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ACCESS TO PRIMARY HEALTH CARE: DOES NEIGHBOURHOOD OF RESIDENCE MATTER? By Laura Bissonnette A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Department of Geography University of Toronto © Copyright by Laura Bissonnette (2009)
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Page 1: By Laura Bissonnette · 2013-12-06 · (Young, Dobson & Byles, 2001) and utilize services when they are closer (e.g. Arcury et al, 2005; Pierce, Williamson & Kruse, 1998). This includes

ACCESS TO PRIMARY HEALTH CARE:

DOES NEIGHBOURHOOD OF RESIDENCE MATTER?

By

Laura Bissonnette

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements

for the degree of Master of Arts

Graduate Department of Geography

University of Toronto

© Copyright by Laura Bissonnette (2009)

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Abstract

Access to primary health care: Does neighbourhood of residence matter?

For the degree of Master of Arts, 2009

Graduate Department of Geography

University of Toronto

Access to primary health care is an important determinant of health.

Within current research there has been limited examination of neighbourhood

level variations in access to care, despite knowledge that local contexts shape

health. The objective of this research is to examine neighbourhood-level access

to primary health care in the city of Mississauga, Ontario. Street address

locations of primary care physicians were obtained from the College of

Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario (CPSO) website and analyzed using

geographic information systems (GIS). A 'Three Step Floating Catchment Area'

(3SFCA) method was derived and used to measure multiple dimensions of

access for the population as a whole, for specific linguistic groups and for recent

immigrants. This research identifies significant neighbourhood-level variations in

access to care for each dimension of access and population subgroup studied.

The research findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of

neighbourhood-level variability in access to health care.

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Acknowledgements

This research project has been highly collaborative in nature and there are

a number of individuals involved who I would like to acknowledge. I would

foremost like to express my thanks and gratitude to my graduate supervisor,

Kathi Wilson for providing the opportunity to work on this project as well as

providing a wonderful learning experience through her continual guidance and

feedback. I would like to express my thanks to Scott Bell, the principal

investigator (PI) on this project for providing direction and insight throughout the

research process. Thank you to Sarah Wakefield for serving on my thesis

committee. I appreciate the opportunity to work with you and to learn from you.

Thanks to the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) for funding this

project. Additional acknowledgements are required to the individuals who have

provided support and help with the technical side of this research. As a new

student to geographic information systems, this help was very much appreciated.

Thanks to Andrew Nicholson and Tanya Kenesky of the library at the University

of Toronto at Mississauga for the provision of data and technical support. Thank

you to Usman Aslam and Alex Werenka at the University of Saskatchewan for

the time and effort put forth towards creating the physician database. A final

thank you is owed to my family, and especially to Mark. Thank you for your

support and your patience.

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Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………......1

1.1 Research Context and Research Question ……………………….1

1.2 Outline………………………………………………………………....8

Chapter 2: Literature Review…………………………………………………...10

2.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………...10

2.2 Neighbourhood Level Analysis of Health Data…………………...10

2.2.1 Conceptual Definitions of Neighbourhoods……………………..11

2.2.2 Operational Definitions of Neighbourhoods………………….....12

2.2.3 Neighbourhoods and Health……………………………………...16

2.3 Access to Health Care…………………………………………....….21

2.3.1 Components of ‘Access’…………………………………….....….22

2.3.2 Conceptualization of Potential Access……...................…........25

2.3.3 Measuring Potential Access………………………………….......26

2.4 Conclusion…………………………………………………………....48

Chapter 3: Data & Methods……………………………………………………..53

3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………...53

3.2 Research Context……………………………………………………54

3.3 Data Collection……………………………………………………....56

3.4 Data Analysis………………………………………………………...59

3.4.1 Stage 1: Raw Distribution of Primary Care………………….….60

3.4.2 Stage 2: Potential Spatial Access to Care……………………...60

3.4.3 Stage 3: Cumulative Index of Accessibility………………….….65

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3.4.4 Stage 4: Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care...………...…67

Chapter 4: Results……………………………………………...……………….70

4.1 Introduction…………………………………………...……………..70

4.2 Description of Mississauga’s Primary Care………..…………….70

4.3 Spatial Accessibility to Primary Care………………..…………....72

4.3.1 Driving Access (3Km) to Primary Care……………..………..…73

4.3.2 Walking Access (800m) to Primary Care……………..………...77

4.4 Cumulative Index of Potential Accessibility……………...............80

4.5 Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care..............………..…….....83

4.5.1 Language-Specific Access to Primary Care……………..…..…83

4.5.2 Access to Primary Care for Recent Immigrants…………..…....90

Chapter 5: Discussion……………………………………………………….......92

5.1 Summary of Key Findings…………………….………………….....92

5.1.1 Spatial Access to Primary Care………………………………......92

5.1.2 Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care...................……….......94

5.2 Research Contributions………………………………………..........96

5.2.1 Neighbourhood-Level Access to Health Care………….…….....96

5.2.2 Development of the 3SFCA Method…………………………......98

5.2.3 Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care .............………….......101

5.3 Research Limitations………………………………………..…...…103

5.4 Recommendations for Future Research……………………..…..105

5.5 Policy Recommendations……………………………………….....107

5.5.1 Municipal Policy Intervention...................................................107

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5.5.2 Other Sources of Primary Care: Development of LHINs.........110

5.5.3 Constraints of Urban Form in Policy Intervention....................111

5.6 Conclusions………………………………………….……………...113

References……………………………………………………………………....114

Appendices………………………………………………………………….......127

Appendix A: Neighbourhood Demographics…………………………….......127

Appendix B: Raw Physician Data……………………………………….….....130

Appendix C: Access Ratios…………………………………………………....131

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1

Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 Research context and research questions

There is an increasing awareness in Canada that access to primary health

care is a problem in need of attention (Crooks & Andrews, 2005: 47; Schuurman

et al, 2006). In particular there is concern that access to primary care is

decreasing and waiting times to see physicians are increasing. This has resulted

in decreasing satisfaction with the health care system amongst the Canadian

public (Sanmartin et al, 2000). Contributing to this problem is a reduction in

overall physician numbers over the past decade in Canada. Peaking in 1993,

physician numbers have steadily dropped by 5% since. Reasons for this

possible physician shortage include federal funding cuts to the provinces, cuts in

the enrollment numbers for medical school, an increase in specialist training at

the expense of family doctor training, and a reduction in the number of foreign

doctors entering Canada to practice medicine (Wharry & Sibbald, 2002). Given

that approximately 4.1 million Canadians do not have a regular family doctor

(Nabalamba & Millar, 2007), there are concerns that access to primary health

care is an increasing problem. With fewer medical students choosing family

practice, disparities in access to care are likely to increase in time as the existing

group of family physicians ages and begin to retire. This is particularly

problematic, given that the amount of primary care provision is directly

associated with public health outcomes, including the prevalence of cancer, heart

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disease, stroke, infant mortality, low birth weight, life expectancy, and self-rated

health (Macinko, Starfield & Shi, 2007).

The Canada Health Act (CHA) acknowledges the extreme importance of

access to health care, and as such, mandates that all Canadians are entitled to

receive access to medically necessary services, without barriers (Library of

Parliament, 2003). However, the meaning of access is not clearly defined within

the act. According to the CHA’s “Accessibility” criterion, individuals are entitled to

have access to services, “where and as available” (Library of Parliament, 2003).

While this alludes to a physical or spatial component of access, it does not

specify the means by how physical accessibility should be measured or obtained

(Wilson & Rosenberg, 2004; Eyles, Birch & Newbold, 1995). Furthermore, it has

been argued that despite the goal of equalizing access to health services, the

CHA has failed to remediate health inequalities stemming from geographical and

other disparities in access to care (Wilson, Jerrett & Eyles, 2001; Mhatre &

Deber, 1992).

Physical access to health care has been demonstrated to act as an

important determinant of the use of health services and resulting health

outcomes. This is both a widely documented research phenomenon and an

intuitive understanding. There is a considerable body of empirical research

demonstrating that individuals are more likely to report satisfaction with services

(Young, Dobson & Byles, 2001) and utilize services when they are closer (e.g.

Arcury et al, 2005; Pierce, Williamson & Kruse, 1998). This includes accident

and emergency care (Parker & Campbell, 1998), and general practitioner

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consultation (Haynes, Lovett & Sunnenberg, 2003; Salisbury, 1989). Proximity to

health care services acts as a significant determinant of primary health care use

(Field & Briggs, 2001; Salisbury, 1989). Additional determinants of use include

the quality of care and range of services offered (Salisbury, 1989).

Poor geographical access to health care may result in an increase in

adverse health outcomes (Gulliford, Figueroa-Munoz & Morgan, 2003: 8). For

example, decreased use of primary health care has been shown to result in

increased morbidity and mortality rates from heart disease and stroke (Starfield,

Shi & Macinko, 2005), and an increase in hospitalization rates (Saxena et al,

2006; Ryan et al, 2001). Poor geographical access to hospitals has also been

associated with delayed diagnoses of terminal illnesses (Silverstein et al, 2002)

and increase rates of mortality from asthma and cardiac infarction (Joseph &

Phillips, 1984).

Measuring access to health care is a complex task, as 'access' itself is

multidimensional and is a function of multiple interrelated elements. While there

is some consensus in the literature that access refers to the ability for an

individual to receive care when it is needed (e.g. Wellstood, Wilson & Eyles,

2006; Eyles et al, 1995; Evans, 1992), there is far less agreement on how to

measure access, and on what constitutes 'acceptable' access. It is clear,

however, that access may be viewed in spatial terms, such as whether services

are equally distributed, or in aspatial terms, such as whether services are equally

available to individuals regardless of age, culture, language or gender (Apparicio,

Abdelmajid, Riva & Shearmur, 2008). Such dimensions of access have been

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further conceptualized in frameworks, such as that developed by Aday and

Anderson in 1974, and further modified in 1983 (Anderson et al, 1983). These

frameworks have greatly aided in the operationalization of access in the

literature. According to Aday and Anderson, access can be thought of as either

potential or realized. Measures of potential access consider barriers and

facilitators of entry into the health care system, while measures of realized

access describe the actual use of care. Potential access determines whether an

individual will be able to enter the health care system if needed and is the most

elementary and essential measure of access possible.

Within the literature, the study of potential access to health care is not

new. However, the traditional focus has been to measure disparities in potential

access to health care between rural and urban settings (Guagliardo, 2004;

Health-Canada, 1999). Fewer studies have focused on intra-urban and local

level variation in access to health care (Guagliardo et al, 2004). However, recent

research within health geography has begun to shift attention to the

neighbourhood as a site of service provision (Apparicio et al, 2008; Law et al,

2005). This shift is occurring, in part, due to the realization that access to

services should be considered at the scale that individuals identify with during

their daily activities and the scale that city planning functions on (Talen, 2003).

Current research indicates that neighbourhood social and physical contexts are

important in shaping individual health outcomes (Law et al, 2005; Sampson,

2003; Macintyre, Ellaway & Cummings, 2002; Diez-Roux, 2001). Despite this,

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access to health care is one neighbourhood characteristic that has yet to be

deeply explored in the literature.

The limited empirical research on neighbourhood-level access to health

care can be partly attributed to inadequate working definitions of neighbourhoods

as well as to challenges related to appropriate methodology and available data.

With the emergence of geographic information systems (GIS) and rapid increase

in available digital geographic data, there is potential to provide new insight into

local level variations in access to care. As a result, there has been a recent flurry

of activity in the literature to develop new means to measure access to care but

no consensus on which is best. Thus, there is a need to review current methods

used to examine local-level variations in access to health care, and choose an

appropriate methodology for this task. There is also a need to better understand

how access to health care differs at local scales. This research intends to further

these aims by examining neighbourhood-level potential access to primary health

care in the City of Mississauga, Ontario.

The sprawling suburban city of Mississauga is an appropriate and

pertinent geographical location in which to examine access to health care

services. Mississauga originally formed in 1974 as an amalgamation of existing

towns (City of Mississauga, 2009). Following this, the city has experienced rapid

population growth and is now Canada’s sixth largest municipality (City of

Mississauga, 2009). As a suburb of the Greater Toronto Area (GTA),

Mississauga is also one of Ontario’s municipalities most affected by urban sprawl

(Abelsohn et al, 2005). The city of Mississauga is characterized by segregated

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zoning and land-use types that are connected by wide and fast moving roads.

These characteristics are typical of urban sprawl (Frumkin, 2002), and in

Mississauga are a result of two key factors. First, given the city’s close proximity

to Toronto, Mississauga has expanded rapidly in a disconnected and

leapfrogging pattern typical of suburban development. Additionally, urban sprawl

is magnified by the fact that the city formed from existing towns and development

has been highly constrained by existing zoning and land use. These

characteristics of Mississauga may prove problematic for residents in need of

accessing services. Suburban design is generally associated with longer travel

distances to reach services, and additionally with lacking sidewalks and

pedestrian pathways (Giles-Corti, 2006). As a result, it is possible that the

design of this city may pose specific problems for individuals when attempting to

access health care. The choice of this sprawling suburban city as the geographic

context for this analysis may yield interesting and insightful results.

A focus on primary health care is imperative for this research given that

primary care encompasses many of the medically necessary services that

according to the CHA, all Canadians are entitled to receive (Library of

Parliament, 2003). Primary care can be defined as “essential health care based

on practical, scientifically sound and socially acceptable methods and technology

made universally accessible to individuals and families in the community” (WHO,

1978). In Canada, primary health care is a holistic approach to providing

services that address all elements that may impact health and well-being (Health-

Canada, 2006). Primary health care encompasses four essential aspects of

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health care: first contact access for health care needs, long-term focused care,

comprehensive care for general health care needs, and the coordination of care

to specialists when necessary (Starfield, Shi & Macinko, 2005). A focus on

access to primary health care will greatly enhance understanding of the extent to

which inequalities in neighbourhood-level access to medically necessary services

exist in the City of Mississauga. This research is guided by the following

research question:

• Does potential access to primary health care differ at the neighbourhood-

level in the city of Mississauga, Ontario?

In addition to answering this question, the research will address the following

objectives:

1. To evaluate current methodology used to measure potential access

and devise an appropriate methodology to be used in this specific

Canadian setting.

2. To identify neighbourhood-level disparities in potential access to

primary health care in Mississauga, Ontario.

3. To explore a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of

potential access to care including spatial and aspatial dimensions.

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1.2 Outline

This research will be described in five chapters. The second chapter

reviews the pertinent literature on neighbourhood level access to care. This

chapter begins with a brief introduction. The next two sections cover specific

topics in access to health care. The first focuses on neighbourhoods as a setting

to study access to health care while the second section examines specific

research methods used to measure potential access to care. This chapter

concludes by identifying gaps in the existing body of literature that this research

will aim to address and fill.

The third chapter of this thesis discusses the research methodology. This

section begins by discussing the geographical context of the research. This

section discusses the data collection and development of a new method to

measure potential access. It describes the multiple spatial and aspatial

measures of access that are examined to develop a more nuanced

understanding of access to care. It also discusses the amalgamation of several

spatial measures of access into a cumulative index of accessibility.

