, this caused deep anxiety in thcorganisation's hierarchy. The rest of the reports in that Sunday'sedition of the paper must also have hurt badly the custodians ofthe organisation'i security. They learned that this was no isolatedleak of a few documents; the newspaper possessed a comprehen-sive set of Broederbond secrets.

    That weekend, armed guards patrolled the homes of the editorand the two reporters. There were no incidenrs. The followingweek, Strydom and Wilkins moved out of town and siftedthrough more of the documents. The result was a two-pagespread, taking Sunday Times readers into the very heart of the or-ganisation. The swearing-in ceremony, which had never beforebeen described, was detailed along with the induction mechanisms

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    and evidence of the close links between the organisation and PrimeMinister Hendrik verwoerd and the former premier, JohnVorster.

    During that week the informer had been telephoning the sundayTimes offices virtually every day: a breach of the agreed arrange-ments. Wilkins made an arrangement to meet him. The meetingagain took place in the sordid horel lounge. He was waiting whenxVilkins arrived, and apologised profusely for having telephonedthe office. Clearly very shaken, he complained that he had notbeen sleeping well. It turned out that all he wanted was reassur-ance.

    He again went tortuously through his reasons for exposing theorganisation. He said he was disillusioned with the way SouthAfrica was developing. He had been deeply shocked by the So-weto riots and subsequent widespread black unrest in the countryin mid-1976. This was the first time the depth of black dissatisfac-tion with the status quo had been brought home to him. He hadconsidered breaking silence on the Broederbond at that stage, buthad decided against it.

    Then came the death in Security Police detention during Sep-tember 1977 of Mr Steve Biko, the black consciousness leader.The outcry that followed had disturbed him deeply. The callousreaction of the Minister of Justice, Mr Kruger, who told theTransvaal congress of the ruling National Party that Biko's death"leaves me cold", had particularly upset him. He felt the NationalParty Government was on the wrong road.

    The informer is a profoundly God-fearing man in the strict Cal-vinist mould of the Afrikaans churches. He said his conscience wasbothering him about the path South Africa had chosen and wasfollowing. But he was in a turmoil because he had sworn a solemnoath before God never to reveal to any outsider anything about theBroederbond.

    Meanwhile, the Broederbond continued to try to find the crackin its jealously guarded defences. A special meeting of the supremebody, the Executive Council, was called to discuss the matter andplan counter-action. According to authoritative sources, secretservice agents were again called in.

    During this period a sobering thing happened. A new system ofcomputer-controlled electronic editing was introduced to pre-pare the book. Close security was emphasised in the new system.Each operator was given a confidential code enabling him to store

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  • exclusive information in the system. Access to that informationwas confined to the operator alone and, in exceptional cases, tofour highly senior management members.

    V/hile the data was being compiled on the Broederbond, lists ofnames (which appear at the end of this book) were painstakinglyput together from the documents in the journalists' possession. Asthese lists grerv, they were fed into the comp,rt.r rto.e under Stry-dom's code. For security reasons, the lists were split into fourgroupings under different code-names. Eventually the list ofnames was virtually complete. The reporters had by then managedto identify about 3 000 of the 12 000 members of the organisation.In the system, the names were safe. Its designers had given an as-surance that the security was to all intents foolproof.

    First thing one Tuesday morning, Strydom coded himself ontoone of the computer terminals and stared in horror. All the Broe-derbond names had been wiped out. The four Broederbondgroupings were selectively removed, leaving behind innocuousitems such as telephone numbers and contact information.

    The system engineers were summoned to investigate, but hadto confess they were baffled.

    Then, after the series had been running in the Sunday Times forabout a month, an extraordinary message reached the two writers.It was given to one of their colleagues by a Government sourcewho said he was merely acting as a go-between for another partywhom he refused to identify. This party was willing ro payR50 000 for the series to stop, and for the name of the source. Theseries continued until the newspaper felt it had run its course.

    It is in the nature of newspaper reporting that much of the detailin the documents handed over remained undisclosed. It is in an ef-fort to complete the picture that this book has been written.

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    Profile of Power

    sTorld attention is focused on South Africa: a vast, rich country ofextremes and diversity, the country of gold and diamonds, apart-heid and Soweto, Biko and Bothr. irrrdly a week goes by withoutSouth Africa making international headlines.

    Yet despite the probing spotlight of critical world artention, acrucial elemenr of South African political reality has largely es_caped detection. This strange, ,rrriq,r. society is not ,,rl.-d, as isgenerally believed, by "whites" o. ;'Af.ikaners,,. It is not as sim_ple as that. A dominant force is an ultra-secret organisation, themost exclusive and influential underground mo,fement in theWestern world.

    It is called the Afrikaner Broederbond (Brotherhood)._

    Although it has only 12 000 scrupulously selecred members, itplots and influences the destiny of itt ZS-^rllion South Africans,black and whire. By stealth and sophisticated political intrigue,this 60-year-old organisation has *aged , ..*rrkable campaign toharness political, social and econo-i. forces in South Africa to itscause of ultimate Afrikaner domination. And, to an extent beyondthe most optimistic dreams of its founders, it has succeeded.

    The South African Government today is the Broederbond andthe Broederbond is the Government. No Afrikaner governmentcan rule South Africa without the support of the Broed-erbond. NoNationalist Afrikaner can become Prime Minister unless he comesfrom the organisation's select ranks.

    Mr P w Botha, the current prime Minister, is a member -

    asyer_e_hn four predecessors, Dr D F Malan, AdvocateJ G Strijdom,Dr H F verwoerd and Mr John vorster. Every

    -.--b.., Jxcepttwo, of the Botha Cabinet is a Broederbonder.From this pinnacle of executive control over South Africa,s af-

    ?i.ta the organisation's 12 000 members permeate every aspect ofthe Republic's life. Through irs network tf more than g00 cells inthe villages and cities of South Africa, the organisation has infil-trated members into town and city councils, school boards, agri-

  • cultural unions, the Siate-controlled radio and television net-works, industry and commerce, banks and building societies.

    Its membership spirals insidiously upwards through the srrataof South African society, into the provincial administrations, thedepartments of education, planning, roads and works, the hospitalservices, universities, the quasi-state corporations, the civil service,the National Party caucuses, working through the administratorsof the provinces, through Parliament and the seat of government,until it finally reaches its apex in the offices of the Prime Minister.

    Its all-pervading influence has made its indelible mark on SouthAfrica. The Bantustan policies, the Christian national educationpolicy, the sport policy, the coloured and Indian policy

    - all the

    major political peculiarities which have shaped South Africa into aconstitutional oddity bear the stamp of the Broederbond on theirformulation and execution. Beneath the trappings of Parliamen-tary "democracy", and behind the remarkable success of SouthAfrica's ruling National Party, lies the extraordinary power of theBroederbond.

    In 7934 when the organisation was 16 years old, the then chair-man, Professor J C van Rooy, set an ambitious goal for the Broe-derbond. Probably more than any other single statement in its his-tory, this sums up the organisation's fervent purpose. Van Rooywrote, in a secret circular to its members:

    "The primary consideration is whether Afrikanerdom willreach its ultimate destiny of domination in South Africa. Brothers,the key to South Africa's problems is not whether one party oranother shall obtain the whiphand, but whether the AfrikanerBroederbond shall govern South Africa."

    Since then, the organisation has been an abiding force in theshaping of modern South Africa's destiny. From the time theBroederbond scored its first major political triumph in the 1,948general election victory of the National Party, it has gone fromstrength to strength. Through periods of changing fortunes theorganisation has weathered crises and setbacks, but has tenaciouslysought its "holy grail" of ultimate control.

    V/hether Van Rooy's dream of the Broederbondgouerning SouthAfrica has been achieved or not may be open to debate. But that itrs Broederbonders who govern South Africa is beyond all doubt.

    The first chairman of the organisation, H J Klopper, summed itup in a celebratory speech at the 50th anniversary of the Broeder-bond in 1968, when he said: "From the time the Afrikaner Broe-

    2

  • derbond picked up momentum, it has given the country itsgovernments. It has given the country every Nationalist primeMinister since 1948. However indirectly, its efforts gave the Re-public to our nation. It has given the country two State presi-dents.l

    "Do you realise what a powerful force is gathered here to-night between these four walls? Show me a greater power on thewhole continent of Africa! Show me a greater power anywhere,even in your so-called civilised countries!

    -"'w'e are part of the State, we are part of the church, we are part

    of every big movement that has been born of the nation. AnJ wemake our contributions unseen; we carried them through to thepoint that our nation has reached today.,,

    An extraordinary achievement. From humble but determinedbeginnings in the hills around Johannesburg in 191g when theAfrikaners were confused, dispirited, spent, ih. organisation has

    Dr VerUtogrd. Leadino Bropdpr nmrl lmttL A{oi"^t" tl^)-) t.r-t:^.^ -t!-t r\..:.. t t,Leading Broeder and south Africa's third Nationalist prime Minister.