The fourth chapter presents the results of the data analysis. It begins by

providing a description of the distribution of primary care provision in the city.

The second section identifies neighbourhood-level variability in access to health

care for all dimensions of access considered and displays a cumulative index of

accessibility that combines these measures. It then discusses several aspatial

measures of potential access.

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The final chapter of this thesis reviews the findings of this research, and

considers the importance of this research in the context of the existing literature

on neighbourhood-level access to health care. It discusses limitations with this

project, and further describes important areas of future research that could build

upon these findings. It finishes by discussing potential policy implications of

these research findings.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review

2.1 Introduction This chapter provides a conceptual review of the existing literature

pertaining to neighbourhood-level studies of access to health care. This review

has two main sections. The first section focuses on literature relevant to

neighbourhoods as the unit of analysis for the study of access to health care.

The second section of this review discusses the concept of access to care,

including how it is conceptualized and measured. This chapter concludes by

providing an overview of the limitations in the current body of literature,

identifying gaps in knowledge that this research attempts to fill.

2.2 Neighbourhood-Level Analysis of Health Data

Within recent decades, the focus of empirical and theoretical

developments in health research has begun to turn away from the individual

causation of sickness and health towards the environmental and structural

causes of health and disease (Macintyre et al, 2002; Diez-Roux, 1998). The has

resulted in an increasing awareness that local spaces have the potential to

influence health (Macintyre et al, 2002; Kearns, 1993) by shaping behaviours of

local residents (Lund, 2003; Ellen, Mijanovich & K-N Dillman, 2001) and differing

in the availability of resources. The result is that local areas have become an

increasing target of research analysis and policy intervention (Wilson et al, 2004;

Ellen, Mijanovich & K-N Dillman, 2001). Within this body of locally focused

research, neighbourhoods are emerging as a prominent focus (Pearce, Witten &

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Bartie, 2006). The following section of this chapter describes how

neighbourhoods are conceptualized and operationalized in the literature, and

provides evidence on how neighbourhoods are able to shape the health of those

who live in them, warranting attention as the unit of analysis for health research.

2.2.1 Conceptual Definitions of Neighbourhoods

Individuals in urban settings reside in neighbourhoods. However, there is

little conceptual agreement on what actually constitutes a neighbourhood. Within

the literature focusing on neighbourhoods and health, neighbourhoods are

commonly defined ecologically. By this conceptualization, neighbourhoods are

viewed in physical terms as geographical areas enclosed in borders (Bernard et

al, 2007; Galster, 2001). Physical neighbourhoods have the ability to influence

health based on characteristics of the built environment, such as the quality of

housing, and the presence or lack of essential resources (Bernard et al, 2007).

Neighbourhoods may also be considered as spaces of social interaction. The

focus of this definition is on the individuals within areas and the social

interactions and networks that produce and consume space. By this definition,

the focus on physical neighbourhoods is greatly reduced (Galster, 2001). By this

viewpoint, it is often the social relations that occur within a neighbourhood that

can positively or negatively influence health outcomes (Bernard et al, 2007; Diez

Roux, 2001). These viewpoints, in turn, affect the way that neighbourhoods are

operationalized and examined in research. Examples include research into the

effects of health care provision on neighbourhood-level health outcomes

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(Macinko et al, 2007) or how the socioeconomic context of neighbourhoods may

affect health (e.g. see Pickett & Pearl, 2001).

2.2.2 Operational Definition of Neighbourhoods

A limiting factor to the progress of neighbourhood-level health research

has been a difficulty in delineating neighbourhood boundaries (Lebel, Pampalon

& Villeneuve, 2007). Traditionally, the majority of health research has drawn

neighbourhood boundaries according to statistical (census) units, a choice that

stems from the availability of data for these units. In the UK, neighbourhood

boundaries typically correspond with electoral ward boundaries, while in the US

and Canada they are generally the boundaries of census units, such as block

groups (US) or tracts (Canada and the US) (Flowerdew et al, 2008). Such

neighbourhoods correspond with formal regions that are defined externally for

official purposes. Most usually, formal regions are based on a uniformity of

characteristics (e.g. uniform populations in census tracts). However, uniformity

may or may not be a desired neighbourhood trait (Lebel et al, 2007). Other, less

common empirical representations of neighbourhoods are based on defining

functional regions. These delineations tend to draw neighbourhood boundaries

according to the desired physical and social characteristics that are thought to

comprise local networks and activity space. For example, a neighbourhood may

involve a residential area, necessary services and amenities and public

transportation (Lebel et al, 2007). These functional neighbourhoods may be

based on residents' perceptions or based on historical settlements (e.g. villages

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or towns) that predated the amalgamation of the municipality. While the choice

of unit should logically be reflective of the purpose of the research at hand (Diez

Roux, 2001), it is usually the presence of available data for statistical units that

causes their popularity as the choice of neighbourhoods (Flowerdew et al, 2008).

This reliance on available data is problematic. Statistical units, in many cases,

may not be an adequate choice for neighbourhoods because they are not of the

appropriate scale or boundary location for the occurrence of health related

processes, and do not make an appropriate choice for the study of health related

phenomena.

The terms natural and meaningful are used to describe neighbourhood

boundaries that are recognized by neighbourhood residents or in the case where

there are no recognized neighbourhoods, the areas that best represent the local-

level activity spaces of individuals (Ross, Tremblay & Graham, 2004). Such

neighbourhoods can be delineated in a number of ways. One method is to

examine the material and social infrastructure within a city and create

neighbourhoods that include the desired attributes. For example, a

neighbourhood may be viewed as having a key core area of shopping or

residential zoning and a transitional area that may be difficult to assign to a

neighbourhood (Flowerdew et al, 2008; Luginaah et al, 2001). An alternative

way to empirically define neighbourhoods is based on the desired mix of

residential and commercial zoning or desired population demographics (Ross et

al, 2004). The problem with the delineation of natural neighbourhoods based on

their composition is that some neighbourhoods may be characterized by a

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particular demographic while others are defined by housing type. In addition,

some neighbourhoods may be defined based on homogeneity in population or

housing characteristics (e.g. see Flowerdew et al, 2008) while other

neighbourhoods, such as those in gentrification would be better characterized by

heterogeneity in the built and social environments. It is clear that the

determination of neighbourhoods for empirical purposes is problematic, and any

definition may be challenged (Ross et al, 2004).

The delineation of neighbourhoods is much less challenging in situations

when municipalities recognize existing neighbourhood boundaries for planning

purposes. In such cases, neighbourhood boundaries are locally defined and

based on a variety of locally relevant factors. In cases where neighbourhoods

formed from pre-existing communities prior to municipal amalgamation,

individuals may recognize those historical boundaries defining their home

community (Ross et al, 2004). The use of city planning boundaries as

neighbourhoods may be appropriate if they provide the unit of action for policy

interventions and additionally are scale-appropriate for the processes that affect

health.

A consideration of a phenomenon termed the modifiable areal unit

problem (MAUP) (see Openshaw, 1983) can be used to describe why scale and

boundary choice are of considerable importance in neighbourhood level

research. The MAUP describes the differences in empirical results that may

occur based on the choice of units used for analysis (Haynes et al, 2007). The

MAUP has two aspects. The first is termed the zonation effect, and describes

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how empirical results are dependent upon where area boundaries are drawn. A

shift in the location of boundaries can easily cause results to change between

positive and negative in terms of health outcomes or service availability,

depending on whether boundaries include or exclude data. The second aspect

of the MAUP is termed the scale effect, and describes the change in empirical

results that may occur based on the level of aggregation of data, which in turn

depends on the scale of analysis (Flowerdew et al, 2008). A change in scale or

zonation has been demonstrated to result in significantly different empirical

outcomes (e.g. Apparicio et al, 2008), illustrating why the delineation of

neighbourhoods should be carefully undertaken. It has been argued that

although formal neighbourhood units such as census tracts offer readily available

data, they may not be at the right scale or zonation to accurately reflect or

measure health related process and outcomes (Flowerdew et al, 2008).

Although the delineation of natural neighbourhoods may mediate some of

the scale and zonation related problems associated with using administrative

areas as boundaries, there is still a possibility that the view of place in research is

too conventional given the changing way that local spaces are used by

individuals. It has been argued that today’s neighbourhoods are not the small,

close-knit communities of decades previous, but rather are larger and less easily

defined activity spaces (Cummings, Curtis, Diez-Roux & Macintyre, 2007). It is

becoming clear that individuals do not access all resources and social relations

within the rigid confines of the immediate proximity of their residences, and thus

neighbourhoods should not remain conceptualized this way (Sampson, 2001).

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Rather, Cummings et al (2007) suggest considering relational geographies which

view space as nodes of resources in networks of travel, as places of dynamic

interaction, and boundaries as being permeable to movement. Although a

transition to such progressive views of neighbourhood has been slow in empirical

literature, there has been some progress. Newer methods in access to health

care involving GIS have accomplished facilitative advancements towards this

goal. For example, new GIS methods based on buffering analysis are now able

to accommodate for the potential movement of individuals across

neighbourhoods to access services such as health care (e.g. see Wang & Luo,

2005).

2.2.3 Neighbourhoods and Health

As of late, researchers, policy makers and individuals are becoming

increasingly aware that neighbourhoods have the ability to positively or

negatively affect the health of those who live in them (Kawachi & Berkman, 2003;

Diez-Roux, 2001). A number of health outcomes are influenced by

neighbourhood characteristics. Health outcomes include but are not limited to

low birth weight, infant mortality, perceived health (Wainwright & Surtees, 2003;

Ellaway, Macintyre & Kearns, 2001), heart disease (Diez-Roux et al, 1998) and

adult mortality (Sampson, 2003; Yen & Kaplan, 1998; Sloggett & Joshi, 1994).

Neighbourhood contexts may also influence health related behaviours, such as

smoking (Frohlich, Potvin, Chabot & Corin, 2002), consumption of alcohol,

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dietary choices (Ecob & Macintyre, 2000) and personal safety choices (Diehr et

al, 1993).

What are the contextual elements of neighbourhoods that affect the health

of those who live in them? Neighbourhood-level social characteristics shown to

act as determinants of health outcomes include the socioecononomic context

and specifically levels of disadvantage (see Pickett & Pearl, 2001 for review), as

well as neighbourhood crime rates (Ellaway et al, 2001). These neighbourhood-

level characteristics act as determinants of health outcomes even when

individual characteristics are controlled for (Luginaah et al, 2001). The physical

infrastructure of neighbourhoods also has the ability to directly impact health

outcomes of neighbourhood residents (Witten, Exeter & Field, 2003).

Neighbourhoods can be conceptualized as sites of resource provision where the

presence of beneficial resources has the ability to positively influence health

(Flowerdew et al, 2008). These resources include parks for recreation and

activity, public transportation to travel to necessary services and amenities and

the availability of health services for use when needed (Witten et al, 2003).

However, it is clear when examining neighbourhoods that they do differ in the

abundance and quality of such resources. Not all neighbourhoods will have

sufficient availability of food services, social organizations, or green space.

Access to health care is one neighbourhood contextual element that has

the ability to directly impact health. There is some evidence from research that

differential access to care may result in reduced utilization of the health care

system (Hiscock, Pearce, Blakely & Witten, 2008; Haynes, 2003: 28), and

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increased area-based inequities in health status (Hiscock et al, 2008; Korda,

Butler, Clements & Kunitz, 2007; Haynes, 2003: 28), indicating that access to

care, utilization of care, and overall health status may be closely related

processes that occur on local scales. Neighbourhood-level access to health care

may positively or negatively influence health in a number of ways. A disparity in

health care resources may itself be a cause of illness in a community if

individuals are unable to receive necessary preventative services. Additionally,

poor access to care can also exacerbate illness in communities where there are

additional neighbourhood attributes that may predispose a community to need

health care. These predisposing attributes may be contextual, such as the

presence of contaminants or the lack of green space to walk and exercise. They

may also be compositional, including the socioeconomic status of residents, the

age composition of the population, or the presence of crime and disorder.

Because the presence or absence of health care offers the potential to directly

impact emergent health outcomes in a neighbourhood, the neighbourhood itself

becomes a reasonable choice as the unit of analysis to examine health care

accessibility.

Within health geography there is a small and slowly growing body of

literature that examines neighbourhood-level variability in potential access to

health care. Within this body of literature, the majority of research uses statistical

(census) units as proxy for neighbourhoods (e.g. Wang & Luo, 2005; Wang,

2007; Pearce et al, 2006; Guagliardo et al, 2004). Using census tracts as units

of analysis, Wang & Luo (2005) determine that spatial access to primary care

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physicians is uniformly high within the city of Chicago and decreases towards the

city’s peripheries and surrounding rural areas. Also using census tracts, Wang

(2007) measures access to Chinese speaking physicians for Chinese immigrants

in Toronto, Ontario. This study also determined that spatial access is highest in

central Toronto and decreases towards the city’s periphery. Using census

meshblocks, Pearce et al (2006) measure access to general practitioners and

other health facilities across New Zealand and identify significant variability

between ‘neighbourhoods’. However, because of the large study area, little

attention was given to variability within specific urban areas. Guagliardo et al

(2004) measure access to paediatricians in census block groups across the city

of Washington, DC. They determine that access to paediatricians is greatest in

central and western Washington and decreases towards the city’s periphery.

There appears to be common findings in research examining

neighbourhood-level potential access to care. This commonality is that access to

care is generally higher in neighbourhoods belonging to a core urban area, and

decreases towards municipal peripheries. This trend is similar to previous

findings in literature focusing on urban-rural differences to care that demonstrate

access to be greater in urban areas and lower in rural settings (Gatrell, 2001;

Meade & Earickson, 2000). However, there are two main concerns relating to

the MAUP previously discussed that make the results of the aforementioned

research suspect. The first problem relates to the size of the units analyzed,

while the second relates to choices of neighbourhood boundaries boundaries.

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It has been demonstrated previously that the results of research on

access to care are highly dependent on the size of units used. While much of the

existing research tends to use census tracts (e.g. Wang, 2007; Wang & Luo,

2005), there is evidence that census tracts are too large and thus not scale

appropriate for the study of accessibility, and consequently will mask variation in

access to care within urban areas (Apparicio et al, 2008). This illustrates the

importance of considering scale in the choice of units of analysis, and a need for

evaluating intra-urban variability in access to care using smaller geographical

units. While the latter two examples discussed previously (Guagliardo et al,

2004; Pearce et al, 2006) used smaller units as neighbourhoods, there remains

question as to whether the boundaries of these units are likely to correspond with

the areas in which local residents choose to access services and amenities. It is

therefore difficult to discern whether the results are accurately measuring

neighbourhood-level access to care. This demonstrates a need for continual

research into intra-urban variability whereby the choice of neighbourhood scale

and boundaries are more carefully considered.

In addition to furthering empirical and theoretical understandings on

neighbourhood-level access to health care, there are highly pragmatic, policy-

relevant reasons for examining potential access to care in locally relevant and

meaningful neighbourhood units. As mentioned, many municipalities recognize

neighbourhood units that are used as the unit of city planning (Kallus & Law-

Yone, 2000). Such neighbourhoods may be the target of renewal projects aimed

at alleviating health inequalities. Current neighbourhood renewal projects include

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the renewal of the Regent Park neighbourhood in the City of Toronto (TCH,

2009), the renewal of nearly two-dozen neighbourhoods in the state of Victoria,

Australia (SOV, 2007), and nine neighbourhoods in Yorkshire England (GOYH,

2009). Because neighbourhoods are increasingly becoming a policy focus for

implementing changes relevant to public health and well-being, it is logical to use

those very neighbourhoods as the unit of choice for health related analysis. A

less favourable alternative would be to generate empirical data using

administrative units and adapt the results to the neighbourhood units where

planning will occur, although this is often the case.

2.3 Access to Health Care

Access to health care is a complex and multidimensional concept.

Penchansky & Thomas (1981: 128) have defined access as a concept

representing the degree of 'fit' between the clients and the system. Alternative

definitions include spatial components, describing access as pertaining to the

relative ease by which health care can be reached from residential locations (Luo

& Wang, 2003; BTS, 1997; Allen, Liu & Singer, 1993). There is also a general

consensus that access to health care refers to the ability of an individual to

receive care when they need it, regardless of ability to pay (Hanratty, Zhang &

Whitehead, 2007). The following section helps to tease apart the multiple

dimensions of access to care. It discusses the theoretical frameworks that have

described dimensions of access to care and empirical measurements of access

that have been used.

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2.3.1 Components of ‘Access’

Some definitions of access focus on its spatial components (Knox, 1979).

For example, access may be defined as an individual's ability to travel to care in

a timely and acceptable fashion (Apparicio et al, 2008; Wang, 2007; Talen, 2003;

Luo & Wang, 2003). Such dimensions of access are generally measured in

terms of distance or time to a provider. However, abilities and desires to utilize

health services are also highly influenced by needs, attitudes, beliefs and past

experiences with the health care system (Gulliford et al, 2003: 6). As such,

access to care also has aspatial components that might be social, cultural,

economic or other and that may supersede the distance between one’s

residence and a doctor (Penchansky & Thomas, 1981).

Access to health care becomes a much more complex concept when it is

empirically measured, and as such is difficult to operationalize. It is at this point

that it is necessary to break down 'access' into measurable dimensions. This has

proven difficult in part because there is little consensus as to whether access

refers to the potential to receive care or the actual act of receiving it (Guagliardo,

2004). The following section will cover the theoretical frameworks that discuss

the multiple dimensions of access and have served as guidelines for those

attempting to measure it.

Perhaps the most well known framework describing the dimensions of

access to health care was developed by Anderson in 1968. This framework

divided access into four dimensions: predisposing characteristics of individuals,

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enabling resources of families, the need of individuals, and the actual use of

health services (Anderson, 1995). However, this framework was criticized

because it focused entirely on characteristics of individuals and families and

failed to consider characteristics of the health care system itself that play a large

role in accessibility. The framework was further modified by Aday and Anderson

in 1974. Under this framework, access was seen as a function of characteristics

of the delivery system itself, characteristics of the population in need, actual

utilization of services, consumer satisfaction, and health policies that affect many

of these aspects in a top-down manner. However, it was unclear whether this

framework was intended to explain health care use or describe dimensions of

access (Anderson, 1995; Mechanic, 1979; Rundhall, 1981), and as such, further

frameworks designed to explicitly describe access were developed.

Penchansky & Thomas (1981) argued that the Aday and Anderson

framework did not effectively address the dimensions of access. They assert

that access can be considered as a composite of five variables: availability,

accessibility, accommodation, affordability, and acceptability. Availability

describes whether the volume of supply is sufficient to meet the volume of

demand. Accessibility describes whether the location of supply is acceptable

relative to the location of demand. Accommodation describes whether the

organizational aspects of the system (such as waiting times) are sufficient to

meet the needs of the clients. Affordability describes the relationship between

service cost and the ability of clients to pay. Acceptability describes whether

both patients and providers are satisfied with the quality of services and the

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service exchange. One limitation of these five dimensions of access is they are

measured by surveys and cannot be measured using readily available statistical

data. As a result, although this framework has been mentioned in the literature

for offering insight into the dimensions of access (McLaughlin & Wyszewianski,

2002; Joseph & Phillips, 1984), it is not commonly utilized in research that

empirically measures potential access.

The Aday and Anderson framework was further modified by Anderson et

al (1983). This framework has become the standard among the body of research

that refers to and measures access to health care. This version dichotomized

access into potential versus realized. Potential access measures characteristics

of the health system and of the individual that may facilitate or hinder individual

entry into the health care system. In contrast, realized access measures the

actual use of health services (Anderson et al, 1983). Both potential and realized

access are further divided into a spatial component describing the distribution of

resources, and an aspatial component that describes individual characteristics

such as age, gender, social class and income (Luo, 2004; Khan, 1992).

Although the Aday and Anderson (1974) framework remains the standard

reference in the literature on access to health care, several problems with the

framework remain. Foremost, many indicators of realized access such as travel

time and waiting time could also be viewed as measures of potential access,

because they may inhibit initial entry into the system. Furthermore, although it is

not the intention of the Anderson and Aday framework to explicitly support the

empirical measurement of access, this must be clarified before levels of

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accessibility can be determined. As such, a more thorough review of the

dimensions of access as discussed in the related literature, and furthermore a

discussion of the techniques used to measure access are pertinent for this

research. Because potential access to care – the ability for one to get to care if

needed – is the most fundamental dimension of access, it is the focus of the

remainder of this literature review.

2.3.2 Conceptualization of Potential Access

According to Anderson et al (1983), potential access is defined as

comprising resources that facilitate or hinder individual entry into the health care

system. Within this viewpoint, dimensions of potential access consist of system

characteristics such as physicians-per-population, as well as individual

predisposing, enabling and need characteristics including age, gender and

ethnicity. Under this framework, potential access remains an active topic of

inquiry. Josephs and Phillips (1984) further specify the definition of potential

access as pertaining to system characteristics that affect the variation of health

care across geographical space. In other words, potential access is roughly

synonymous to physical geographical access, and aims to measure access to

health care as governed by the friction of distance. More specifically, Haynes

(2003: 13) describes physical accessibility as a measure of two components: the

location of services relative to the population, and the personal mobility of the

population, such as whether an individual has access to a car or uses public

transit. Khan (1992) further divides potential access into spatial and social

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components. Spatial access describes geographic distance as a barrier to

accessing health care, whereas aspatial/social dimensions of access focus on

non-geographic barriers or facilitators, such as socioeconomic status, ethnicity,

income, age or gender (Luo & Wang, 2003; Khan, 1992; Joseph & Phillips,

1984). While these social dimensions operate independently of distance, they

themselves may display a spatial pattern of distribution (for example a

concentration of low socioeconomic status - SES).

Based on this conceptual discussion of the dimensions of potential

access, one can begin to tease apart individual measures of access that may be

empirically measured. In particular, potential access can be thought of in spatial

terms, where potential access is governed primarily by distance to health care

services, and distance is moderated by differential mobility constraints of

individuals. Potential access measures can also be thought of in aspatial terms,

where access is governed by individual characteristics such as socioeconomic

status, age, gender, ethnicity, or language capabilities. Each of these

dimensions offers the opportunity to measure potential access to care within an

area, and a number of methodologies to do so have been developed.

2.3.3 Measuring Potential Access

Joseph and Phillips (1984) divide measures of potential access into those

that calculate regional availability to health care versus those that calculate

regional accessibility. While both measures examine levels of health care

supply, they differ in complexity. Regional availability is the least complex of the

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two. Regional availability measures determine levels of potential access to

health care within the borders of given areas. An example of such a measure

would be a provider-to-population ratio which involves counting only within the

boundaries of the study area, ignoring providers and individuals outside the study

area. As such, regional availability measures provide counts of access that are

mutually exclusive between regions.

An example of a regional availability measure and perhaps the most

commonly used measure of potential access is the ratio of health care providers

to the population within a given area (For example, see Rosenthall, Zaslavsky &

Newhouse, 2005; Brabyn & Barnett, 2004; Kindig & Movassaghi, 1989). A

comparison of these ratios to an 'ideal' standard (such as provincial or national

standards) helps determine whether areas are under- or over-served (Wing &

Reynolds, 1988). There are several variations of this technique, including

individuals-per-physician, physicians-per-person and physician-per-1,000

population. Such provider-to-population ratios have been used to identify health

care shortage areas for decades in Canada (Verhulst, Forrest & McFadden,

2007; Wharry & Sibbald, 2002) and in the United States (Guagliardo et al, 2004;

Wing & Reynolds, 1988). Physicians may be entered as a simple count, or may

be weighted by their practicing time in full time equivalencies (FTE) (Rosenthall

et al, 2005). In Canada, the standard according to the Canadian Institutes of

Health Information (CIHI) is physicians-per-100,000 population (CIHI, 2008: 37).

Actual ratios of this count at provincial and national scale are available from the

Canadian Medical Association (CMA) annually. For example, in 2007 there were

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95 general practitioners and family physicians combined per 100,000 population

in Canada (CMA, 2009). Provider-to-population ratios are an example of a

regional availability measure because they provide ratios that are mutually

exclusive between regions.

The location quotient (LQ) is an extension of the provider-to-population

ratio. The location quotient determines whether the provider-to-population ratio

for each region is equitable relative to all regions in a study area. The location

quotient is mathematically calculated as follows:

LQ (region a) = Physicians in region a / Population in region a Physicians in all regions / Population in all regions

A location quotient greater than 1.0 indicates that a region is over-served relative

to the study area, while a quotient of less than 1.0 indicates that a region is

under-served relative to the study area (Joseph & Phillips, 1984). Because

location quotients measure mutually exclusive regions, they are measures of

regional availability.

The coefficient of localization (CL) is another extension of the provider-to-

population ratio. The CL is used to determine whether the distribution of

physicians across a region is equitable to the distribution of the population. The

CL is calculated as follows:

CL (region a) = ½ ∑ Physicians in region a – Population in region a Physicians in all regions Population in all regions

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A coefficient value of 0.0 indicates an equitable distribution of physicians relative

to the population, while values between 0.0 and 1.0 indicate a spatial

concentration of supply relative to demand (Joseph and Phillips, 1984). While

this measure is commonly used to compare GP distribution relative to population

distribution, it can also be used to measure the distribution of any phenomenon

relative to a baseline measure. As such, the distribution of physicians can be

measured relative to other population characteristics using this index. However,

this measure does not identify whether there is an adequate provision of health

care relative to any standard. It is only designed to determine whether the

provision of health care is distributed equitably relative to the population (Joseph,

1995).

Measures of regional availability, and provider-to-population ratios in

particular have been widely employed in policy and research to determine

potential access to health care. However, there are generally three criticisms of

regional availability measures expressed in the literature (Wang & Luo, 2005;

Guagliardo et al, 2004; McLafferty, 2003; Wing & Reynolds, 1988). First, they

assume that supply or demand within one region are not affected by that in

contiguous or surrounding regions. This inherently assumes that regional

borders are impermeable and individuals do not cross them to seek health care.

While this may hold true when the regional boundaries correspond to those of

national, provincial or isolated municipalities, it is less accurate for boundaries

between smaller regions, such as neighbourhoods. The second criticism of

regional availability measures is that each region is given only one measure of

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access which is constant across the entire region. This ignores any potential

intra-regional variability in access. However, the presence of intra-regional

variation in access is quite likely given that both supply and demand are

generally unevenly distributed. The third criticism of regional availability

measures is that they are extremely sensitive to the choice of geographical

boundaries. Resulting from these flaws, regional accessibility measures are

better suited for smaller regions such as neighbourhoods or non-isolated

municipalities (Joseph & Phillips, 1984).

In contrast to availability measures, regional accessibility measures are

often more complex and time consuming (Joseph & Phillips, 1984). However,

they are favored in the literature because they mediate one or more of the main

limitations of availability measures. Specifically, regional accessibility measures

provide counts of access for each region that incorporate the volume of health

care supply and consumer demand that exists in neighboring regions. Such

methods incorporate the concept that individuals are able to cross regional

boundaries to seek care, dealing with the first significant problem of regional

availability measures. In addition, some measures attempt to describe intra-

regional variations in accessibility to create a more sensitive description of

access at smaller scales.

Travel impedance methods measure the distance between a point of

health care supply to a point of population demand. Demand is often

represented by the geographic or population weighted centroid of an area

(Langford & Higgs, 2006). By this measure, longer distances represent

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decreased potential accessibility. Travel impedance calculations are often used

as regional accessibility measures because they are capable of measuring

potential access beyond the study area boundary. Of travel impedance

measures, straight-line (Euclidean) distances are the simplest to calculate. This

involves calculating distance from the point of an individual health care consumer

to provider, or more commonly, between the centroid of a geographic unit to the

nearest health care provider. The choice of centroid used may either be the

geographical centroid or a population weighted centroid (Lovett, Haynes,

Sunnenberg & Gale, 2002; Haynes, 2003, p. 19).

Euclidean distances have been utilized in numerous studies to reveal

trends in health care access within regions. For example, Charreire & Combier

(2009) measured Euclidean distance from the geographical centroid of census

administrative units in the French district of Seine-Saint-Denis to the nearest

general practitioner. Their analysis revealed that maximum Euclidean distances

ranged from 386m to 1587m in different census units, which could pose a

significant hindrance in access for those walking to services in regions with the

poorest access. Their analysis also demonstrates that distance-based measures

can potentially shed light on whether health services are within walking and

driving distances. The previously mentioned provider-to-population ratios do not

shed light on this matter. However, the use of Euclidean distance as a measure

is very limited, primarily because individuals do not travel over land in straight

lines but use roads and pathways, although travel on foot and perhaps by bike

can be less constrained by the existing street network. In addition, Euclidean

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distances fail to incorporate the demand for health care, as well as the ease, cost

and time required to travel, or differential access to transportation amongst the

population (McLafferty, 2003).

Because individuals generally do not travel using straight-line ('as the crow

flies') distances, more accurate measures of potential access include Manhattan

distances, road distances and travel time by car and bus. Such measures are

often calculated using GIS. Of these distances, road distances and travel times

are preferred because they best approximate how individuals travel. Manhattan

distances, simulating right angles of a road network, are appealing because they

do not require GIS files of actual road networks. However, recent literature has

shown them to be less accurate than Euclidean distances in approximating

distance along a road network (Apparicio et al, 2008). Road distances and travel

times have become the most frequently used distance measures in the literature

and have been made much easier to use with network analysis tools that are

built into most GIS software packages (Higgs, 2004).

GIS based network analysis has been used in multiple studies to measure

potential access to health care (for example, see Hiscock et al, 2008; Pearce et

al, 2006; Brabyn & Barnett 2004; Lovett et al, 2002). The most common

measure used in the literature is travel time by car. Hiscock et al (2008) use GIS

to explore the relationship between travel time to health care and the use of and

satisfaction with health care services. They measured the travel time along road

networks from the population weighted centroid to the nearest facility for all of

New Zealand (NZ). It was determined that travel times ranged from 2 minutes to

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15 minutes between NZ regions and that increased travel time was significantly

negatively related to service use. Pearce et al (2006) calculate travel time from

the population weighted centroids of census areas to multiple services and

amenities including health care across NZ. They determined that the mean time

to general practitioners was 6.9 minutes, but varied from 0.04 minutes in the

highest access communities, to 8.38 minutes in the lowest access communities.