  • built a government that today holds a world record of unbrokenrule, and a party that, following the 1,977 general election, holdsthe biggest-ever majority in the South African Parliament (135seats in the 165-seat Assembly).

    South Africa's present power structure is a tribute to the Broe-derbond's tireless efforts on behalf of Afrikanerdom. The presentPrime Minister is Broeder number 4487. His predecessor, MrVorster, was member number 3737 and Dr Hendrik Fransch Ver-woerd was member number 1596. Dr Verwoerd, whose term ofoffice saw two of the Broederbond's most cherished achievements-

    the advent of Republic in 1961and the acceptance of the Bantus-tan policy

    - maintained a very close relationship with the organis-

    ation. He became a member on February 17 1937 and was electedto the Executive Council, the organisation's supreme body, inOctober 1940. He remained on the Executive Council for 10 yearsuntil 1950 when, as he said, he exchanged "the Cabinet of theAfrikaner Broederbond for the Cabinet of the nation." During histerm as an Executive member he attended 51 meetings and wasabsent,with apologies, on only two occasions.

    Shortly after his election as Prime Minister in 1958 he attended anational meeting of the Broederbond where he told his fellowmembers: "Friends, there is nothing that gives me greater pleasurethan to be with you. When the invitation arrived I knew therewould be people who would have doubts about my coming,doubts reflecting caution. But I never had one moment of doubtand the reason is simple.

    "I do not see that the opponents of our national organisation,the opponents of our Afrikaner ideal, may dictate the movementsof the Prime Minister of the country.

    "I saw it not only as my privilege, but also as my duty to drawcloser by

    -y presence the ties that always existed unobtrusivelybetween our Afrikaner organisation and our Afrikaner Govern-ment. And that is why I am here: to draw the Broeder bondstighter."

    A former chairman of the Broederbond, Dr P J (Piet) Meyer, re-ferred to this close relationship in his address at the 50th anniver-sary meeting of the organisation in 1968. He told the meeting thatDr Verwoerd had consulted the Broederbond in July 1959 aboutthe Republic referendum

    - six months before he told Parliament

    he was going to the country to test national support for theAfrikaners' republican dream."He asked the Afrikaner Broeder-

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    ris-redin

    ars

    :hehis,-a s

    Ja)\\'lrelrel8'rbt

    )O,ItS

    .\\''lvn-ds

    e-'r-atutnt1e

    r-

    1""1 to accepr c_o-responsibility for rhe new Republic, a rask rhatthe AB accepted with great eagerness and the provirio, or lrrg.amounts of money. "-

    Dr Meyer added that he had seen Dr verwoerd a week beforehe was stabbed to death in parriament by an insane messenger,Dimitri Tsafendas in Seprember 1966. According to Dr Meyer:"He gave me, as chairman of the Executive co.rnJ, permission tostart. planning for a n_ew Republican flag and a .hrrrj. in the StatePresident system to bring ii more in line with ttre Lta Transvaaland Free State presidencies

    - obviously with th. ,r...rrrry .arp_tation to comply with the present circumstances.

    . .we will giveattention to the State presidency when the time is right.', siglifi_cantly, the new constitutional proposals for Soutf, Africa an_nounced in 1976 include a rtr.rrgthened State presidency withexecutive powers.

    After Dr Verwoerd's assassination, and after the flurry of activ_ity over his succession by Mr Vorster, the ties between the Broe-derbond and the Prime Minister's office were quickly renewed.on August 2 1967 the Broederbond chairman, o. i\4.y.., re-ported that "during the recent parliamentary sitting, the chairmanof the Executive council personally conv.i.d o,rf o.grnisation,sheartfelt thanks and appreciation to our friend (the or[anisarion,sterm for member), the prime Minister, for everythilg that theGovernment has done to the advantage and in the interests of ourcountry and all its peoples" (BroederLond circular enritled (Js andOur Political Leaders).

    He noted that the "doors of the prime Minister and of our otherpolitical leaders" were always open to the Executive council.The relationship was rocked soon after, however, by the bitterstruggle in the National party between pro-vorster faction andthe extreme right-wing group under tr,. ptirrister of posts andTelegraphs, Dr Albert Hertzog. The debilitating srruggle, whichended in a split in the party, se.iously dented the ne* FII-. Min_ister's position and also caused ,

    -rjo. crisis in the Broederbondwhere the divisions sapping the parry were mirrored.

    In the early stages of the ..rroit, the Broederbond chiefs calledon vorster to discuss the problem. The meeting is reported in aBroederbond documenr, number g/67/6g of NL,r.-b er 2 1967.Dr Meyer reports:

    "The Executive council delegation held an open-hearted dis_cussion with our friend (Mr Voister) about:

  • (r) The contribution of our organisation to the desired and essen-tiai unity of our nation, among our own members and in allspheres;

    (b) The rolc in this connection of all communications media, par-ticularlv the Press

    - inciuding our own;(.) The areas of activity, tasks and problems of our Afrikaans cul-

    tural organisations;(d) The r-rndermining philosophies that are threatening the spirit

    and soul of our nation -

    namely humanism, communism andliberalism

    - and measures to combat them;(.) The dangers of increasing economic integration under the

    leadership of businessmen who do not subscribe to the policyof separate development, and the complementary problem ofthe Afrikaner continuing in the subordinate economic role;(0 The application of our national education policy which hasnow been ratified by tregislation.

    "Our honourable Prime Ministcr thoroughly informed the del-egation about his and his Government's standpoints in connectionwith all these matters, and informed us confidentially on the im-mediate and urgent problems to be tackled by the Government."

    Dcspitc the cncouraging and placatory tone of this report, allwas not well for a long time and the lingering divisions inAfrikancrdom continued to strain the Broederbond-Cabinet re-lationship considerably. It was clear that Dr Meyer himself was intwo minds about which side to back, and it was only Vorster'sbulldozing personality and his highly efficient information net-work that enabled him to scrape through.

    The 1968 Broedcrbond annual report mentions the divisionsamong Afrikancrs, Vorster's controversial sports policy, unity be-twcen Afrikaans and English-speaking South Africans, and thecontentious issue of black d'iplomats in thc Republic

    - all issues

    causing bitter dissent in the National Party at the time. The vitalimportance to the Premiership of the Broederbond's support is il-lustrated by a remarkable speech Vorster made to the organisationthat year in which he explained each point at issue. Clearly he feltcompelled to account for the more flexible line he was adopting incontrast with the rigid, preordained style of his predecessor. Hewas fighting desperately to keep the Broederbond on his side, forhe was well aware that failure to do so would seriously jeopardisehis position.

    6

  • During the speech he made a major concession to the organis-ation, strengthening its positio, .rr.r, further, when h. g.,r! per-mission for cabinet Ministers to serve on the Bro.Je.bond,sExecutive Council.

    rn 7969, the year Dr Hertzog and his dissidents broke from theNational Party to form the Herstigte Nasionale party (HNp), anExecutive council delegation agair, *.rrt to see vorster -

    this timeat the Prime Minister's official residence, Libertas, in pretoria.

    "Broeder vorster said he appreciated and welcomed the Execu-tive's co-operation, " after r...irri.rg the seldom-awarded Broeder-bond badge "as a token of our ,rirymg brotherhood,', reportedDy Meyer in rhe secret circula. to *.-bers of october i ifieg.obviously relieved by this sign that the Broederbond would backhim, vorster described the meeting as a "lovely day,,, Meyer re-ports.

    By 1972, after about 200 extreme rightwingers had been ex-pelled from the Broederbond's ranks fo. refu"sing to dissociatethemselves from the HNp, vorster could breathe e"asily again. Hehad carried the day and the Broederbond-Cabinet relationlhip waswell and truly healed.- The organisation's annual report of the yearnotes: "The relationship between the Executiv. iourr.il and ourBroeders in responsible circles (the organisation's term for theGovernment) has never been better.,,

    From the Prime Minister's office the Broederbond's representa-tion can be traced down the line of executive control, threading itsway through every cabinet Minister's office with only two excep-tions' These exceptions are the Minister of Finance, Senator owenHorwood, and the Minister of Indian Affairs and of Tourism, MrMarais Steyn. Their respective disqualifications are that SenatorHorwood's English-speaking background precludes him frommembership of the rigorously Afrikane, o.grnisation, while MrSteyn is a second-choice Nationalist. He ..ors.d the floor from theopposition benches where, for years, he had the reputation ofbeing the only opposition member who could harass the formi-dable Vorsrer in debate.

    when Vorstcr reshuffled his cabinet early in 197g the brotherlyt_radition of power was maintained. The only newcomer to thecabinet itself was Mr F u/ de Klerk who became Minister of postsand Telegraphs and of Social welfare and pensions. He too is amember of the Broederbond, having been invited to join in 1964at the unusually young age of 27 (suiday Times,January 29 1g7g).