Emergency and Ambulance services showed far greater variance in potential

access, with ambulance services ranging from 0.13 to 30.57 minutes, and

emergency services ranging from 0.14 to 27.57 minutes. As a third example of

the use of distance to measure potential access, Lovett et al (2002) calculated

travel times from post codes along road networks to the nearest GP facility in

East Anglia, UK. A comparison of the population within each post code revealed

that 67% of the population was within five minutes to a GP by car.

Although road distances and travel times offer a more realistic measure of

distance compared to calculations of Euclidean distances, they are still flawed as

the sole measure of potential access. The first problem arises in measuring

distance to physicians from the centroid of a region. The centroid is used to

represent the geographic location of all individuals in the region, but in reality

does not. This degree of fit between the centroid of an area and the actual

location of individuals is highly dependent both on the size of the region and on

the distribution of its population. As regions become larger in size, a centroid is

less likely to represent the location where the majority of individuals live

(Apparicio et al, 2008). In addition, in regions where the population is unevenly

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distributed, the centroid may not represent the actual location of any individuals

within the area. As such, this method is slightly biased to provide more accurate

results when areas are smaller and more uniformly distributed. Additionally, this

method generally does not consider the 'demand' component (Yang, George &

Mullner, 2006; Guagliardo et al, 2004). While provider-to-population ratios

consider whether supply is sufficient for the amount of demand, distance based

measures only consider the location of demand, and not the quantity of it.

Without knowing the relative demand for health care, it can only be determined

whether services are distributed unequally geographically, but not whether they

are distributed inequitably relative to the population served.

The introduction of gravity measures into the calculation of potential

access to health care has served to overcome some of the main flaws of simple

distance calculations by including increased detail about the level of supply and

demand. Gravity measures are based on distance decay concepts which state

that the choice to travel to health care is a tradeoff between the attractiveness of

services and the distance required to get to them. Such a phenomenon occurs

because of the friction of distance - the cost of time, money and effort to travel a

greater distance (Wang, 2007). In the literature, gravity calculations of potential

access are commonly referred to as 'Indices of accessibility'. Joseph & Bantock

(1982), followed by Joseph & Phillips (1984) describe several indices of

accessibility based on such concepts. The most basic gravity measure is

calculated as follows:

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J Ak = ∑Sj / tkj

j=1

Where Ak = potential access in neighbourhood k Sj = service capacity at location J Tkj = travel impedance (distance or time) between K and J, and -β = a coefficient representing the friction of distance

This measure calculates the potential accessibility at site A, which may be

the centroid of an area of interest. The accessibility of region A is determined by

the size of each facility within the entire study area, moderated by the distance to

each facility. The coefficient -β represents the friction of distance, and must be

determined empirically. The main problem with the above measure is that it only

determines geographic variation in health care supply, but does not determine

whether supply is equitable relative to demand.

Improvements made to this early gravity measure began to incorporate

spatial variation in demand for health care, and have since been widely used in

the literature (e.g. see Rosero-Bixby, 2004). Such measures incorporate three

general characteristics: the size of services, distance to services, and population

demand for them. The general equation of the measure is as follows:

n Ai = ∑ (GPj/Dj

) / dijβ

j=1

Where: Ai = potential accessibility to services in neighbourhood i GPj= general practitioners at location j Dj = potential population demand on a doctor

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Knox (1979) modified this gravity-based index of accessibility by factoring

in two new measures: a time-based index of accessibility for neighbourhood i

(TAi), and the population potential of neighbourhoods (PP). The former factors

average travel time by car for one mile of travel, weighted by the proportion of

car-owning households in the neighbourhood, and is calculated as follows:

TAi = Ci (Ai/4.25) + (100-Ci) (Ai/16.75)

where: Ai = potential accessibility to services in neighbourhood i (calculated as above), Ci = the percentage of car-owning households in neighbourhood i 4.25 = the average times taken to travel one mile by car, and 16.75 = the average time taken to travel one mile by bus The population potential for neighbourhood i (PPi) is the potential number of

individuals living in a neighbourhood and willing to travel to health care within it.

It is calculated as follows:

PPi = ∑Pij/Dij1.52

where: Pij = population in neighbourhoods i and j Dij = Distance between neighbourhoods i and j Thus, the final index of availability (I) is: Ii = TAi(%) / PPi (%) x 100

Using this equation, Knox determined that accessibility was highest in the

downtown core neighbourhoods of the study area, Aberdeen Scotland, and

dropped sharply to the periphery of the city. In addition, the areas of high

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accessibility were shown to be primarily in owner occupied, high income

neighbourhoods (Knox, 1979). This equation is an improvement upon previous

versions in that it considers the distribution of the population in need and their

ability to travel to services. It also accounts for the fact that individuals may seek

care outside of their neighbourhood of residence - a common flaw of availability

measures. However, this index remains problematic for several reasons. First,

this measure does not consider the ability or ease with which individuals can

walk to health care. In addition, the equation considers travel time by public

transportation, but does not consider whether such transportation exists within

the area of interest. Thirdly, this method is computationally intensive. It would

be highly difficult to implement when analyzing a large number of study areas,

and would be difficult to automate using GIS.

The use of gravity measures to determine potential access to health care

mediates many problems associated with distance-based measures. Gravity

measures accommodate for the cross-boundary travel that occurs when patients

seek care. In addition, with all but the earliest measures, gravity measures

incorporate the population served into the equation, whereas distance

calculations do not. In addition, gravity measures incorporate the friction of

distance, and offer the potential to account for alternative modes of

transportation, such as access by car and bus (Knox, 1979). As such, they begin

to more accurately approximate access based on how individuals actually do use

health care.

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The main limitation of gravity measures that has remained through their

development is that the distance decay component (-β) that approximates the

friction of distance is often unknown and difficult to calculate (Guagliardo et al,

2004), particularly for alternative modes of transportation. Even when calculated,

it is an approximation at best. Additionally, gravity measures are often difficult

and time consuming to compute and automate. As such, gravity measures are

being used less frequently used as of late in favour of more recent GIS based

methods

The measurement of potential access to health care has a long history in

the literature. However, there has remained a gap in knowledge about how

different geographic barriers, such as the differential travel impedance faced

when driving, walking, or taking public transportation may affect health care

access, utilization and health outcomes (Guagliardo, 2004). GIS offers the

potential to overcome this by providing new methodological insights that are

much less labour intensive (Yang et al, 2006). Recently, increased use of GIS

has enabled the development of new techniques to measure potential access to

health care, as well as offering increased accuracy and sensitivity to existing

methods (Higgs, 2004). Although this review has already touched on several

methods that can be performed using GIS (e.g. distance calculations), the next

section will cover more novel methods to measure potential access to health care

that have been made possible by more specialized GIS analysis techniques.

One example of a more novel GIS method used to measure potential

access to physicians and also falling into the category of regional accessibility

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measures is the use of surface representations to measure access to health care

services. Surface representations are three-dimensional maps. The third

dimension (height) is generated based on the variable of interest, where larger

quantities of this variable correspond to a greater height in the surface

representation. Surfaces are created in the GIS by representing the study area

as a regular array of pixels/cells in rows and columns. Existing data values are

entered, such as the number of physicians at known locations. The value of

each point is seen as an 'intensity' value, which correlates to its height in a three

dimensions. Values for all other cells in the grid are interpolated based on the

known points. These values can then be viewed as a three-dimensional surface

(Yang et al, 2006). As a result, an estimated measure of 'access' can be

obtained for any location on the map. Surfaces are similar in concept to gravity

measures, because they generate estimates of access that are weighted by both

by the amount of services available, and by distance to them (Guagliardo et al,

2004). However, surfaces of health care alone are rarely used to measure

potential access because they fail to incorporate estimates of the population at

any given location. Typically, surfaces of both health care supply and population

demand are layered over one another. The supply layer is always a surface

interpolation, while the demand layer may either be created by interpolation

techniques using census centroids, or may be based on area-based data to

avoid interpolation. Once the layers overlap, map algebra can be used to

calculate physician-to-population ratios for each grid cell, and averaged for a

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neighbourhood. This technique combines elements of gravity measures and

traditional physician-to-population ratios (Guagliardo et al, 2004).

One common surface representation used is kernel density (KD)

interpolation. The kernel is a moving window. It counts the frequency of point

events within the window. The centre of the kernel is given an intensity value

based on that count, with point events that are nearer to the centre of the kernel

weighing higher than more distant events. The kernel is moved across a surface

to repeat calculations at evenly spaced reference points or grid cells. Each of

these points then has an associated intensity (z) value that can be mapped in

three-dimensions to create a 3D surface (Gatrell, Bailey, Diggle & Rowlingson,

1996).

Guagliardo et al (2004) use kernel density surfaces to calculate physician-

to-population ratios for Washington, DC. Using ArcGIS, they created one surface

representing a continual spectrum of physician density, and a second to

represent a continual spectrum of population density. Using map algebra in GIS,

physician to population ratios were calculated for each grid cell, and averaged for

each census tract. Using this method, physicians-per-100,000 ratios ranged

from 1 to greater than 70 per 100,000 over the study area.

Teach et al (2006) used surface methods to calculate the ratio of

pediatricians to youth under 18 years of age in Washington DC. They attribute

youth (<18 years) population to the geographic centroid of census blocks, and

apply a Gaussian smoothing of one mile outwards of these points. They then

attribute provider full time equivalent measures to the point of pediatric provider

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service supply and smooth these values outwards to three miles - a distance

which represents acceptable distance to health care. They then calculate the

physician-to-population ratio at specific locations where survey respondents

reside using the smoothed supply and demand layers. Using this technique,

ratios ranged from 0 to greater than 90 per 100,000 over the study area.

Additional findings showed that African American youth had lower accessibility to

pediatric services using this measure, and that decreased access resulted in

decreased use of pediatric services (Teach et al, 2006).

Burns & Inglis (2007) demonstrate surface analysis techniques using

ArcGIS accessibility analyst to measure access to food outlets in Casey,

Australia. Although this study does not fit with the theme of examining access to

health care, it is worth mentioning because it is an innovative extension of

surface methodologies. The authors created three 'cost surfaces' for the city

using surface smoothing methods, representing travel time by car, by bus, and

by walking. This was accomplished by using known road locations and driving

speeds for the first surface, known bus routs and frequency of bus travel at each

location for the second surface, and inputting walking speed (3Km/hr) and terrain

slope for the third. The output produced continual shaded maps displaying the

ease of access in travel time at any given point. The results of this study

revealed that accessibility by all measures was greatest in the centre of the city,

and decreased significantly towards the periphery.

Surface representations offer several improvements to the determination

of potential access as compared to previous methods. As with gravity measures,

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they do account for the fact that individuals can cross borders to seek care, and

as such improve upon distance measures and provider-to-population ratios

(Guagliardo et al, 2004). In addition they offer further improvement upon gravity

measures by providing measures of access that vary within regions. The main

flaw with surface representations is that the smoothing process used in

interpolation has been demonstrated to result in slight inaccuracies.

Inaccuracies occur when the technique is used to interpolate values for health

care supply, but not to interpolate the layer representing demand for care. The

interpolation process smoothes health care supply values onto grid cells that are

outside of the study area. This process of assigning values outside of the study

area decreases the actual count of values within the area, thus underestimating

health care supply. As a result, the level of potential access is seen to be overall

lower than it should be, in particular at the periphery of the study area (Yang et

al, 2006). Resulting from this flaw, there are more favored techniques that use

buffering to determine physician-to-population ratios. These will be discussed

next.

Using GIS, various applications of buffering techniques have also been

used to measure health care provision. These fall into the category of regional

accessibility measures, as they are capable of measuring supply and demand

across local boundaries. One example of a buffering technique is the floating

catchment method (FCM) (see for example, Luo & Wang, 2003; Luo, 2004). This

method requires the placement of a consistently sized buffer (circle) around the

geometric or population weighted centroid of each region in the study area. The

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radius of the buffer represents a health care catchment, which should represent

the distance that individuals would be willing to travel to access health care. The

physician-to-population ratios for each buffer are then calculated. The physician

portion of the equation is generated from the number of physicians falling within

the catchment. The population portion of the equation is determined by the

population of the neighbourhood unit being buffered. The main improvement of

this method on traditional physician-to-population ratios is that physicians outside

of unit boundaries may be calculated in the ratio if they fall within the buffer. This

helps mediate the 'boundary permeability' problem that exists with regional

availability measures.

Luo (2004) used the FCA method to determine whether census tracts

were under- or over-served relative to the existing American standard from the

Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) of 1 physician per 3500

persons. As an exploration of the technique, buffer radii of 5, 10, 20, 30, and 35

miles were used. Using a buffer of 5 miles revealed a significant amount of

shortage area within the study area, while increasing buffer size increased the

number of physicians in each catchment, thus reducing the number of areas that

were designated as shortage areas.

While the FCA method improves upon traditional physician-to-population

ratios by accounting for cross-boundary access to care, several limitations

remain. The most significant problem with this method is the subjectivity

inherent in the size of the buffer used, particularly as the results of the analysis

are highly sensitive to this (Higgs, 2004). While the buffer should represent a

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logical distance that the majority of the population is willing to travel, there is little

consensus in the literature on the 'acceptable distance' to health care. Several

studies in the health geography literature use 5km to represent acceptable

walking distance (Luo, 2004; Higgs, 2004), while other literature both inside the

field of health geography (Lovett et al, 2002) as well as outside the field (Sallis,

Frank, Saelens & Kraft, 2004; Talen, 2003) generally consider 800m (roughly ½

mile) to be the standard for acceptable walking distance. Because the results of

this method are highly sensitive to the size of buffer used (Higgs, 2004), this can

influence the outcome of the research. Additionally, because population-to-

physician ratios have had a long history of use in public policy for health services

planning, it could be very problematic for individuals with reduced mobility if 5km

became the standard for walking distance. Additional problems with this method

exist as well. As with several earlier methods discussed, the FCA method

attributes the population of an area to its centroid. This is problematic because

results will be sensitive to the size of the units of analysis. For example, while a

3 mile buffer may extend beyond the boundary of a small neighbourhood and

thus act as a measure of regional accessibility, the same size buffer may not

extend beyond the boundary of a large neighbourhood, acting as a measure of

regional availability. This demonstrates the importance of insuring uniformity in

study areas analyzed. Another problem with this method is that it assumes that

access to physicians is equal at any location within the catchment area. In

reality, accessibility follows a distance decay curve (Joseph & Phillips, 1984),

whereby willingness to travel decreases linearly with increasing distance. A final

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problem is the continual possibility that physicians outside the catchment area

might serve the population within it, and conversely that individuals within the

catchment area might travel outside to see a physician.

The FCA method was further improved upon to result in a method termed

the 'two-stage floating catchment area' (2SFCA) method. Originally developed

by Radke & Mu (2000), the 2SFCA method was designed to better account for

the cross-border travel of individuals in seeking health care. The 2SFCA method

uses two sets of catchment area buffers to calculate population-to-physician

ratios. The first set of buffers is placed around each point location of health care

supply. The radius of this buffer represents the desired travel distance or time.