  • Present chairman of the Afrikaner Broederbond, Prof Gerrit viljoen.

    Thus whenever the South African Cabinet meets, it is a tributeto Van Rooy's ideal expressed more than 40 years ago

    - that the

    Broederbond should govern South Africa.The Executive council of the Broederbond are all leading

    Afrikaners in their own right. The chairman is Professor GerritViljoen, Rector of Rand Afrikaans LJniversity inJohannesburg. Ahighly talented and articulate man, he was described as "brilliant"by the former American Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, dur-ing a visit to South Africa in 1976.

    The vice-chairman is a highly significant and powerfulfigurehead in Afrikanerdom, their spiritual leader, the ReverendD P M Beukes, moderator of the Nederduitse GereformeerdeKerk, the largest of the three main Afrikaans churches.

    The other Executive members are Dr F C Fensham, professorof Semitic Languages at the (Jniversiry of Stellenbosch; MrJ M de'w'et, former commissioner General of South West Africa; Dr V/J(lvimpie) d. Klerk, managing editor of the National party'sTransvaal mouthprece, Die Transualer, a 60000-circulation daily8

  • morning newspaper; Mr Gabriel Krog, director of Indian Educa-tion; Professo. EJ Marais, Re*or of tf,. LJniversity of port Eriza_beth; Mr S A S Hayward, Nationarist Mp for GraafGReinet; pro-fessor H J Samuels, retired chairman of the south African Arma_ments Board; Dr c w H Boshofd, head of the South African Bu_reau of Racial Affairs (a Broederbond front organisation); MrEben Cuyler, a former Nationalist senator; Mr D p a. Villiers,F,.d of the gianr oil-from-coal .o.po.rriorr, Sasol; professor BKok, chancellor of the t]niv_ersiry oi the orange Free State; pro-fessor w A van Niekerk of the D!pa.;."; of 6bstetrics and Gy-naecology at the [Jniversity of Steilenbosch; and Mr S W van derMerwe.

    It is the fusion of these two bodies, the cabinet and the Broeder_bond Executive council, and the fo.ce, ,rr.y individuaily and col-lectively represent, that gives the National party its presenr pos_ition of extraordinary p*.. in South Africa.From this rarified summit of political influence the Broeder_bond's authority is disseminrr.d ,rr.""gi the other ranks ofsociety. The President of the Senate, the" upper house in SouthAfrica's present westminster-type constitutional arrangement(under the new constiturional proporrl, th. s..rate will dislppear)is a Broederbonder, Mr Marais vifoer. The National party,s par_liamentary caucus of 135 is dominated by Broederbo.rd ,r.-bers,among them, of course, Mr Hayward ofihe organisation,s Execu_tive council. There are 1g6 full-time politi.irrrs on the Broeder-bond's membership lists, according to one of their secret docu_ments, Professions and Ages Breakdoin, compiled in 1 977. These in_clude Administrarors of south afri.r,, flo,oir..r, Mr Sybrandvan Niekerk, the controversial right*irg Administrator of theTransvaal (member numb er 2296),Ih. aairirirtraror of Natal, theamiable Mr Ben Havemann (Broeder number 4405); Mr A c vanwyk, the orange Free State's Administrator (member number3108). There is every likelihood that Dr L A p A Munnik, thecape Administraror, is a member, alth""d this has not been es_tablished beyond all doubt.Most of the members of the provincial Executive committeesin the Transvaal, cape and Free State are Broeders. In Natal theruling political partyln the provincial council is the New n"pru_lic Party, ,l opposition part), so there is no Broederbond rep_resentation in that Executive Committee.It is not only the policy-makers, bur also the policy-executors

  • that are to be found in the Broederbond's ranks. Examples fromthe former Prime Minister's Department were his private secre-tary, Mr Johan weilbach, the liaison man, Mr Neville Krige, andthe secretary to the department, Mr Wessel Meyer. It is significantthat Mr Krige, lvho was recruited to the Prime Minister's Depart-ment from the South African Broadcasting Corporation, wasbrought into the Broederbond at the recommendation of theExecutive Council itself soon after his appointment had been an-nounced. The clear implication is that one of the qualifications forthe job was membership of the organisation.

    Many of Vorster's top advisers were also members of the Broe-derbond. His economic adviser, Dr P J Rieckert, is a member. HisSecurity Council was made up almost entirely of Broederbonders.It included the Minister of Defence, Mr P w Botha, the Minister ofJustice and Police, MrJ T Kruger, the Minister of Foreign Affairs,Mr R F (Pik) Botha, and the former head of the secret service,General Hcndrik van den Bergh.

    other notable members include the Secretary for Coloured, Re-hoboth and Nama Relations, Mr J H T Mills; the Secretary forSport and Recreation, Mr B K de v/ Hoek; and the Secretary forPlural Relations, the department which controls every facet of lifefor South Africa's 18-million blacks, is also a Broeder. So is MrP T C du Plessis, Nationalist MP for Lydenburg and Chairman ofthe Plural (formerly Bantu) Affairs Commission, an importantpost in terms of South Africa's Bantustan policy.

    Among the Bantu Administration Boards under Broederbondcontrol the most important are: the V/est Rand AdministrationBoard which controls the brooding giant black city of Soweto justoutside Johannesburg, the East Rand Administration Board underMr S van der Merwe, the Vaal Triangle Board under Mr C HKnoetze and the Cape Peninsula Board under Brigadier J H vander westhuizen. The chairman of WRAB, Mr Manie Mulder(brother of the Minister of Plural Relations, Dr Connie Mulder) isa prominent Broeder. These administration boards play a vital rolein the execution of South Africa's apartheid policy. Through abaf-fling system of permits they control every aspect of black urbandwellers' lives.

    There are 518 civil servants in the Broederbond, the most no-table being the chairman of the enormous service, Dr P S Rauten-back (number 6142), the Secretary, D. W I Steyn and one of thecommissioners, Mr W G Schickerling, who has since been ap-10

    polradmtioninflugostis hethe r

    Inisolarole.to inmajcPWMrgDefe

    Gr67 45sharra lifeices,Soutlieutrvears

    diplcbetwclosethe pthe srnglyof sebondtluenAfricously

    Itsderb.d o"ea'onable knowledge of

    Afrikaans'

    The ordinary El".,t,-t'7;il; knowledge of English is poor' It isonly domestic servants-i' E"gll'h ho""tholdt tf,at develop

    with-

    out Afrikaans.(c) There are presently about 38.000 Bantu teachers in the employof the DePartmen, oi g""' Education' Of this large number itcan be said that:(i) Almost all can read Afrikaans'

    --^L rr ^- .-L^^l crrh'(ii) About aOy" t"' 'l'o-*'ltt it and teach

    it as school subject tn

    PrimarY school'(iii) About 15 000 had Afrikaans as language up to Standard 8 and'^--'

    ,p.rk and write at a fairly cultivated level'(iv) About S OOtl tt'J""tp"ttt Afrikaans almost faultlessly'(v) About SOO n"t'i' tt'cherc teach Afrikaans as a subject in sec-''' o.rdrry school up to Standard 8 and matric'(vi) While the majority of Bantu teachers speak English well' a

    good knowr.ig" lr ar'lr""t has become a status symbol tothem.Unwittingly they make a contribution to the promotion

    of

    Afrikaans among their own PeoPle'(d) There .." ptt"""iy about 2^ million Bantu pupils takingAfrikaans ,, , r.nJoi't"i:t" from Sub-standard A to Standard VI'The quality

    "r,.rlili'i;;;;;"the teacher's knowledge of the

    language ,.rd ,,"itt -flt".good

    to poor' At the end of 1967 about

    80 000 pupils *tltt Afrikaans as an examination subject for the 'Standard VI public e*'-'

    "'a about 907o passed; the standard is

    about the same "fot aftitaans lower

    n f'nglish-medium schools' ''(e) There are about 70 000 Bantu pupils tifi"S a1Y:::-" a highschool subject

    "'J it' 1967 zlOO0wrote it as examinadon subject

    for the Junior Ct"int"t public exam and 707o passed' About2 000 wrote it as a matric subject and 50% passed. At secondarylevels the sta.,dari'il;;;;;i i, tit " Afrikaans lower

    in whiteschools'(f) In all primary schools.Bantu puPils learn' wherever possible'iwo subjccts through Afrik-aans medium'(g) Througt o.rr",.'noof aftit""s is a compulsory subject'

    232

  • "F:"T the foregoing we can deduce that because of the Govern_ment's Banru education poricy, Afrikaans i. rr"*ir^t* surerygaining an important place."under the heading wat the Afrikaner shourd do to get A,frikaansinto fi.r* place after tie mother-ton"gue (Bantu ranguage)'rh.'.ir.,rrr.

    stated:"(a) It must be stressed again that we musr speak Afrikaans toBantu servants, messengers, waiters, teachers, officials and every_body we conract. We can switch to English with the battlingGreek of shop assisrant, but not with the Bantu at the petrol pumpor hotel. It is not necessary for him to maintain frrgiirt- -(b) officials who communicate with Banru thro,igi -r, inter-preter must use mainly Afrikaans. For the purpose "of

    .qrrt ,r.English can also be used, but mainly afrikrjrrr.'""! vr rYr(c) In all circumstances use pure correct Afrikaans.(d) ,Provide simple pieces in Afrikaans" for your employees roread.

    (e) Let the Bantu understand in alr circumsrances that Afrikaans isthe language of most whites and arso the most important whires.,,In circular 3/70/71 Broeders were once again urged to makeAfrikaans the second language of bracks: "It musr be our aim toestablish Afrikaans "r.

    ,.-rJ language among as many Bantu aspossible." The following year (cilcul"ar 3/71r71) a cail went our toall Broeders ro donate books to black schools. ;a gooJ ,.r.rb.r,,of Afrikaans books were received. ,,If there are .rif _"r"^a"rr_tions the nearest inspector of Bantu education must be contacted.Members are also requested to use their influence to p..rr"i"

    .__ployers to make Afrikaans reading -rrr., like newspapers andmagazines available. to their emprJyees. The Bantu are increas-ingly becoming reade.rs of English n.*rprp.r, and magazines, andwe can make a contribution io change ihis prttern.,,'o---^^-It is clear from these circulars thrith. Broederbond was dercr-mined to establish Afrikaans among blacks. Every ,rr.rrr."*r, ,obe used' The schoors were of .o,r.!. ,h" n,or, important means,especially as the Department of Bantu Education with so manyBroeders in its ranks

    .Ias a willing partner in the exercise. Theprocess of enforcing Afrikaans i, J.hools, which ,t".t.a-rio*ty,was accelerated in the mid_1970s and the scene *;, ,;; fo, th.clashes which followed. No wonder an almos, pr"i.ty ,i_or_phere existed in Broederbond ranks during the long-drawn+udriots.

    233

  • The petrol bombs which destroyed part ofJan van Riebee* pti-rnrry ,.hool on September 9 - ttre oliest Afrikaans school in the."""r.y

    - gave the message loud and. clear' The Broederbond

    E*.c,rtirr. iir.rrr.d the riJts at several meetings. Meetings be-tween the Executive and Cabinet Ministers were held on a regularbasis to keep the members informed' A meeting between theBroederbond Executive and Broederbonders who were chairmenand officials of Bantu Administration Boards also took place (cir-cilar 119176). "The Executive wishes to thank members whowork in the Bantu administration boards'

    "It is clear that their work and that of other people during theriots was done in difficult circumstances and that more under-,rrrrairrg is needed. Reports, letters.and.comment in the Press seek

    I. p"iirr. blame f- 6; riots on the shoulders of the Bantu Ad-ministrationBoards'TheExecutiveiscertainthatthisisnotthecase. The E"ecutire makes an appeal to members not to erode thei*rg. of the Boards, but rathei 1o improve that image'"

    The first step was to try to dispel the notion that Afrikaans wasthe main irrr".prrkirg oif tht ri'ots' This was essential from theirown point of l,i.* 6..,t"t neither the Broederbond nor theGovernment could ,rr-a to carry the blame. on July 7 7976 theBroederbond Executive reported to members: "The Executive isdeliberating with friend. it' t"'po'sib-le circles (Cabinet Ministers)and therefor. ro nrli.o**t'i or information can be given at thisstage. Apart from information in later newsletters the Executivewishes to make these Points'

    "The Minister of Barrtt' Education's statement on Afrikaans asteaching medium, issued on Friday June 18' must be thoroughlyconsidered. Among other things he said the policy on the mediumof teaching has reiain.d

    ""i'"ged since 1955' namely mother-

    :

    tongue ed"ucation in primary sch"ools and the two official langu-,g.I o, a 50-50 b;; i"

    "to"d"y schools' Recently new curricula

    " '

    wereintrodt..drrr,."'ltof*hithStandard5becomesthefirstyear of secondary school, with the instruction in the two officialirrrgrrg.t in subject-teaching'

    "In practice the state of afiairs regarding th-e use -of

    English and

    Afrikaans is far removed from the principle of equality' On secon-dary level th. ,rr"rrg. is close

    'o iso/o in favour of English' The

    orty ,,rUj..t which iorn"' near equality is mathematics in FormThree. The permission of the deparrment ^is "E:.t*'Y

    where

    ;;;;i; want to deviate from the piinciple of equalitv' This is in

    234

  • cases of non-availability or lacf. 9f qualifications of teachers. Thedepartment has cerrain responsibilities in its approach to the mat-ter and cannot slmpry grant any request. The equar treatment of:*JrH:"cial ranguages is entienched in tr,. soiii-ani..., Cor_

    "The alleged feering against Afrikaans^can hardry be the onlyreason for the demonstrations. At seven of the schools which tookpart in the demonsr_r1li?"r, ,rb;..i. are taught only in English.,,On September 1 1.976, .i..ri.. *1, ,.nt ro branches, based oninformation received n"- tt.-rurirrirr., of Bantu Education andother officiars. It stated .-phrti.fi,.The rerarive unimportanceof resistance ro a t.r.hirg'm;;i;;i" two subjects, resrricred roone Bantu area, must not"be;udged *irhor, .J".ii.rl.g the sys_temadc and determined creatlorli, nir.r. ir.*..:iil:,. which11 O*i. in progress fo. , .o*iderable time throughout thecountry'" But later in the circular ti. Exe.utive admits that thefirst phase of the .io,r root fi;;il; the 50-50language poricy,rfl1r,5;lnloited ," ,,o6trir. ,r,ri..,*, pupits and pi.ents to

    The Broederbond action in washing its hands of responsib,ityror the languase irru. *r, iJt;ffii;?trhr, [, irr"il."#f.Ts in in_fluential posittns all overil.;;;;;. aro,,., the Minister and hisdeputy came deniars thar an*rr"r'i'r, ,rr. cause of the riots. Thisline was fo,owed by ,h.B;;;;;orli-.orrro,ed South AfricanBroadcasdng Corporation, Bantu aJrrrirrirrrrtion Boards and Sec_tions of the Afrikaans press.The fact of the matter is, however, that virtually a, the demandsthat pupils, parents. and teache* ;lil on the issue of Afrikaanshad to be met bv the ,"rt,".iii.r ;;;;". to defuse the issue. MrAckerman, th. m, who senr;;;;;;.ular enforcing Afrikaans,had to be rransferred with a-ori rri, ."rrr. staff of cir'criiir.p..-tors' and the risorous enforcem.", oi inikaans in brack schoorshad to be dropp'ed.once that was settred, the Broederbond Executive notifiedmembers that strong porice action *.",a be taken to restore rawand order. In the .li.rtr.

    "r i.pi._f.Ir, ;, reporred: ,,During arecenr meeting with a friend i, , ..rponsible positio, ilil..r_.clear thar, depending, on .the a*.toi,i,"nt of foreign *,rri"rll,considerably increased action can be'"*p..t.d in the interests ofthe resrorarion of law and ora., ir-itr.L townships, especialyiin jSoweto. In this connecdon th. f*.*tirr. *rnr, to stress that our

    235

  • black population is substantially different from the whiteWesterner. especially in terms of respect

    '"t n":t:l-]lt^t::,:,: '"d,,rorg action. It hm btto-t urgently necessary to give concluslveproof to the ,rr. -ffiiy "f io"-iiotins blacks

    of the Govern-ment's will andir,p;'*-"to maintain law i'nd order in everybody'sinterest. The unruly element will have to be struck down

    hard and

    ;;;i;;t b"for. a lon g-term P ro g r.amm: ofpeaceful adj ullmentscan be executed. s".n Ia:rr,;""; include effective responsibilityfor.local self-go.'.,nm""i i" black communities and especially forthe maintenance

    "i i;; and order in their own townships' We

    must accept that the;;;;;; and methods which their own policewill use among,h";;;;;;ofle will.sometimes be different fromthose of a white .o--rrrity. we will not always force our normson them. We want to call on our members to cultivate

    an under-

    standing that the ';;';;;;i';'.;1

    is different from w.l11s in his

    view of violence ,;;;";;and this must be kept prominently inmind. It will b.