The amount of health care supply along with the population demand falling within

this catchment used to calculate a physician-to-population ratio. A second set of

buffers is then placed around the centroid of each unit of analysis, again

representing the desired travel time or distance. The overall measure of access

for a given region is generated by summing the physician-to-population ratios of

all facilities that fall within the buffer surrounding the unit of analysis (Wang &

Luo, 2005; Higgs, 2004). This number is then stated to be an "accessibility ratio"

for unit in the study area (Yang et al, 2006).

Examples of the 2SFCA method can be found in Bagheri, Benwell & Holt

(2005) and Luo & Wang (2003). Using the 2SFCA method, Bagheri et al (2005)

identify disparities in access to primary care between census meshblocks of

Otago New Zealand. Using thirty minute driving time catchments, access ratios

ranging between 0.37 and 83.3 per 1,000 population were revealed. Luo &

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Wang (2003) also use a 30 minute driving time catchment in their study of

Chicago, US, and determine accessibility to range between 0.017 and 5.91 per

1,000 population. Because the 2SFCA method improves upon the 'gold-

standard' measure of health care access - the traditional physician-to-population

ratio - it is likely to be become a much more common method used to evaluate

access to health care in the near future.

Using the state of Illinois as their study area, Yang et al (2006)

demonstrate that the 2SFCA method offers improvements to the KD analysis in

the computation of physician-to-population ratios. The KD method tends to

underestimate provider density by smoothing provider values outside of the study

area, and thus under-valuing potential access. The 2SFCA method does not

have this problem. Despite this potential to improve upon existing measures to

calculate physician-to-population ratios, the method remains problematic for

several reasons. One problem is that this method provides a given region with

one single measure of access, failing to take into account intra-regional variation

in physician and population density. In addition, as with the original FCA method,

the results of the 2SFCA are highly sensitive to the size of the unit of analysis.

This occurs because a buffer of a given size may extend beyond the boundaries

of a small unit of analysis and not extend beyond the boundaries of a large unit of

analysis. This could result in higher counts of health care supply or population

demand for smaller units of analysis.

The results of the 2SFCA method are also highly dependent on both the

method used to group population data into catchments, and the distribution of the

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population within the geographic units used. Regarding the former, the

population within a facilities catchment can be determined based on whether the

centroid of administrative units are within the catchment, or in contrast, whether

the entire administrative unit falls within the catchment. These two methods will

yield different results, with the former yielding larger population estimates. This

choice requires careful consideration. A second, related problem is that when

population numbers are assigned to a catchment area, it is done under the

assumption that the population is evenly distributed within its census tract.

However, population is often distributed in clustered patterns, resulting in

inaccuracies.

To account for several of the major problems with the 2SFCA method,

variations of it have been developed in recent years. Langford and Higgs (2006)

discuss a 'dasymetric' method designed to account for variations in population

distribution within regions. In essence, smaller scale data on populations is used

to determine which locations in the administrative regions are populated and

which are not. The population data of the administrative unit is then distributed

evenly between the specific populated areas, and values of zero are entered for

the non-populated areas. This allows for a more accurate determination of

physician-to-population ratios when administrative data is assigned to facility

catchments. This method demonstrates lower accessibility values than with the

traditional 2SFCA method, indicating that the 2SFCA method may over-estimate

accessibility.

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2.4 Conclusion

This review of theoretical and methodological investigations into

neighbourhood-level access to health care reveals several gaps in the existing

body of knowledge on the subject that require further investigation. Primarily,

there is only a very small body of research that attempts to measure potential

access to primary care at the neighbourhood level. Within this literature, the

majority of research uses statistical units as proxy for neighbourhoods, and there

is limited use of units that are more socially and politically relevant. As a result, it

is difficult to draw conclusions on local-level variations in access to care when the

results of existing research are shaped by the choice of units used (Apparicio et

al, 2008). There is a need for further investigation into this line of inquiry using

neighbourhoods that are perhaps better suited for an examination of access to

primary care. This research will address this gap in knowledge by examining

access to primary care within the neighbourhoods of Mississauga that are

recognized by city residents and utilized in city planning.

Additionally, the literature reveals that the current state of methods used to

measure health care access in the literature is in rapid transition. Methods to

measure access have been in constant development and evolution following the

inclusion of GIS into this stream of study. There is a need to work with existing

methods, of which the FCA based methods seem the most appropriate, in order

to best adapt them to the context in which they will be used for this analysis. If

done, such a stream of investigation has the potential to offer much-needed

insight into local-level variations in access to health care. This research will

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address this need by working with the 2SFCA method and better adapt it for use

in the city of Mississauga.

The use of the 2SFCA method in the literature reveals that there is a need

to carefully consider the size of the buffer used. While there is recognition in the

literature that the size of the buffer is intended to represent an acceptable

distance to care, and that the distance that an individual is willing to travel will

vary based on individual characteristics such as age, mobility status, SES (Luo,

2004), there has been little effort in the literature to tailor the buffer size to

represent specific populations or travel abilities. This research will address this

knowledge gap by performing the data analysis using buffer sizes that represent

two mobility groups: those with access to a vehicle, and those without.

Based on the theoretical discussion of access to health care it is clear that

potential access has multiple dimensions. Penchansky & Thomas (1981)

describe five dimensions of access to health care: accessibility, affordability,

acceptability, availability, and accommodation. While all five could possibly be

measured as dimensions of potential access, only the first, accessibility, is

covered in research. Other measures of access that would contribute to the

study of Penchansky & Thomas’s (1981) dimensions of access could include

whether physicians are accepting patients, and the ability to see physicians

without appointments. These measures are important to address because they

may provide a more thorough investigation into potential access, recalling that

potential access aims to measure “characteristics of the individual or system that

may facilitate or inhibit entry into the health care system” (Aday & Anderson,

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1983). This research will address this gap by exploring two additional

dimensions of access to care: access to physicians accepting patients and

access to walk-in facilities.

Additionally, the literature focusing on potential access to care typically

measures access for the entire population, and does not take into account how

access may differ based on aspatial characteristics such as age, socioeconomic

status, gender or ethnicity. However, there may be substantial subgroups of the

population with differing needs who are not adequately represented by traditional

accessibility calculations. These aspatial components of access according to

Khan (1992) comprise one-half of the concept of potential access and yet are

rarely studied. Access to care for particular population subgroups based on

ethnicity, gender, age and social class remains under-examined (but see Wang

et al, 2008; Wang, 2007; Pearson, 1989 in Rosenberg, 1995 for exceptions).

And yet, these social characteristics of the population can greatly affect ones

choice or ability to access care (McLaughlin & Wyszewianski, 2002).

Research has demonstrated that the ethnicity and language of a health

care provider can act as significant determinants of an individual’s choice in

primary care physicians (Wang, 2007). Yet, language- or ethnicity-specific

measures of potential access are rarely examined in research. Given the use of

potential access counts and particularly the use of population-to-provider ratios in

service provision, the exclusion of these aspatial dimensions of potential access

in the research on access to care is a significant gap in knowledge. The

consideration of such dimensions of access go further than simply measuring

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spatial distance to physicians, and take steps towards measuring the goodness

of fit between the system and the population served (McLaughlin &

Wyszewianski, 2002). This research will help to fill this gap in the literature by

measuring access to care using provider-to-population ratios for important

population subgroups. This will be accomplished by determining whether

prominent linguistic groups of Mississauga are able to access physicians who

speak their language of mother tongue and whether recent immigrants are able

to access physicians who are accepting new patients.

As this research addresses multiple dimensions of potential access, it will

be of use to incorporate these additional dimensions into an overarching

comprehensive index of accessibility to provide a more holistic picture of local-

level health care accessibility. This is infrequently undertaken in the literature,

and in the course of this review, only one research article was found that did so.

Spitzer et al (1978) created a composite index describing the provision of primary

care for facilities in Ontario, Canada. This index of “accessibility, availability, and

scope of services” weighted and combined components such as the hours

services were available, the scope of services offered, whether services were

within walking and driving distances, and whether services had walk-in

capabilities and after hours. However, the index was assigned to the facilities

themselves, and not the neighbourhoods/regions of study. Such a composite

index, if assigned to the neighbourhood, could improve upon current methods

used to identify health shortage areas. This research will address this need by

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demonstrating the use of an exploratory method to create a composite index of

potential accessibility.

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Chapter 3: Data & Methods

3.1 Introduction

The overarching research question for this project is: Does potential

access to primary health care differ at the neighbourhood-level in the City of

Mississauga, Ontario? Additional objectives of this research are three-fold. The

first objective is to evaluate current methodology used to measure potential

access and to devise an appropriate methodology to be used in this specific

Canadian setting. The second objective is to identify neighbourhood-level

disparities in potential access to primary health care in Mississauga, Ontario.

Thirdly, this research explores additional spatial and aspatial dimensions of

access to develop a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of access

to care in this geographical setting.

This research project employs quantitative methodology based on GIS

techniques to address its research objectives. A GIS analysis was chosen for

this study because it is optimal to address the research question of whether

access to health care differs between neighbourhoods of Mississauga by

allowing for large scale analysis of physician and population data. Within health

geography, GIS and spatial analysis have emerged as prominent tools for the

study of health care delivery, disease distribution, and resource allocation

(Apparicio et al, 2008) and is the natural choice for this study. Additionally, GIS

and spatial analysis have become increasingly popular in local "small area"

studies (Ricketts, 2003). Given this, there is an established precedent for the

use of GIS in this neighbourhood-level analysis.

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The remainder of this chapter is divided into three sections. The first

section describes the research context, the City of Mississauga, Ontario. The

second section of this chapter describes the data collection techniques. The

third section describes the data analysis techniques that were used to quantify

levels of potential access to primary health care.

3.2 Research Context

This research project takes place in the City of Mississauga, Ontario. The

city of Mississauga is Canada’s sixth most populated municipality with a 2006

Census population of just under 700,000 (Appendix A, Table 1). As can be seen

from Figure 1, Mississauga is located on the west border of Toronto, and resides

on the north end of Lake Ontario. This setting is ideal for an examination of

access to primary health care for several key reasons. Partly resulting from its

proximity to Toronto, Mississauga is one of Canada's fastest growing cities. This

rapid population growth has occurred in a sprawling fashion, with a population

density of roughly 2860 persons/Km2 (Appendix A, Table 1). This is far less than

that of Canada’s other large cities, such as Montreal (4400/Km2), Toronto

(3900/Km2) and Vancouver (5000/Km2) (Statistics Canada, 2009). Despite

potential accessibility concerns that arise in a setting of rapid population growth

and urban sprawl, there has been little investigation into whether essential

services in the city are distributed accordingly to meet the needs of the

population.

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Mississauga has 35 neighbourhoods that are recognized by the city

(Figure 1), and are used for municipal planning purposes. Originally forming as

smaller communities, these neighbourhoods were later amalgamated into the

municipality of Mississauga. As a result, the neighbourhood boundaries are

partially based on historical communities. They are also partly based on census

boundaries, as well as residents’ perceptions of where neighbourhood

boundaries should lie (McFadyen, D. Personal communication, January 14

2009). These 35 neighbourhoods will constitute the geographical units of study

for this research.

Mississauga’s neighbourhoods are highly variable in size and population

structure (Appendix A, Table 1). They range in size from 1.6 Km2 (Sheridan

Park), to 22.3 Km2 (Northeast 1) and range in population from 676 in the least

populated neighbourhood (Sheridan Park) to 63,577 in the most populated

neighbourhood (East Credit). Population density ranges from a low of 130

individuals per Km2 in the least densely populated neighbourhood (Northeast 1)

to 7205 individuals per Km2 in the most densely populated neighbourhood

(Mississauga Valley). There are three neighbourhoods with no population.

These are Airport, Airport Corporate and Northeast 3. These neighbourhoods

are not considered in the analysis of access to health care because there is no

demand for care within them.

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Figure 1. The city of Mississauga, displaying its neighbourhoods and the surrounding geography.

3.3 Data Collection

The focus of this research is on primary health care. Primary health care

in Canada is a broad and encompassing approach to maintaining health and

well-being. It is concerned with providing services that address all elements that

may impact health (Health-Canada, 2006). Primary care services can be

generalized as performing two large and essential roles: acting as an individuals’

first point of contact with the health care system and coordinating all elements of

the health care system so that individual health concerns can be resolved as

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necessary (Health-Canada, 2006). The latter role includes resolving short-term

health conditions, managing chronic conditions and referring patients to specialist

services when needed (Starfield et al, 2005). Primary care practitioners act as a

gateway into the Canadian health care system and as such, they are the most

fundamental component of this system (HCC, 2005).

There are a number of ways in which primary health care may be

received. Primary care may be received by general practitioners (GPs) or family

practitioners (FPs) at a private practice. Additionally primary care may be

received at community health centres, by phone through Telehealth Ontario, in a

walk-in or after hours clinic, by a family health team, in an urgent care centre, or

in an emergency room (MOH, 2009). GPs and FPs are the two primary care

providers who are able to perform all elements of primary care and are the focus

of this analysis. They are collectively referred to as primary care physicians

(PCPs) in this study. The role of PCPs includes taking on patients, treating and

managing illness and referring patients to specialists as needed (Starfield et al,

2005). FPs differ from GPs in that they have received an additional two years of

specialist residency training in family medicine following completion of medical

school. The FP specialization was newly implemented in Ontario in 1993 and is

now mandatory for all new physicians practicing primary care (CPSO, 2008).

The current state of primary care in Canada is cause for concern.

Roughly 1.4 million Canadians do not have a family doctor (Nabalamba & Millar,

2007), and yet the number of general practitioners has decreased over the past

two decades (Wharry & Sibbard, 2002). This indicates that access to primary

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care may become increasingly problematic in years to come. Resulting from

concerns over access to and provision of primary services there has been a

heightened interest in the literature in examining access to primary care in

Canada, and this line of inquiry has become particularly pertinent as of recent in

health geography (e.g. See Crooks & Andrews, 2008).

Primary care physician (PCP) data was obtained from the physician

search engine on the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario (CPSO)

website (CPSO, 2009). The search engine allows for the retrieval of physician

records based on the type of service provided (e.g. generalist or specialist and

type of specialty) as well as by municipality. The physician search and record

retrieval for this research was conducted in November of 2008 by research

assistants at the University of Saskatchewan. This search selected general

practitioners and physicians with FP specialties for the City of Mississauga. This

retrieved records of all GPs and FPs within the city. Each physician record

retrieved included the following information: name of physician, street address of

practice, whether the physician was accepting patients and languages spoken.

The address locations of physicians are updated as needed (when physicians

change practice locations). The data for whether physicians are accepting

patients is updated annually (CPSO, 2008). Thus, the data provides an annual

snapshot for the year of 2008 for this measure. This data was retrieved and

entered into a Microsoft Access database.