    '"ii;"ftating in the.present situation to keep on

    ,ri"g *f.t which f" bt appfied-to a homogeneous Wester,n com-munity where ,h;';;; gt"erally resPect;'" The Broederbondwas thus pr"pui,tg'it' tt""Jttt.r"J '.tii"." which could

    not be rec-

    onciled with Western democratlc behavlour'Hundreds

    "f peoplt were detained without trial' and on

    October 19 1977,t"i'ifv in' WoM andWeekend World' mass cir-culation blr.k,.*ffitl'' *t" banned' Their editor' Percy Qo-boza, was d.tri,,.J *ith members of the Committee of Ten'

    in-

    cluding its chairml";;; rt'roir""'' After months in jail they were

    ,.l.rri without being charged'The positio

    ^ "; i;; wo'timaoften been discussed at Broeder-

    bond meeti.rg, ,,,j in circulars' They were watching its progressand directio, ,"'f t"tf'ffy' fully aware that it was a powerfulvehicle for anti-Government propaganda' The Broederbond

    was

    also concerrr.a .Uo"' the fact tt"i it was an English-languagenewspaper, ,.,tt'Lg Ut'cks English. instead of Afrikaans' In theSeptember 1e68 .#L;;il;;;;Arbond Executive showed itselfmore worried about the language issue because it classed Thewoild thenas ..a moderate newspaper which is not antagonistic

    to-

    wards tt. Co"tt""'*''" the editor then was the moderate MrMonasse rur..rr".,'r*, ,eplrc.d by the outspoken. Mr Qobozawho gave

    -",.';;;;;-io political it*'' This development dis-

    turbed the Broedel[o'a t"d 'h"

    Government and led to the ban-

    ning order'

    236

    t(

    (

    II

  • Tfle.circular stated that The world's increasing circulation couldresult rn:(:) A" English-reading black communiry in urban areas.9l ^

    majority of deviroped blacks accepting English as secondlanguage.(c) The habit of reading newspapers, folrowed by an increasedinteresr in English books.(d) English once again rising as a powerful language in SouthAfrica, with Afrikaans as a minor and less ,igrifi.-rriirgrrrg..It listed the following details of the circuri'tion gro;ii-of rh,World:"(a).Six years ago it was The Bantu world with two editions aweek at one cent a copy and a circulation of 22 000.(b) Six years ago the nam. was change d to The worrd andit be-came a daily (small format) of 16 pagJs. Since then the circulationhas grown to 90 000 a day ('Tranrrotri ZS O0O, Vaderland 60 000, DieBurger 50 000

    - round figures).(c) Today The World^ir ,"h: fourth biggest English daily behindThe Cape Argus, the Rand Daily Mail1nd The Star,(d) Shortly The world will arsoitart a Sunday edition caned week-

    end world and it will probabry start with a circulation oi io, oooand the readers will all be Bantu.,'. .

    The banning of The World, therefore, did not come out of theblue. The newspaper's progress, influence and political line werecarefully studied .,ot orrly Ly the Minister of Justice, fr^.li__yKruger, and the securiry police but also by the g.o.d.rbo'rrd.The international effect-of a possibre banning was carefulry .or-templated and weighed. In the end the hope th"at taking rir'wortdoff the streets would help to restore law and ord"". *r, th.

    clincher. The international and internar outcry was fierce but oncethe Government crossed the bridge there was no going back.

    1. Sunday Express, lunc 20 1976.2. 'fhe World, January 3 1975.3. Hansard, Mav 5.4. Ibid. May 6'5. Ibid., No 5, Col401.6. South African Institute of Race Relations7. Urban Bantu Council.

    237

  • \8. West Rand Administration Board'9. Hansard, No 19, Col 1185'

    10 Ganqsters.11. Uni-versity of Zululand camPus'12. The Progiessive Reform Partv'i;. Ai.i;;i""chers' Association of South Africa'

    ;

    fr

    fll

    238

  • 14 sports poticy

    The South African Governnlent's new sports poricy announced in197f is an outstanding exampl. oiho* the Broederbond influ-ences Government policy. It is also an example of how theorgan_isation can operare, ,beneficia,v,

    -r-ai"g *t,rtion,

    'irr.orgr, iothink-tanks and enabling its indue"ii"r

    -"-uership to enrightenAfrikanerdom as a whoie."

    The present sports p:]i:l represents a complete somersaulttrom whar ir was from 1e4d to ilzr. nigia ,p.;;;;;i.ta r,rabeen applied since the Nationrlirt, ."-" to power. As in alr otherspheres of life, segregarion applied in sportsfields, searing andclubs. All over the wo.ld Uof.ortr: J South African sporrsmen

    #::|?:;::tTti::lJ::13.-"li-,,'r*1,,::lrf ;il:Tcritical point when on-septemb er'4 l965Dr Verwoerd, addressinga meedng at Loskop Dam, closed the door fi-rmly ." ; ;iJ;by anAl]-Black team (New Zeaiand) *hi.h-irr.lrded Maoris.He said: "Our standpoint is-that;rrt-r, we subject ourselves toanother country's customs and tradltions without flinching, with-out any criticism and cheerfully, so do we ."p".; ;;:,*h",another country sends reprer.rrriiu*o us they w,l behave in thesame way, namelv not involving themselves in orr. ,ilirr, ,rrathat they wilt adapt rhemselves ;: ;;;;"rtoms.,,nny doubts about the speech in Nationalist ranks were removedthree days later when the Ministe; ;i;. Interior, Senator Jan deKlerk, issued a lenothy clarifying ,*._.r,. A mixed New Zea_land ream would

    "iot b. allowed]It was like fuel on the fire of international sports boycottsagainst South Afric-a,and arthough th. .orntry's isolation in thisfield grew almosr daily the rh." ;Iil;;;. of th.Interior, Mr p K leRoux' said the Government would remain "inflexibre and im-movable" in enforcing the principre of no mixed sport in SouthAfrica.r - r-- "'A new Department of Sport was created with a former rugby

    239

  • Springbok centre, the rather inept politician' Mr Frank Waring' as

    its first Minister. dt;;;" that such. a department could over-come the isolation *" iA!'n"wever' btt""t there was no politi-cal change. r :d Dr

    Althoigh the new Prime Minister' Mr Vorster' revleweverwoerd's policy :i;N; vr'o'i'"; he was adamant on

    local

    sDort -

    cach colour ;'";;tilrt had to be practised and adminis-::'".i ;*;,"i, :"

    ^"

    r'* *"t' Iater he toid Parliam::j:":i' ::1:South Africa there will not be mixed sporting events'

    irrespectrve

    of the proficiency oitf'" p'*icipants' On this there can be no com-

    Dromise, negotlatlont o' 'b'nionment

    of principle'"3t'ili,u;;;,;, J.r."l"J t'i' g""" light for ihe inclusion of Maorisin the All Black ,iat Uy

    ""tiig: "Ou' standpoint has all along been

    that as far as the Springbok side is to""""d it is a white side' It

    has always u."" olt^'l' "a

    tf" fact is that when the first NewZealandr"rrn .'-t tt'i

    " Scl"th Africa \n 1928' I am reliably told

    that there *"r. ,t"""t";'r;;t in that side of Maori blood' They

    Came out to South Af,i.,, they were accepted, the same as all the

    other PlaYers were accePted'"The backla,h fto; liis own Parliamentarv caucus and right-

    wing Afrikr.r.,' *-"-'trong' They saw it " a Ot-tli:'::,3:i'?-tVerwoerd's granite policy"and a step towards

    sport integrauon'

    But there *r, "l'oto"ft"io'' -

    some thought Maoriswould not be

    allowed and otherJ;;;;"y would' Acc"ording to J H P Serfon-teina the firrt .o'fio"i'irt" ttt*t"t'- Mr Vorster and the Hertzoggroup, who were ;;;,

    -oppottd to the inclusion of Maoris'

    took place in the-t""" i' Febtuary 7967 ' After the meeting Mr

    Vorster .r*-o'J "

    f i' office lvti ;aap Marais and Mr WillemDelport,

    " ro.t""ititr"gt^"5 rugby ft"t'' both staunch Broed-

    ers. He wanted ,o tro*"if there would bt "y obJec11o1 in prin-

    ciple agains, ft"rai'ig'tttt oiftpit C'-"' i" io"th Africa and' if

    not, what *otla Ut-tf" ob1"ttio" to Maoris in the All Black team'

    Serfonteins says Mr Ma'ais "*p'""td some concern but said he

    would give his objections in writing' But Mr Vorster decided to

    discuss the matter again in the caucus and he addressed them for an

    hour. Mr Marais 'ia f'f' Basie van

    Rensburg oPP?t'td'the new

    policy while D';i;; K;o"'t'or "'d othtt' t"p"poitta it' Here' for

    the first ,i-., *"'l it"p-ai"itlon in the Broederbond ranks'A deputation of 13 MPs went to see Mr Vorster'

    They were Dr

    Connie Mulder, Dr Johannes Otto' Mt"" J"p Y'''1iq' Jannie de

    Wet, Joos Ie Rou", Witt"- Cruywagen' Jolan En$elbrecht' Ben

    240

    Pe'.

    sl

    tr

    C

    e

    C

    I

    I()(

    1i

    $

  • Pienaar, Bret van Wyk, Jan van Zyl, Willem Delport, Chris Sadieand AdvocateJimmlz Ki,rg.r. a..o.airg ," M; il;;rii'fur. Vo._ster said neither Bas, D'oiiveira nor the Maoris would be a,owedto visit South Africa in sporting reams but the.,h;;,;; the ex_ception of Mr van Zyl, denied"it. Mr Vorster rode out the stormand ar the next caucus meedng his policy *r, ,.."fr.;. ;;, it wasone of the direct reasons for ihe H\p sprit which arso shook theBroederbond (see Chaprer 11).The divisions in.th..party and the.Rond were probably thereason Mr Vorster decided to "sacrific""

    ..i.k.t th. rrr.*"r"fr., ,, "

    commenrator put ,it. By trying to save rugby _ *rirrly ,,Afrikaner game

    - by. allowing ti.-iarori, to tour, he created astorm in rightwing circles. HJ probabry felt he had to barance itwith some strons-arm action in another direction, hence a blunderwhich ro't So'tt Africa i" i.r.-riio.rr

    ..i.k.t ties. Bas, D,ori-veira' a coloured cricketer who left Sorth Africa because in termsgf fe golicy he could never prry ro. t i, fatherland, was includedin the Mcc team to tour South Africa. To a cheering Free stateNationalist co,ngress Mr vorster announced that D,oriveira,s ser-ectron was politicrl .:9 nor acceptable. The MCC i_*.airr.tycancelled rhe rour and in 1920 staieJ ,hr, ,ro further rest matcheswould be played between England and South Africa unt, cricketin the Republic was played

    -""rri.r;;,y and teams were selectedon merit.South Africa's sportsmen were now armost totally isorated. Thecompetitive spirit so essentia] for good performanc., *r, dying aslow dearh in many sports. BriilLnt sporrsmen, capable of per_formances which .orld brirrg ,rri.."rri"rrf fame to South Africa,had to remain home or return home from abroad unable to com_pete because of the boyco*s. Another link with the outside worrdwas cur

    - and the vouth of South Africa lost a dimerrrior l, tfr.tt:i.:

    - not being rbl. to,r.i""-A.ifrl frigfr"r, reward in SouthAfrican sport, the coveted green and goia sp.irgbok blazer. In thelong run the effect on rhe !"rr,, fJi?.rlly'as #ll, .o,riJl. rr.g_gering. Something had to be d.;. --"-""

    Enter the Afrikaner Broederbond.The Broederbond, always alert and sensitive to issues, was pick_ing up signals from its urr, ,r.r*ort oi'U.rrr.fres that sports srag_nation could have vasr social and politicar imprications. But it wasin a dilemma because, more than ,ny oil., body, it was responsi_ble for the apartheid policy which ilal"Jrrr"-..r;;.;;;rrr"drr,

    241

  • dead-end. Its first effort was merely an attemPt to boost morale off.i..rt.. June 2 1g7O). "The latesi developments in internationallp"t, tfr"* clearly that there is a persistent campaign to isolate our.orlrrrry as much as possible' It is also clear that the issue is notmixedi.r-, ,rrd prrii.ipation, but the destruction of the existingorder in South Afiica. Ii.r., easily happen that our young peoplewill get the wrong impression of the events because they do not.eaLsle the full imp-lications or perhaps attach an exaggerated valuei.-rp.., Therefore ,"yb"dy who has anything

    '"

    do.with vouthmuit try to bring the true'issue before them' Teachers' schoolprincipais, lectureis, youth leaders, sp-ort administrators etc' must

    "rp..lrtty give attention to this' The Executive's sport committee

    will in due course make a memorandum available to branches' butmeanwhile you must consider what you can do in this connec-tion."

    Mr Vorster now felt freer to move' The 1970 All Black tour wasa spectacular success and the Maori players-in the team becamesome of the most popular. Nothing iam. of the threatened boy-cott by rightwingirr. I., th" 1970 general election the new Her-stigte irlaslor"l. irrty was routed

    "'d.'U four of its MPs were de-

    feited. Many HNp candidates lost their deposits despite their hav-ing exploited "sport integration" to the maximum' Clearly the.lJ.toot. wa, fri *o.. ..Idy to accept change than even Mr Vor-sterhadsuspected.TheBroederbondalsosurvivedthesplit"*orrg it, .tri*r.ts'

    The leadership managed to keep the organis-ation intact.

    It was in this climate that Mr Vorster and the Broederbond gottogether to discuss a new sports policy' It was a clever move on hisprit, b..",rse by using the organisation to draw up the new policyhe also tied it to the consequences and staved off the expectedbacklash from the rlght. n"tiially the Broederbond choice was be-tween total sports irilatio., - which the country could not afford -and openingih" doorc for multiracial sport which.could spark off, ,ighi*iriresult. The latter road was^dangerous but a calculated.irk"hrd tJe taken' Its first step was to call a two-day conferenceof all Broeders involved in sport' The only way out of an impasse*r, ,o try to derris. a ,y,,"* of merit selection - but one arguablybased on seParate develoPment'

    The resuli of the deliberations was then discussed and reformu-lated by the Broederbond's expert committee on sPort on whichtherightwingDrAndriesTreurnichtwaschosentosErvesoaSto

    242

    n(lo

    b:tS(

  • it rie him ro the decisions. The Broederbond Executive furtherloaned the n9w policy ,r,d ,..rt i;; M, Vorster for approval.The Broederbond,i biggest trrk *r, now to get rank_and_filebacking from the

    -.-U.II, ip f", ifr. ..volutionary new policy interms of National party thinking. on Apr, 11971it senr our aseries of newsletters. The first ,.,r', d.rigred to make the Broedersrealise how serious the onslaught *"r."Sport and the pr,esent Onslaught against South A"frica,,A study documenr.on this subject iih...by senr ro divisions. It hasbeen made available by the Sio.t CoL_i*... you ,.. ."lr.rt"dto consider how its conrenrs ian be made public

    _ y"* lr.r. atalk by school principals o. t.r.h.., i.r-pri_r.y and high schools, atalk to Rapportryers or other public bodies (youth organisations,sports clubs, etc) are methods that can be used. you shourd notmention the studv document. The contents can be rephrased andgiven as the speaker', o-n ihoug'h-rt"pr"rr. do not read the docu-ment in public. (It will ,..* ,ty strange if people ,11 orr.. th.country suddenly appear in public with t*he ,"_. io.r'r_.rrtt;"It has been arranged that a ,..i., of"rticles on alrr.r.rri.rp..t,of sporl will appear over the next month s in Haidhaf'rn.

    .orr-tents of the present paper w,r be enrarged upon in those articres.You are requested to read the series ,J u.irg it to the attention ofinterested parties.,, Under the heading Sport and politics the firstcircular stated: ,,'W'e have always Uetieieainr, ,po., ,t o,rtJrrot U.mixed with politi.r: -

    rld poiiri., musr be kept out of sport.Throughout the world, ho#.r.., *.irnpo.rrnce of sport in inter_national affairs, for the prestige of countiies and the pr"-"ii", .ra cause' has come strongry to the forefront and politics are drawnmore and more into sport.

    "That the two issues can no longer be separated is obvious fromrecent devel0pments on the intern"ational and the nadonar rever. . .It is very clear that our enemies h-ave gained much courage fromtheir success (in isolating South ani.ri'.

    . They are fu, of confid-ence rhat sports isolation will help ,o b.i.rg irr" *i*r-tl'theirknees ...". . . a total of 500 million p-eople participate in sport

    . . . andsport has indeed become , *oild po*"..,,The newsletter made it clear tt rt rf-t courd be of much varueto the youth in strengthening nationri*a inrernational ties, crept_ :ing fitness and a heaithy ,r,Ln

    - n.;;;;;.y for narional prepared_

    $iI,

    'l

    iItr

    fl

    243

  • ness leading to the useful spending of free time and a spirit of com-

    f.ii,i"*"tl. But there *a, also the inevitable warning to appease'the

    uerkrampfes. "There can be no deviation from our traditionalp"ji.v oi ,iprrr,. development' The maintenance of identity ofeach nation must be p..r".,,.d ' ' ' No concession or compromisewhich can lead to r,rixed sport internally may be made'" , .