An additional measure of access of interest for this research is access to

walk-in clinics, as these facilities are particularly beneficial for individuals without

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a family doctor and for individuals who have a difficult time making appointments

during standard hours (Brown et al, 2002). The locations of Mississauga’s walk-

in clinics were obtained from the “Health Care Connect” search engine on the

Ontario Ministry of Health and Long Term Care website (MOH, 2009b). The

search conducted specified the retrieval of all walk-in clinics within the City of

Mississauga. Thirty records were retrieved, and following a telephone call to

each, twenty-six were determined to be currently offering walk-in services and

were entered into a Microsoft Access database. The remaining four clinics were

no longer offering walk-in services and were not included in the Access

database.

A digital geographic boundary file of Mississauga’s neighbourhoods was

obtained from the City of Mississauga. Demographic data for the residents of

Mississauga was obtained from the University of Toronto at Mississauga (UTM)

as a digital geographic file of the 2006 Canadian Census, at the dissemination

area (DA) level. A CanMAP 2006 street file was obtained from UTM for

geocoding purposes.

3.4 Data Analysis

The analysis of physician data was carried out in four distinct stages.

First, physicians were mapped to their street addresses. Second the 2SFCA

method was modified to create a novel method to explore spatial patterns in

access to primary health care. Third a cumulative index of accessibility was

developed which combined multiple spatial dimensions of access. Following this,

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aspatial dimensions of access to care were examined based on language and

immigrant status. All spatial analysis was conducted in ArcGIS 9.2.

3.4.1 Stage 1: Raw Distribution of Primary Care

The first stage of the data analysis involved the visualization of

Mississauga’s primary care physicians (PCPs). Mississauga’s PCPs were

geocoded to their street addresses and visualized as point symbols. This point

file was then used to create a secondary file by aggregating records at the same

street location. These locations represent “clinics” at which more than one PCP

delivers services. PCPs accepting patients were visualized as a subset of all

PCPs. Mississauga’s walk-in clinics were geocoded to their street addresses

and visualized as point symbols.

3.4.2: Stage 2: Potential Spatial Access to Care

In the second stage of the analysis, levels of potential access to PCPs in

Mississauga’s neighbourhoods were calculated. In the literature, potential

access can be measured in a number of ways as explored in Chapter 2. The

most common method is physician-to-population ratios. However, this method

falls into the category of regional availability measures because it fails to

consider health care demand and supply across neighbourhood boundaries. The

two-step floating catchment area method (2SFCA) as previously mentioned

calculates provider to population ratios that are counts of regional accessibility

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and do consider cross-boundary travel of individuals seeking care. As a result, it

is a more accurate method to measure access to care in intra-urban settings.

As was discussed in Chapter 2, the 2SFCA has two main flaws that render

it unsuitable for this analysis. First, the results of the 2SFCA are highly sensitive

to differences in the sizes of units of analysis because a buffer that extends

beyond the boundaries of a small neighbourhood may not do so when placed on

a large neighbourhood. Because of the large differences in the size of

Mississauga’s neighbourhoods (see Figure 1), the use of one buffer size around

neighbourhood centroids could be problematic. Secondly, the 2SFCA is suited

for use on census units for which data is available, and has not been used on

meaningful neighbourhoods such as those of Mississauga. As a result, it was of

interest to adapt this method for use in Mississauga’s neighbourhoods. This was

done by adding a third step onto the existing 2SFCA method. The method

developed for this research is named here the ‘Three-Step Floating Catchment

Area (3SFCA)’ method. The 3SFCA calculates access ratios for each

neighbourhood, expressed as physicians-per-1,000 population.

In the literature, the physician to population ratios are often expressed as

physicians-per-100,000, physicians-per-10,000 or physicians-per-1,000

population. Ratios in this research are calculated as physicians-per-1,000

because 1,000 individuals may roughly represent the size of each physician’s

practice, given that Mississauga has 677 physicians and a population of roughly

670,000 individuals. Additional research in Ontario has determined an average

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family physician roster size of roughly 1500 patients per physician (Anderson et

al, 2006). As a result, the ratio given in physicians-per-1,000 is suitable.

Step 1 Step 2 Step 3

2 3 2

1

3.5 3

4

Figure 2. Schematic of the Three-Step Floating Catchment Area Method

The three steps of the method are conducted as follows (see figure 2):

Step 1: Physician-to-population ratios are assigned to each point of health

care supply, represented by a red circle in Figure 2. To do this, catchment areas

are created around each PCP facility location. Catchment areas are based on

road network distances and are represented by the rough circle around the point

of supply in Figure 2. Physician-to-population ratios are then calculated by

counting the number of physicians at a given facility, and the population of all DA

centroids that fall within the catchment. The ratio is expressed as the number of

physicians per 1,000 population. In Figure 2, the ratio given to this facility is 2

physicians-per-1,000 population.

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Step 2: Points of health care demand, represented by the blue circle in

Figure 2 are then assigned physician-to-population ratios. DA centroids are used

as the point of demand in this analysis. Ratios are assigned to DA centroids by

first creating catchment areas around them, also based on road network

distances. The ratios of all facilities falling within these DA catchments are

summed for a given DA. In Figure 2, the facility ratios of 2 and 1 are summed for

a DA ratio of 3-per-1,000.

Step 3: Neighbourhoods, represented by the purple box in Figure 2 are

then assigned an overall physician-to-population ratio. This is done by averaging

the ratios of all DAs that have centroids falling within a given neighbourhood. It is

this third step of averaging that sets this method apart from the 2SFCA and

causes this method to be less susceptible to variation in the size of

neighbourhood units. In Figure 2, the average of 3 and 4 is 3.5 physicians-per-

1,000.

The 3SFCA technique is based on placing a buffer around points of health

care supply and points of demand and so it requires choosing a radius for that

buffer that represents a desirable distance to health care. Inherent in this

technique is that individuals falling within that distance have access to care, and

individuals who fall outside of that distance do not. As such, the distance for the

catchment requires consideration. One limitation of current research identified in

Chapter 2 is that while there is acknowledgement in the literature that not

everyone will have the same idea of what an ‘acceptable’ distance to health care

is, there is little attempt to carry this through in methods used to measure access.

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This research attempts to fill this gap by examining two distances, one that may

suffice for those with vehicle access, and a shorter distance for those who do not

have access to a vehicle. In the literature, acceptable distances to health care

range from 1 to 30 miles (1.6 – 40 Km). This research uses a distance of 3Km to

represent driving access to health care, which is similar in size to some of

Mississauga’s larger neighbourhoods, and therefore appropriate for a local

analysis of access to health care in this setting. A distance of 800m was chosen

to represent walking distance to care because 800m (or roughly ½ mile) is often

chosen in the literature as an acceptable distance to walk to local services and

amenities (Sallis et al, 2004; Lovett et al, 2002).

One limitation of the existing literature identified in chapter two is that

measures of access to care rarely consider different dimensions of primary care

such as whether physicians are actually accepting patients. This research will

help to fill this gap in knowledge by demonstrating how a more nuanced

understanding of access can be obtained using readily available data from the

CPSO and MOH websites. The three spatial measures of access considered in

this research are:

• access to all physicians

• access to physicians who are accepting patients

• access to walk-in clinics

While the first measure of access is most commonly examined in the literature,

there has been a lack of examination of the latter two. Given that the latter two

measures help to shed light on whether physicians are actually taking on new

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patients or whether individuals can access care without appointment, they will

greatly enhance the examination of access to primary care conducted in this

research.

3.4.3 Stage 3: Cumulative Index of Accessibility

In the literature, cumulative indices of access are rarely used. Research

examining multiple measures of access rarely combines them to provide a

comprehensive picture of access for local areas. However, the creation of an

index that combines the multiple dimensions of access explored in this research

is of interest here so that neighbourhoods that repeatedly score high or low on

measures of access can be identified to target future research and potential

policy intervention. One cumulative index of accessibility was created in this

research. The index combines the three measures of access at 800m and the

three measures of access at 3Km. Recall that these three measures are:

• access to all physicians

• access to physicians accepting patients

• access to walk-in clinics.

Because there is little precedent in the literature for the creation of a

cumulative index, this particular index is highly exploratory in nature. However, it

is loosely based on research presented by Richardson et al. (2009) at the 13th

annual Medical Geography Symposium in Hamilton, Ontario. Here, researchers

organized neighbourhoods from low to high based on the presence of particular

health influencing attributes (such as the presence of parks, or access to

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necessary amenities), scored them from -1 to +1 based on rank, and added

scores for the final index. Such a method of ranking, scoring, and adding scores

is examined here in the creation of a cumulative index of access to care.

The 32 neighbourhoods of consideration were classified into quartiles

(also used in Pearce et al, 2006) based on lowest to highest ranking for each

measure of access. The quartiles were given scores ranging on a negative to

positive scale in increments of one. A negative to positive score range was

chosen so that the end index allowed neighbourhoods to be easily dichotomized

into those that have ‘poor’ access versus those that have ‘good’ access by the

particular measures of access examined here. Thus, the 8 lowest access

neighbourhoods are given a score of -2, the next highest 8 neighbourhoods given

a score of -1, the following 8 highest a score of +1, and the eight highest access

neighbourhoods a score of +2. This is done for each of the three measure of

access at each distance, providing six scores, each with a range of -2 to +2. The

six scores were added (See Table 1 for summary), resulting in scores that

ranged between +12 (highest access), and -12 (lowest access). The choices to

provide scores in increments of one and to tally the final score in an additive

format (rather than by averaging) were made so that the final scores would be

integers (rather than fractions) for simplicity.

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Table 1. Method of Calculating the Index of Accessibility

Index of Accessibility Measure of Access Score Range (3 Km) Score Range (800m)

• Access to all physicians

-2 +2 -2 +2

• Access to physicians accepting patients

-2 +2 -2 +2

• Access to walk in clinics

-2 +2 -2 +2

Total Index Range -12 +12

At this point it is pertinent to provide a caveat as to the intended use of

these indices. From the index scores it is not possible to characterize a

neighbourhood as having either 'good' or 'poor' access to care by all measures

and conceptualizations of access. However, the index does allow for the

assessment of neighbourhoods that consistently score high or low on the

particular measures of access examined in this study. This is of interest in

targeting future research and potential policy intervention to neighbourhoods that

repeatedly display disparities in the dimensions of potential access examined in

this research.

3.4.4 Stage 4: Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care

There is limited research available that uses more innovative GIS

techniques such as FCA based methods to measure some of the aspatial

dimensions of access discussed in Khan (1992). For example, access to care

based on gender, age, ethnicity or language ability is rarely considered in GIS

analysis. However, this line of inquiry is particularly relevant for this research,

given the diversity of Mississauga’s population. Roughly one-half (44%) of

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Mississauga’s population speaks a first-language other than English, and 10% of

the population has immigrated to Canada within the last five years (Appendix A,

Table 2). Considering this level of diversity and potentially differential health care

needs, this research extends the use of the 3SFCA method to examine access to

care for two subgroups of the population in Mississauga:

• those whose mother tongue is not English

• recent immigrants to Canada

The definition of mother tongue given by Statistics Canada is: the first

language learned in the home, and still spoken at the time of the census

(Statistics Canada, 2005). According to Statistics Canada, this group of

respondents includes those who claim to speak a single non-official language

and those who speak multiple languages, with a mother tongue that is non-

official. Included in the latter category are individuals who are capable of

speaking English and/or French, but have a non-official mother tongue (Statistics

Canada, 2007). This population subgroup is examined in recognition that

language may act as significant aspatial barrier in potential access to care.

Recent literature has found that many individuals prefer to seek care in their

(non-English) mother tongue (Wang, 2007; Asanin & Wilson, 2008).

Access ratios were calculated for six of the most prominent mother

tongues spoken in Mississauga. These languages are Urdu (4.6% of the

municipal population), Polish (4.4%), Punjabi (3.6%), Tagalog (2.7%), and Arabic

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(2.6)1. French (1.2%) was also examined for a comparison of official and non-

official minority languages (data adapted from the 2006 Census). The ratios

calculate providers speaking a language of interest – per – 1,000 persons

speaking that language. Only considered in this ratio are the physicians who

state the ability to speak a given language on the CPSO website and the

individuals who reported that given language as their mother tongue in the

census. All other physicians and individuals are not. See Appendix A, Table 3

for neighbourhood and municipal level counts of each mother tongue.

The definition of recent immigrant given by Statistics Canada refers to

individuals who have arrived in the country in the past five years (2001-2005).

Recent literature has revealed that finding a family physician that is taking on

new patients can be extremely difficult for recent immigrants to Mississauga

(Asanin & Wilson, 2008). It was therefore of interest to determine whether this

measure of accessibility displays spatial disparities. Ratios of access to

physicians accepting patients for recent immigrants were calculated by counting

only the physicians who listed that they are accepting patients on the CPSO

website and only individuals who claim to be recent immigrants in the 2006

Census.

1 The Chinese (Cantonese and Mandarin) and Portuguese language groups are also both prominent in Mississauga but were not examined in this analysis.

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Chapter 4: Results

4.1 Introduction

In presenting the results of the analysis, this chapter has three sections.

The first section explores descriptive statistics of the city’s primary care

physicians, focusing on the distribution of primary care across the city at the

neighbourhood level. The second section discusses results of the 3SFCA

analysis on the three measures of spatial accessibility explored: access to all

physicians, access to physicians accepting patients, and access to walk-in

clinics. It finishes with an index of spatial accessibility. The third section

discusses the results of the aspatial measures of access: language-specific

access to care and access to care for recent immigrants.

4.2 Description of Mississauga’s Primary Care

Data obtained from the CPSO website reveals that the City of Mississauga

has 677 PCPs2,(Figure 3, Appendix B, Table 1) . The number of physicians

practicing at each street location ranges from 1 to 43. The majority of PCPs

appear to be clustered in the centre of Mississauga, with fewer located in the

extreme north and south ends of the city. The degree of clustering is extremely

high in several neighbourhoods. For example, 46% of Mississauga’s physicians

2 There are actually only 600 PCPs in Mississauga, rather than 677. 531 PCPs practice at one location within the city, while 61 PCPs practice at two locations and 8 PCPs practice at three locations. This resulted in the 600 PCPs being displayed by a total of 677 points. Given that it would be error-prone to infer upon how practitioners may divide their time between multiple practicing locations, each location was considered once, despite that a practitioner may only spend a fraction of their time at that given location.

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(309 of 677) are located in only four neighbourhoods (Meadowvale, Central Erin

Mills, Applewood & Cooksville).

Figure 3. Distribution of primary care physicians (PCPs) in Mississauga.

Approximately 17 percent (117) of PCPs in Mississauga are accepting

new patients (Figure 4, Appendix B, Table 1). The number of physicians

accepting patients by neighbourhood ranges from a low of 0 (Sheridan Park,

Southdown) to a high of 25 (Cooksville). There are a total of 26 walk-in clinics in

the city of Mississauga (Figure 4, Appendix A, Table 2) with the total number per

neighbourhood ranging from 0 to 4. Eighteen neighbourhoods have no walk-in

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clinics. The neighbourhood with the most clinics is Cooksville, located in the

eastern corner of Mississauga (see Figure 1), with four walk-in clinics.

Figure 4. Distribution of Physicians Accepting New Patients and Walk-in Clinics in Mississauga.