    These points are also stressed in the document entitled Sportsfotlry ,irlulated at the same time, but it must have been clear thatthe new policy was opening the door to mixed sport' no matterho*

    -.rih emphasis *r, gi"'to the "multinational" aspect'The document stated: "iht E*tt"tive has given much attention

    in recent months to sports policy, especially the relations betweenwhite and non-whit.' tvt.,"otanda fiom divisions and members insports bodies hrr" b.", received and studied' A fruitful two-day-."tirg between a greet number of members in different sportscontrolling bodies oi", th" whole country rvas held recently' andcommittees from their ranks submitted to the Executive a number

    "i i""a.-"ntal policy formulations for consideration'"

    And then the Executive told the members that the Cabinet had,.."fi"a the Broederbond policy and that a statement could be ex-f..,ia soon. "The Executive has considered these policy- formula-tions and submitted them to friends in responsible circles (cabi-net) and it i, e*p.cted that the formulations will be contained inofficial Gor...r*.rrt statements in the coming days or weeks'Through this document the Executive wants to inform membersabout t"he policy which it submitted to these friends'--;ifr"

    p.irr.iprt formulation " ' is a signpost ratherthan a map' Itdoes not have to be made public o. implemented in all its aspcts' In

    many cases the -rri*,'- delay, in accordance with our eventual

    aimr, i, desirable. As soon "

    th" policy has been decided ot:1o,concession or .o*p.o-ise should^bt '"dt'" The first aim of the,por* policy is given as "the maintenance of the white populationin South Africa ;h;;gh and within the policy of separate ''develoPment."

    The principle of the sports policy was based on the "nations",pp.or.h allowing fot ihe different.ethnic groups to compete,!'rt"t, .rch oth.r"- the so-called multinational approach' At theinternational level South Africa would not Prescribe the. composi-tion of overr.rr,.r*rt in other words these teams could be multi-racial. There *orrld, however, be no mixing on club, or provinciallevel. The ptrr, .rr,rlrrged the establishmeni of a lpcirts council to

    244

  • ;LI

    te

    co-ordinare- all sport in South Africa and implemenr the new pol-icy. It clearly aimed at purting contror in the hands of the Broed_ers. "'where the controf of mJst sports is not in the hands of welr_dispos.ed people, abuses and embarrrrr-.rr, can be created.,, Thecouncil wourd consist of a full-time executive of not more thanfive people; in order to secure contror of the council the executivewould be nominated and, not elected. Clearly, th. fvfirri.t". wouldnominate a council of ,,well_disposed,, people. A. i;;;;;rdonalsports complex wourd be built rnihe white aiea in such a *"y th"t"friction" between the races could be eliminated.

    When the former prime Minister, Mr Vorster, disclosed the::I:1",r,t, policy towards the end of April 1971 inparliament, itrorrowed armost to the letter the Broederbond plan. Some of thephrases he used were armost exactly ,rr" ,r-. as in the secret Broe-derbond document-

    The Broederbonders meanwh,e moved swiftry to get controlof as many sporting bodies as possible. professor Hannes Bothabecame chairman oithe South ani.r, a*ateur Athletil, u.,ro.,,Td M: Rudolph Opperman chairman of the South AfricanOlympic Council. A few years earlier rrroth". Broeder, MrJanniele Roux, had becom. pr"rid.rrt of the Tr;;r;JR"";r'uo".a rrraDr Danie craven had to stave off a challenge no- fr.o.J.. xob*Louw. In sports adminstration, Broeders"like former Sf.ingbokrugby caprains, Avril Malan, Johan Claassen, Dawie de Villie.s,MP, and Hannes Marais madJtheir presence felt. Former Spring_boks Butch Lochner, piet (Spiere; dir toit, Mannetjies no-,lr rrraITillem Delport, Mp, are also membe.r. So are profess or Fritzllofl president of the Northern Transvaal Rugby Urriorr, tvt.!!.": Strydom, Free State rugby boss, Sid Kfngsley, formerNorthern Transvaal rugby p..ril..rt, and professor Charles Nieu_woudt, new athleti.,

    .hi.i. At orr" rirg" th"r" was a Broederbondmove to oust Morn6 du..plessis as Springbok rugby captain be_cause he had been "angricised" and was not a Nationalist, butnewspaper publicity frustrated this.

    The Minister of Sport, Mr Frank Waring, of course not aBroeder, was extremeiy uncomfortable trying-to explain the newpolicy in Parliament. At one stage Mr vorster had to intervenepersonally because Mr-l'aring *"d. , mess of it. Mr Waring Ieftthe Chamber in a huff. The i"hol. .;";;;; ."^*i,.r,'rfr.'i.r,.,was based was foreign ro him, and he clearly did not ,rJ.lg,ruathe intricacies of the Nationalists, .,multinationalism,,. Worse still

    245

  • was that the policy had already been accepted by the Broederbondand Broede, CrUir"t tuti;t;.; by the time he was Presented withit. When Mr Waring g;'l"f'lly'retired' a top Broedsl'

    p1 PietKoornhof, *r. rnrd3 Ifrit'i"t' of Sport' The iecretary of the de-prrr-.", is Mr Beyers Hoek, also a Broeder''-i., j,rrr. 1973 the two Broeder sports chiefs' Professor Hannes'Botha and Mr Rudolph Opperman' persuaded ttrg Sout!

    -ljr,tc.1Ofyr"pi. and Nation't C"tttt Association to appoint a commltteeto investiga,. ,rt. ..i'ilishment of a sports council ':-:ry11.:1""t

    *

    the Broederbond tp"tit pclfity' The other requirement in.the se-cret circular - the .,i'Ufitnt"*t of a nationalipotts complex - isstill very much ." ii" t"as as far as the Government is concernedand will probably b; i;;it-tnted..as soon as finance is available'

    The Broederbond pl"' "

    outlined by Mr Vorster. was n::prr*i *irhorr, ,".ir,,"t' Rightwingers in the organisation saw rtas the first step ,o*"at mufiiracial sport' Dr Piet Koornhof andDr Andries rr..,,'iJt

    'ddtt"td ' '"iit' of regional Broederbond

    meetings to allay ,t*'" it"t' From the secret circular of Octobert97l \tis clear that some branches were very ulhappy' "Some -!.i1--isionsdidnotCommentbecausetheyreuardeditasunnecessarylnthe light of the faci that the policy-was fiubhcly stated'before

    they

    received th. ,t.rdy dol'-tt'i and they were not consulted prior tothe announcement.

    "Although almost all the divisions which commented sup-por,.J the"policy' th"y ttp"tially emphasised the following:"4.1 Concern o"tt-it" tot"ti implementation of the "nationbasis" of the PolicY'

    ,ght be-+.2 Anxiety that the policy of separate development mrcome diluted because of

    'pottt "concessions"'4.3 Vigilance must be 'tiot'g against

    mixing after sports games'

    mixed audi.rc.,, f;;s;;;i";:'#ditio'i"g of whites towards in-i.gtril.", mixed part;ipation on the local level etc'4.4 The fear,triif'" ti'"rts policy opened the door slightly andmight be the thin end of the wedge' :d sports4.5 The urgent necessity of strong control by a nommatecouncil'"

    The Executive then stressed that it did not draw up the policyunder pressure' that no concessions were made and that

    the policy

    was "the l.gi.i-;;;t"q""t" of the policy of separate de-velopment on th; sports ievel' A consisteni policy had tg be drawnup to eliminate ,d hot decisions which cieated prbbl'ems' "Be-

    246

  • cause the administration of mosr sports is in the hands of peoplenot. well-disposed towards the Afrikaner idear and Governmenrpolicy, they could often create problem situations and cause em-barrassment." It advised Broeders to refer to "multinationar,, in-stead of "mixed', sport.

    The Executive also sent all branches a Nationar party document":

    il: sports policy, evidently to reassure them that ,r,L f.rry *r.ob_ediently following the Broeder plan.In the administrative report ,o ,h. 7972 Bondsraad meeting.theissue was once again discussed. "The fact that control of most

    sports is still in non-Afrikaner hands has resurted in our not beingable to have a positive influence in all places. The Executive onceagain

    .wants to appeal to Broeders to exert themselves to placewell-disposed Afrikaners in control of sport. Sport exerts an im-portant influence on competitors

    . . . and it is our duty in this wayto eliminate wrong influences on young Afrikaner .o_p.rirorr.,,

    ..Jhir ".pp:.rl is repeated in the Sept.rribe. 1 1973 r....i .i..r,..."$7e as Afrikanerss h a r e i n ;. ;;;;; H:; ff :? ! ilj"l::r,,::. :?ifl :ffi|:"1 :, * _The^correct implementation_o-f o-ur sports policy is endangered bythe foreign control of several kinds of spoit." Lirt, of spoits clubscontrolled by "Afrikaners andlor well-iispos.d p.opt.5i*... irr-cluded to enable Broeders to support th.-. ,,trrihi, *ry *...r,help friends (Broeders) to advise yo.rrg Afrikaners who come tothe city on where they should li.ri ,rp.;,-

    -Among the clubs were Kimberley, tlnnis,police CIub and SouthAfrican Railways Club, pirares ,rJ poh.. (open club) ; port Eliza_be.th, -rugby, tennis, baseball, park Club, and tennis, Diaz Club;Florida, tennis, Van der hoven park; pretoria, Lynnwood Tennis

    91"P, Pretoria Sports Federation (pretoria rugby crub incruded),Oudstudente Sport U^nio.n .(rncluding OostJikes rugby club),Sonop Tennis Club, Capital park BJwls Club, pr.tJrli NorthBowls club; Belluille, Bervire Rugby crub, Bellville AthreticsClub and Bellville Tennis Club.