4.3 Spatial Accessibility to Primary Care

The following two sections discuss the results of stage 2 of the analysis:

the measurement of spatial accessibility to primary care at 3Km (driving distance)

and 800m (walking distance). The results are presented in map form where

accessibility is displayed in an access ratio, as physicians-per-1,000 population.

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While it is not possible to state whether the level of provision is sufficient (or

acceptable), it is possible to compare access ratios to those that exist at multiple

scales. The municipal average is 0.88 physicians-per-1,000 population (based

on the 2008 data obtained here). Provincial and federal levels for the year 2007

were 0.85 and 0.98-per-1,000 respectively (CMA, 2009). These can be roughly

used as comparison to access ratios calculated in this analysis.

4.3.1 Driving Access (3Km) to Primary Care

The Three Step floating catchment area (3SFCA) method was adapted for

this research based on an existing two-step method (2SFCA). The method uses

road-network buffers to represent catchments around points of supply and

demand. The distance used in this research to represent acceptable driving

distance is 3Km along a road network.

The spatial access ratios based on driving distance (3km) that result from

the 3SFCA analysis are displayed in Figures 5 through 7 and in Appendix C,

Table 1. Access ratios to all physicians are displayed in Figure 5. Figure 6

displays access to physicians accepting patients and Figure 7 displays access to

walk-in clinics. These figures display accessibility ratios as graded shading,

where darker shading indicates a higher accessibility score and lighter shading a

lower accessibility score. The ratios are displayed in quartiles, which results in

an equal number of neighbourhoods falling into each of the four quartiles.

The population of each neighbourhood is displayed by graduated points

overlaying the shaded accessibility ratio of each neighbourhood. Larger points

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indicate a larger neighbourhood-level population and smaller points a smaller

population. This was done to contrast accessibility levels by the number of

individuals (and hence amount of potential need) in a neighbourhood. While the

accessibility ratio itself does consider neighbourhood population, the raw number

of individuals facing poor accessibility remains of interest for the purposes of

targeting future research and policy intervention where need is greatest.

The total number of PCPs-per-1,000 population at 3Km is displayed in

Figure 5. The access ratio ranges from a low of 0.00-per-1,000 in Northeast 2 to

a high of 2.385-per-1,000 in Cooksville (Appendix C, Table 1). In general, the

higher access neighbourhoods are concentrated in a south-west to south-east

band around the bottom half of the city, with the exception of Malton, the

Northern-most neighbourhood which is also in this group. A visual examination

of the data reveals several neighbourhoods with low levels of access and large

populations. Hurontario and East Credit, in particular, stand out in this respect.

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Figure 5. Physicians-Per-1,000 Population Using 3Km Catchments.

Driving-distance access ratios for PCPs accepting patients-per-1,000

population are displayed in Figure 6. The ratios range from a low of 0.00

(Northeast 2, Sheridan Park, Southdown) to a high of 0.732 (Malton). The spatial

pattern of access for this ratio is clearly distinct than for the total PCP-per-1k ratio

discussed previously. In this case, the highest access neighbourhoods are

clustered in the central/east area of the city. One exception, Malton, is a high

access neighbourhood in the north end of the city. There are a greater number

of low access neighbourhoods with high populations than with the previous

measure. These neighbourhoods of interest include Hurontario, East Credit,

Lisgar, Meadowvale, Erin Mills and Clarkson-Lorne Park.

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Figure 6. Physicians Accepting New Patients-Per-1,000 Population Using 3Km Catchments.

Driving-distance access ratios for walk-in clinics-per-1,000 population are

displayed in Figure 7. Access ratios range from a low of 0.00 (Northeast 23,

Northeast 1, and Sheridan Park) to a high of 0.078 (Cooksville). The municipal

average is 0.032 per 1,000. The highest access neighbourhoods by this

measure tend to fall in a SW-SE band along the bottom half of the city, similar to

that seen in Figure 5. Neighbourhoods where low access corresponds with a

large population include Malton, Hurontario, East Credit and Clarkson-Lorne

Park.

3 It is noteworthy that Northeast 2 in the northern-most end of Mississauga (see Figure 1) has access ratios of 0.00 for all three measures of access examined thus far. It is of interest as being of complete inaccessibility to primary care based on a driving distance of 3Km.

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Figure 7. Access to Walk-in Clinics-Per-1,000 Population Using 3Km Catchments.

4.3.2 Walking Access to Health care

The 3SFCA technique was also used to determine levels of walking

access to primary health care based on a walking distance of 800m (see Figures

8-10 and Appendix C, Table 2). The 800m distance was based on distance

along a road network. While it is recognized that not all roads will have

sidewalks and therefore be traversable by pedestrians, there was no digital file

available that had information on the presence of sidewalks. As a result, the

road network file was used as a proxy for sidewalks.

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Walking access to all PCPs per 1,000 individuals is displayed in Figure 8.

The ratio of access to all physicians ranges from a low of 0.000 to a high of 2.678

per 1,000. The high access neighbourhoods fall in the central and south areas of

the city, particularly falling along the SW and SE border. This band of high

walking accessibility to all physicians follows the same pattern as that observed

for 3Km, indicating that walking and driving access to all physicians are similar.

Neighbourhoods of low access and high population are Hurontario, Rathwood,

Malton, Lisgar and Churchill Meadows.

Figure 8. Physicians-per-1,000 Population Using 800 m Catchments.

Walking access to PCPs accepting patients is displayed in Figure 9. The

access ratio ranges from a low of 0.000 to a high of 0.457 per 1,000. The high

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access neighbourhoods by this measure show a similar spatial distribution as did

the same measure at 3Km (Figure 6). Primarily, the neighbourhoods of highest

access are clustered in the east end of the city. However, the degree of

clustering is slightly less for the measure of walking as it was for driving. Two

neighbourhoods in the east of the city (Dixie and Mississauga Valley) were of

high access to PCPs accepting patients by driving distance, but no longer fall into

the highest access category by walking. These neighbourhoods would therefore

have a greater level of accessibility by driving than by walking. Neighbourhoods

of low access and high population include Hurontario, Malton, Lisgar, Churchill

Meadows, Central Erin Mills and Erin Mills.

Figure 9. Physicians Accepting New Patients-Per-1,000 Population Using 800 m Catchments.

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Walking access to walk-in clinics is displayed in Figure 10. Access levels

range from 0.000 to 1.679 per 1,000 (Appendix C, Table 2). High accessibility

neighbourhoods by this measure are very dispersed as compared to previously

examined measures of access. Areas where access is low and population is

high include Malton, Meadowvale, Lisgar, Churchill Meadows and Central Erin

Mills.

Figure 10. Walk in Clinics -per-1,000 Population Using 800 m Catchments.

4.4 Cumulative Index of Potential Accessibility

The index of potential accessibility combines each of the three measures

of potential access at both distances. Thus, six total measures are combined in

an additive format. Because the total score for each measure ranges from -2 to

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+2 based on quartile ranking, the total neighbourhood score may range from -12

to +12 in the index.

The neighbourhood-level index of accessibility is displayed in Figure 11.

There are fourteen neighbourhoods with a positive index score, four

neighbourhoods with a neutral score of 0, and twelve neighbourhoods with a

negative score. The highest access neighbourhood is Cooksville with a score of

12, followed by Applewood, with a score of 10, and Fairview with a score of 9.

The poorest access neighbourhoods are Gateway, Northeast 2, Sheridan Park,

and Southdown, all with scores of -12. These seven neighbourhoods are

identified in this index as being the highest and lowest access in Mississauga.

The mean level of access by this index is a score of -0.5.

1

2

3

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1819

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1. Applewood2. Central Erin Mills3. Churchill Meadows4. City Centre5. Clarkson-Lorne Park6. Cooksville7. Creditview8. Dixie9. East Credit10. Erin Mills11. Erindale12. Fairview13. Gateway14. Hurontario15. Lakeview16. Lisgar17. Malton18. Mavis-Erindale19. Meadowvale20. Meadowvale Business21. Meadowvale Village22. Mineola23. Mississauga Valley24. Northeast 125. Northeast 226. Port Credit27. Rathwood28. Sheridan29. Sheridan Park30. Southdown31. Streetsville32. Western Business Park

Figure 11. Spatial Index of Accessibility.

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The index of accessibility is displayed in map format in Figure 12. With

this cumulative index, the highest access neighbourhoods, displayed in blue,

typically follow the SW to SE band of neighbourhoods that was seen for several

individual measures of access. The lower access neighbourhoods are primarily

located in the north of the city, with several other low access neighbourhoods

distributed throughout. Hurontario (51,763 population), Lisgar (30,158) and

Churchill Meadows (28,506) are of particular interest for having lower access and

large resident populations.

Figure 12. Index of Accessibility Map.

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4.5 Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care

The following sections discuss results for stage 4 of the research analysis,

the examination of access to care based on language (i.e. mother tongue) and

recent immigrant status. The first section examines language specific access

ratios for five prominent language groups as well as for the French language.

The second section examines access to care for recent immigrants.

4.5.1 Language-Specific Access to Care

The following ratios measure access to physicians for six linguistic groups

of Mississauga. As with the spatial measures of access previously discussed,

these aspatial measures of access are calculated as physicians-per-1,000

population ratios. As discussed in Chapter 3, only the physicians who state

specific language capabilities on the CPSO website are considered in the ratio,

and only individuals who claim a given language as their mother tongue in the

2006 census are considered. Languages explored here are French, Arabic,

Tagalog, Polish, Urdu and Punjabi (See Appendix A, Table 3 for neighbourhood

and municipal level counts of each mother tongue). For example, the French

mother tongue ratio is calculated by dividing the number of physicians who state

French language proficiency on the CPSO website by the number of individuals

claiming French as their mother tongue in the 2006 Census, and multiplying this

number by one-thousand for the final ratio. These ratios are calculated using

3Km and 800m catchments for the 32 neighbourhoods in consideration for this

analysis.

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Access ratios for these six languages are displayed in Figures 13-18 and

in Appendix C, Tables 3 and 4. Access ratios are displayed by graded shading.

Values are classified into quartiles, with roughly eight neighbourhoods in each

quartile. The neighbourhood-level population of each language group is shown

as graduated point symbols.

Access to language-specific services for French-speaking individuals is

shown in Figure 13. Driving access to care for the French mother tongue ranges

from a low of 0 to a high of 51 (Figure 13a). The highest access neighbourhoods

are slightly clustered in central Mississauga. Malton, the northernmost

neighbourhood also has high access. The far north and south ends of the city

has relatively poor access to health care for French speaking individuals.

Clarkson-Lorne Park and Lisgar are both poorly served and have large French-

speaking populations. This suggests that there may be a large number of

individuals in these neighbourhoods facing language-based barriers in access to

care within their home neighbourhoods.

Access ratios for 800m walking distances range from 0 to 14 (Figure 13B),

and are therefore much lower than based on driving distances. Dixie and

Streetsville are in the highest accessibility quartile based on driving accessibility,

and in the lowest quartile based on walking. Individuals in these neighbourhoods

without vehicle access may have difficulties accessing care. There are several

neighbourhoods with a large French-speaking population where access is

particularly low. These include Hurontario, East Credit, Lisgar, Clarkson-Lorne

park and Erin Mills.

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A B

Figure 13. Access Ratios for French Speaking Individuals at 3Km (A) and 800m (B).

Access ratios at 3 Km for the Arabic speaking population ranges from 0 to

10 physicians per 1,000 individuals (Figure 14A). This ratio is much lower than

for the French speaking population. As with the previous ratio, the higher access

ratios are clustered in central Mississauga, with pockets of poor access in the

north and south ends of the city. Several of the neighbourhoods that are well-

served have some of the smallest populations (e.g. Dixie and Lakeview), while

one neighbourhood (Hurontario) has a low access ratio, but a large population of

Arabic speaking individuals.

Access ratios at 800m reveal a greater degree of variability than displayed

at 3Km (Figure 14B). The maximum level of accessibility is 26-per-1,000, which

is much higher than at 3Km. However, there are also more neighbourhoods with

no accessibility at 800m. Two neighbourhoods went from very high accessibility

based on driving distance to very low accessibility by walking distance; Lakeview

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and Dixie. Additionally, the entire south end of Mississauga is of very low

accessibility based on walking distances.

B A

Figure 14. Access Ratios for Arabic Speaking Individuals at 3Km (A) and 800m (B).

Access ratios for Polish speaking individuals are displayed in Figure 15.

Driving distance ratios range from a low of 0 to a high of just over 2 per 1,000

individuals (Figure 15A). This spatial distribution closely resembles that of the

general population with a SW to SE band of high accessibility (Figure 5). There

are several neighbourhoods that have very low accessibility but very high

populations. These include Hurontario and Clarkson-Lorne Park.

Access ratios at 800m demonstrate a much greater degree of variability

(Figure 15B). There are many neighbourhoods with an access ratio of 0,

indicating large disparities in access by walking across the city. Many of these

neighbourhoods, including Hurontario, East Credit, and Churchill have the largest

polish speaking communities. A number of neighbourhoods that were of high

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accessibility based on driving distances are of the lowest level of accessibility by

walking including Sheridan and Meadowvale.

A B

Figure 15. Access Ratios for Polish Speaking Individuals at 3Km(A) and 800m(B).

Access ratios for Tagalog speaking individuals are displayed in Figure 16.

At 3Km, access ranges from a low of 0 to a high of 5 physicians per 1,000

(Figure 16A), revealing that access to physicians for this linguistic group is lower

than others examined thus far. The high access neighbourhoods are highly

clustered in the east end of the city. Several low access neighbourhoods (e.g.

Meadowvale Village) have large Tagalog speaking populations.

Accessibility ratios at 800m (Figure 16B) reveal a very large number of

neighbourhoods with no access to primary care services in Tagalog. Many of

these neighbourhoods have the largest concentrations of individuals who speak

the language. This indicates a severe disparity in access to Tagalog-specific

care for the majority of the city.

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A B

Figure 16. Access Ratios for Tagalog Speaking Individuals at 3Km (A) and 800m (B).

Access ratios for Punjabi mother tongue are displayed in Figure 17.

Driving distance ratios (Figure 17A) range from a low of 0 to a high of 18, and are

highest in a SW to SE band of the city. More northern neighbourhoods are

typically of lower access. Many of the more populated neighbourhoods (e.g.

Hurontario, Meadowvale Village, East Credit) are in the lower access quartiles.

Access ratios for walking distance (Figure 17B) are higher than for driving, and

range from 0 – 45. However, there are many more neighbourhoods displaying a

disparity in access at this distance. Higher access neighbourhoods based on

walking distance are clustered in the west end of the city and appear to be those

with the largest populations.

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A B

Figure 17. Access Ratios for Punjabi Speaking Individuals at 3Km (A) and 800m (B). Driving access ratios for Urdu mother tongue (Figure 18A) range from 0 –

9.7, and as such are similar to Arabic, lower than Punjabi, and higher than

Tagalog and Polish levels of access. The higher access neighbourhoods by

driving distance are in central Mississauga, particularly towards the western

border. Malton is also a high access neighbourhood. The majority of the

neighbourhoods in the second lowest access quartile are highly populated by

individuals of Urdu mother tongue. This indicates that there may be a large

number of individuals facing language barriers in access to care. Walking

access ratios (Figure 18B) range from 0 – 5.7. There are more low access

neighbourhoods at this distance. Sheridan in particular stands out as having no

access to Urdu-speaking physicians and yet has a large population of individuals

speaking Urdu, indicating a potentially large unmet demand for language-specific

care in this neighbourhood.