    The need for Broederbond and "welr-disposed,' Afrikaner con-trol of sport organisations is a recurring theme in the secret docu-ments' 'Jwe 26 1976:."A survey just ctmpleted among divisionsshows that our members ..rd ,igirt_thinking Afrikaneri ,r. AiAythin on the ground in the admlnistratior, -of the various sports.Your own survey would have shown this weakness. What is yourdivision going to do to ensure that young Afrikaner sportsmen do

    247

  • not come under the wrong influence' and that right-thinkingAfrikaners 1.rot ,r...rrarily"members of our organisation' theyouth organisatio"

    -;; R,;portryers) get the support ihey de-

    serve?" February 21977: ii'o*'an investigation it appears that

    ,i... it ,rot erorgh interest among members in the teaching pro-fessionintheactionor,n.schools"rugbyadminstratorsintheirre-;;;;. areas. The result is that few members (Broeders) areelected on the .o*-i*ttt of their schools rugby councils' Thiswas. the reason why only one of o-ur members was elected to thecommitteee of the S"",f{ African Schools Rugby.Union' The SASchools representaiJ. rn'V shortly become ift'll rnt-ber of theiA n,rgUyBoard with voting powers' At the present time it is es-sential that as

    -rrry *ttt-dflpot"d people as possible be put inexecutive Posts."- ifr. same circular complains that delegates often fail to vote ac-cording to instructio,,'' 'ilt also happenJ that with the election ofthe SA Schools Committee during -raven Week instructions

    are

    [i"* tt anybody, say a manager, to go and vote' Such a delegatedoes not ,ror" ,..orJi"g to inltructions' It is our duty to see thatthe SA Schools Co*-i"tt is manned by well-disposed people sothat the schools .rr, ,lro exercise their voting power on a higherIevel. Divisions are therefore requested urgently to give.attentionto this matter ,rrd io ,.t to it that delegates to the annual meetingare well-disPosed PeoPle'"

    March 3 1977:"'A' "gt"t appeal is once again

    made to allmembers and divisions to Jo eveiything possible in their p.ower to

    exercise , po.iti,r"1t'nuence in lotal sports,clubs Thi: -will

    mean

    thar more -.-U.r, ,rd other well-disposed Afrikaners s[9ufd. be-

    come directly involved in the administration of clubs' lJlvlslonswill have ro r.porr-on this at the end of the present-book yeat-'"

    It is clear r.on1'tt" developments in the tpottt policy'.and datain the secret do..rr.,."t', that the fears of conservative Broederswere fully justifieJ- the new pgli:y.was indeed the thin end of thewedge piepari.,g the way for fully integrated sport'

    - --:.

    The Broederbond Executive was to some extent outwitted - or

    q;;iy *"rt .lorg with the Government while protesting atmeetings against ,riy to"t'sions' Mr Vorster's strategy was to letthe policy a"".fop, and take-^the Broederbond along with him'The man h" .fro..'ior this difficult tightrope exercise was Dr PietKoornhoi *t. if,.""gtt f it own ki"nd oi "double.tal' had toconfuse tt

    "

    irr.r" bfrii"g ir.gon like ,.mulrinational".'A11 along

    248

  • he protested that the new poricy did not deviate from the poii.y ofseparate development.As a former secretary of the Broederbond, Dr Koornhof s cre_dentials.were-impeccabre

    - nobody courd accuse him of .rot beinga "good Afrikaner,,. He also knew from withir, .*r.tty how theBroederbond operared, how he could nudge it along Uy'totUyirrg,

    addressing secret meetings.in various parts of the country and byother ta*ics. He realiseJthe danger iithe Broederbond brockedany further concessions. It was dr this reason that he canvassedactively for the election of professor Gerrit viljoen

    ", .hrir-"r, ofthe Bond in 1974. The rightwing Dr Andries Treurnicht had to beblocked to enable

    1-he m.ore- pra'gmatic professor Viljoen to takeover. In this Dr Koornhof *r, ,r...rsful; the foimidable DrTreurnicht, who had threatened to resign as member oi parria-ment if more sport concessions *... mad"., lort th. ,.or, po*.rfrfand best organised powerbase in Afrikanerdom and was to a de_gree neutralised.

    Dr Koornhof also largely neutralised another powerful agency _the Press. On several o...rio* he pleaded with editor, ".rirporr,writers not to "embarrass" the Government by pubrrshirrf ,to.i.,on the sports policy which could provide ammunitio n to the uer_

    ir:-y!:^ t. 1*.Ir knew that all discrimination in sport wouldnave to go before South Africa would become internaiiona,y ac-ceptable again. But through semandc acrobatics he had to alay theGars of.rightwingers. It ian be predicted now that in about rwoyears all races will play together on club, provincial o. ,r.tiorrtlevel, will sit together on stinds, wil use alr the club facilities such3^ ?r_T,rid toilets and that no more application, {b. ;.;i;s willDe neected.-

    It was quite an achievement, considering the constant concern inthe Broederbond. A 1974 survey among members shows 92,7o/oaccepted the inclusion of non-white atiletes in a South African,.1T fbl the Olympic Games as an interim measure orly,- 92,1rhsaid such an extension. of this principle (mixed teams)'to oth..:1.:I like rugby, cricket ard ,o...i should b. ;;;;;";Jd, ,,rd97,4o/" said the establishment of nadonar sporting bodies for everyseparate "nation" and their affiliation *iti, *orid sporting bodiesmust b-e expedited. The circular (]une 51974) cor,.lud.d, ,IA, , .e_:*r. :f this survey, meetings ,iith friend;'il ;;il;;iri .ir.t.,(Cabinet) have been held.,, : lrn 1975, after Dr Treurnichr had failed in his bid to become

  • chairman, the Broederbond Executive made an important changein the sports policy by accepting mixed South African teams forinternatlonal iompetitiorrr. Th. justification for this was that sep-arate teams were accepted for iLrternational competitions only ifthey represe.rted sepaiate independent co-untrres' Until the home-lands ali became inJependent, South Africa would therefore havei. fr."ia. a place for black sportsmen in her teams if she wantedto retain inteinational ties' Mt.eove', in terms of the separate de-velopment policy no independent homelands for Indians andcoloured p.opl. *... fo.er..n and room had to be made for themin sports ,.r-r' A series of meetings with Cabinet Ministers and,poi,, administrators once again took place and the Executive saidii frra "come to the co.rcluiion that we have come up against awall because of changing circumstances" (March 3197-5)' ^

    The Executive ther"eui'on informed the Broeders in the Cabinetthat the policy could .rot be changed' One of the reasons' it told-.-be.r, *r, thrt it had received confidential information con-vincing ir "that international sporting ties, especially in rugby andcrickei have serious implicaiions at this critical stage for ourcountry, regarding international trade, national trade' military re-lrtiorrrhips lrd

    "r-r-ents and strategic industrial development'"

    But once again they tried to t""""t members' "In conclusionthe Executive restates its existing policy - which is also that of theGovernment

    - of no mixed teams on club, local, provincial or

    national level. The Executive is deeply aware that there is strongdivision of opinion over this matter. It took the above decision inthe light of ail considerations at its disposal and after length|, seri-ous deliberations in the best interests of our country and ournation. Members are asked to study this circular seriously and toformulate their point of view with great responsibility and under-standing."

    The iext year (April 1 1976) the Executive had to reirerate that-ir.J ,pori o, ilut l.r.t was unacceptable, after inquiries hadb..r, ,eJeirred from branches' The Cabinet had been asked to in-troduce legislation to prevent mixed club teams' On September 11976 itonie again .rrri. or, against mixed sport on provincial andclublevel_butonlytwoday"slaterahurriedmeetingtookplacewhere Cabinet Broeders told the Executive that the Governmentwas considering a change of policy to allow mixing at club level'The National party .orig..r..r and its Federal Council had to ac-cept the changes,lrra of.. again the Broederbond wis informed

    250

  • l-.^T:rt: parry's rank-and-file membership. In fact, it appearsIrom the secret documents that the Broederbtnd had set the scenefor the changes as early as 7975 and was now simply using the ex_cuse that the Government had to make a hurried'chrrrg.io avoidmaking its own membership unhaonv.


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