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A B

Figure 18. Access Ratios for Urdu Speaking Individuals at 3Km (A) and 800m (B). 4.5.2 Access to Care for Recent Immigrants

Access to health care for recent immigrants is an important avenue of

investigation because recent immigrants may be less likely to have a dedicated

family doctor and may have difficulty finding physicians accepting patients in their

neighbourhoods of residence (Asanin & Wilson, 2008). To measure access for

recent immigrants, this analysis focuses on the spatial distribution of individuals

who have immigrated to Canada in the past five years relative to the distribution

of physicians accepting new patients.

Access ratios at 3Km range from 0 to just over 3 per 1,000 individuals

(Figure 19A, Appendix C, Table 5). High access neighbourhoods are strongly

clustered in the east end of the city, and moderate-high neighbourhoods are

clustered towards the south end of the city. There is a concentration of low

access neighbourhoods in the north west corner of Mississauga. Several of

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these neighbourhoods of low and moderate-low accessibility have large numbers

of recent immigrants, including Hurontario (lowest access, 6490 recent

immigrants), East Credit and Central Erin Mills (moderate-low access, 6875 and

3735 recent immigrants respectively).

The spatial pattern of access based on walking distance is much different

than based on driving distance (Figure 19B). The higher access neighbourhoods

are more disperse, with the highest access neighbourhoods distributed randomly

across the southern half of the city. The majority of extremely low access

neighbourhoods are in the north. Several neighbourhoods are of high

accessibility by driving distance but are not based on walking distance. These

include Dixie, Cooksville, and Malton. Based on walking distances, the majority

of low access neighbourhoods also have a small population of recent immigrants.

A B

Figure 19. Access to Physicians Accepting Patients by Recent Immigrants at 3Km (A) and 800m (B).

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Chapter 5: Discussion

5.1 Summary of Key Findings

The objectives of this research were three-fold. The first objective was to

evaluate current methodology used to measure potential access and devise an

appropriate methodology to be used in this specific Canadian setting. The

second objective was to identify neighbourhood-level disparities in potential

access to primary health care in Mississauga, Ontario. The third objective was to

explore alternative spatial and aspatial dimensions of potential access to health

care to develop a more nuanced understanding of potential access in this

research setting. The following discussion will highlight the key findings with

respect to the original research objectives.

5.1.1 Spatial Access to Primary Care

Preliminary investigation into access to Mississauga’s primary care

physicians reveals strong patterns of spatial clustering. The raw distribution

shows that the city’s 677 PCPs are located primarily in central and south

Mississauga, with few in the northern-most neighbourhoods. As previously

stated, the degree of clustering is so high that only four neighbourhoods (Central

Erin Mills, Cooksville, Applewood & Meadowvale) possess nearly one-half (46%)

of all physicians. The distribution of walk-in clinics and of physicians that are

accepting patients follows a similar pattern of spatial clustering, with the majority

of each located in central and south Mississauga.

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Spatial clustering of primary care becomes stronger when considering

health care supply relative to population demand using 3Km and 800m access

ratios. At 3 Km, the highest access neighbourhoods for the measure PCPs-per-

1,000 were primarily located along the south-west and south-east borders of the

city. Neighbourhoods in the highest access quartile for the second measure,

PCPs accepting-per-1,000, were primarily in the eastern-most tip of the city. The

third measure showed the same spatial distribution as that of the first, with high

access neighbourhoods situated mainly along the south-west and south-east

borders of the city, and many of the same high access neighbourhoods identified.

The spatial access ratios at 800m showed very similar distribution of high

access ratios as occurred at 3Km, although the degree of clustering was slightly

less. In several cases, neighbourhoods that were of high accessibility based on

driving distance were of low accessibility by walking distance. One such

example is Malton. This neighbourhood displays a disparity in access to care

that favours individuals with access to a vehicle.

Based on the examination of access to primary health care, there is a

clear demonstration that significant neighbourhood-level differences in potential

spatial access to care do exist. While several neighbourhoods are consistently of

high access by all measures (e.g. Cooksville, Fairview & Applewood), others are

low access by all measures (e.g. Northeast 1, Southdown). This indicates in

more general terms that neighbourhood-level variation in access to care does

exist. The index of accessibility supports these findings, given that

neighbourhood level access scores range from extreme ends of the scale of -12

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and +12. However, a more varied picture of access emerges when considering

alternative dimensions and alternative distances. Several neighbourhoods

switch between high and low access depending on the measure of access and

distance examined. Dixie, Lakeview, Churchill Meadows and Meadowvale

Business are several that stand out in this respect.

5.1.2 Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care

Because of the diversity of Mississauga’s population it was pertinent to

determine how access to primary care may differ amongst the population based

on aspatial/social characteristics such as language of mother tongue and

immigrant status. While there are many languages spoken in the city, this

research has focused on some of the largest by population – Arabic, Tagalog,

Polish, Punjabi and Urdu. Also examined were access levels for individuals

speaking French so that access based on official versus non-official second

languages can be compared.

This exploration of particular population subgroups reveals significant

geographic disparities in access for language-related population sub-groups. For

each mother tongue, access to physicians with language-specific capabilities

varies significantly between neighbourhoods. Access to health care for each

language explored displays some degree of spatial clustering. Individuals not

residing in or near those clusters of high access neighbourhoods may face

significant difficulties in accessing language-specific health care. To further

compound this problem, several neighbourhoods obtained low access scores for

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all languages studied. These neighbourhoods may be severely lacking in care

that is sensitive to the particular language needs of the population residing within

them. Further investigation is required to determine whether there is a demand

for such care in these neighbourhoods, and how these needs could best be

addressed.

For some languages, low accessibility tends to correspond with high

population numbers of individuals. This was particularly demonstrated at a

distance of 800m, and most particularly for access to Tagalog speaking

physicians. This indicates that there may be large numbers of individuals in

these neighbourhoods that face language barriers in access to care. An

additional finding was that access ratios varied significantly between language

groups. Accessibility was very high for the French and Arabic languages,

moderate for Punjabi and Urdu, and very low for Polish and Tagalog. This

reveals that language appropriate care may be more obtainable for some

population groups than it is for others. Specifically, access to health care for

Tagalog and Urdu may be very problematic. While the traditional policy focus in

Canada is to equalize accessibility between the two official languages, French

and English, these findings indicate a need to focus on facilitating accessibility for

non-official linguistic groups.

The examination of access to care for recent immigrants reveals strong

disparities. Neighbourhoods with the best access by vehicle are clustered in the

east end of the city, while those with the best access for pedestrians are

generally located throughout the central and south end of the city. However, the

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populations of recent immigrants are more heavily concentrated throughout the

northern end of the city and some central neighbourhoods, and as such, the

distribution of access does not correspond with the highest levels of potential

population demand.

5.2 Research Contributions

This examination of access to primary care serves as an example of

research that bridges research and literature in several fields including health

geography and neighbourhoods and health in particular, quantitative literature on

potential spatial access to health care and literature on primary health care in

Canada. In doing do, this research has made a number of contributions that fill

gaps in these existing bodies of literature. The methodological and theoretical

contributions of these endeavors are explored in the following section.

5.2.1 Neighbourhood-Level Access to Health Care

The study of neighbourhood-level access to health care is a relatively

small and recent field of enquiry. Within this field, research findings have

continually utilized statistical units as proxy for neighbourhoods. Such studies

typically demonstrate that access to health care is higher in urban centres and

lower in urban peripheries. Problematic with these findings is that they are highly

dependent on choices made with regards to research methodology and

neighbourhood boundaries.

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This research contributes to the existing body of literature on

neighbourhood level access to care by identifying the existence of local level

variation in access to primary care within this particular urban setting. This is

accomplished through the use of meaningful neighbourhoods that are recognized

by Mississauga residents and used in city planning. Through this analysis it was

demonstrated that access to care showed a much more differential spatial

pattern than is typically identified. Furthermore, this pattern of accessibility is

highly dependent on the scale of analysis (e.g. 3Km vs. 800m). This

demonstrates that the investigation of intra-urban variability in access to care is a

highly relevant venue of inquiry. In addition, there may be cause to re-evaluate

previously studied urban areas using newer methodologies such as the 3SFCA

developed here so that previously undiscovered disparities in access to care may

be identified.

This research additionally contributes to the current dialogue on

neighbourhoods and access to health care by demonstrating how one

methodology can be adapted to examine multiple dimensions of access. While it

is recognized in the literature that potential access contains numerous spatial

(Penchansky & Thomas, 1981) and aspatial (Khan, 1992) components, the

majority of the literature focuses on narrow definitions of potential access. This

may be due to the fact that there has yet to be a precedent established for how

such dimensions of access can be measured using readily available data. The

measurement of access to physicians accepting patients, to walk-in clinics and

access for particular population subgroups in this analysis demonstrates how a

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more nuanced understanding of access to care can be obtained using available

data. In performing this analysis, a highly variable picture emerged whereby the

spatial pattern of accessibility differed significantly based on the dimension of

access studied. This demonstrates a need to continually investigate alternative

dimensions of potential access.

5.2.2 Development of the 3SFCA Method

Within the area of health geography focusing on access to health services

there has been heightened interest of late to develop methods to adequately

describe local-level variations in access to care (e.g. see Luo & Wang, 2003;

Luo, 2004; Langford & Higgs, 2006; Luo & Qi in press; McGrail & Humphreys in

press). However, most methods are developed for use in international contexts

based on statistical units of analysis (e.g. census tracts). Such methods are not

necessarily appropriat in contexts where more locally and politically meaningful

units of analysis are available, nor do they work on units of variable size such as

the neighbourhoods of Mississauga. Building upon previous research, this study

has advanced existing methodologies and techniques used to measure access to

health care, and better understand local level variations in access.

The Three Step Floating Catchment Area method is a significant

methodological contribution that will help further future explorations into

neighbourhood-level variations in access to health care. While the existing

2SFCA method has been viewed as an innovative and improved way to measure

access to health care, it was found here that it may not be appropriate for this

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research. The 2SFCA method works well when study areas are roughly uniform

in size, and are not excessively large in comparison to the size of the catchment

used. While it is not the position of this research to state whether or not these

criteria were satisfied in previous research settings employing the 2SFCA

method, they were not satisfied in Mississauga. In contrast, the inclusion of a

third step into this method to create the 3SFCA method allowed catchments to be

created around the small and roughly equally sized dissemination areas and

further aggregated to the locally relevant neighbourhoods. This improvement

suits the method adequately for Canadian research where dissemination areas

are available nationwide as units of data analysis. Additionally, the third step of

this method demonstrates how access ratios can be calculated using statistical

units and readily available data and further adapted to provide measures of

accessibility for locally relevant neighbourhoods.

In addition to furthering existing methodology, the development of the

three-step floating catchment area method for this research also demonstrates

the importance of evaluating the appropriateness of existing methodology within

the context of which it is to be used. There are a large number of techniques

available for the examination of access to health care, but not every technique

will be appropriate in every setting. It became apparent early on in this project

that while the existing 2SFCA technique was a sophisticated tool to measure

access to care, it would be problematic if used in this setting. Thus, the

development of the three-step technique was necessary. It is therefore

acknowledged that the three-step method developed here may not work in all

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geographic settings, and there is a continual need to thoroughly consider the

rigor and appropriateness of methods in the particular context they are to be

used.

Given the recent development of FCA based methods in the literature,

there has been a limited exploration of how such methods can be used to explore

access to care by multiple modes of transportation. While alternative buffer

distances have been used in the literature, and such distances have been quoted

as representing “adequate” travel distances to care, the mode of travel has yet to

have been specified. This is a considerable gap in the literature, given that not

all individuals travel by car, and a distance that is adequate for one individual by

one mean of transportation may not be adequate by another who travels by

different means. This research helps fill this gap in knowledge by demonstrating

how the size of the buffer used in the 3SFCA can be altered to represent driving

distance versus walking distance. It further demonstrates differential results

between the two scales examined. One limitation of this research is that it was

unable to consider travel distances by bus, as a detailed digital GIS file of the

Mississauga public Transit network was not available. It is recommended that

future research adapt FCA based methods for the analysis of access by public

transportation by using transit network files, when available, as the network on

which to create catchments.

An additional contribution of this research stemming from the use of the

3SFCA method and available physician data is the demonstration of how

additional dimensions of access to care can be investigated. Within the

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literature, quantitative studies on access to care tend to focus on the spatial

dimensions of access. Furthermore, such investigations typically focus on only

one spatial dimension of access (i.e. access to all PCPs by the general

population). It is rare for research to examine additional dimensions of access,

such as access to walk-in facilities or physicians accepting patients. This

research fills a gap in the literature by developing and using a methodology that

is able to address alternative dimensions of access to care, thus providing a

more comprehensive and holistic picture of potential access.

This research is exploratory in demonstrating how multiple measures of

accessibility can be combined into cumulative indices of accessibility. There may

be several benefits in creating such an index. One underlying objective of this

project is to identify neighbourhoods of interest for future research. Perhaps the

most logical concluding step to this research is to identify neighbourhoods which

are repeatedly demonstrating poor access and those that repeatedly

demonstrate high access. One could do this by visually inspecting maps

showing separate measures of access, but this would be more greatly prone to

error (Odoi et al, 2005). The use of an index demonstrates a more conclusive

method to accomplish this goal.

5.2.3 Aspatial Dimensions of Access to Care

Within the body of literature focusing on potential access to care, there

has been little attention paid to how potential access may differ based on

aspatial/social characteristics of the population, including language and

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immigrant status. Such inquiries are much more common in studies of realized

access where the use of care is the focus. Recently, several inquiries into

access to care for linguistic groups and immigrants have been made within

Canada (Asanin & Wilson, 2008; Wang, 2007). There is clearly a need for

additional research into this line of inquiry. This research contributes to the very

small body of literature on this subject by examining access to care for specific

linguistic groups within Mississauga as well as for recent immigrants. Such

contributions help to further the dialogue of neighbourhood-level health research

by shedding light on the relationships between spatial and social dimensions of

access to care.

It may have been expected that the spatial pattern of access would differ

between the general population and specific linguistic minority groups. However,

for the most part, this was not found. Primarily, neighbourhoods of low access

for the general population were also of low accessibility for linguistic minorities.

What is important to note is that the levels of access differed significantly

between the six linguistic groups examined. This is demonstrated by

accessibility ratios that are relatively high for the French speaking population but

quite low for other linguistic groups including Tagalog and Polish. While the

equalization of access between the official Canadian languages of English and

French remains a federal policy focus (Health-Canada, 2009), this research

demonstrates a need to address disparities in language-specific access to health

care for non official languages.

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5.3 Research Limitations

Before concluding the discussion of this research, it is pertinent to

acknowledge that the methods chosen here do have several limitations and

assumptions inherent in their design. These limitations include the choice of

buffer distances of 3Km and 800m, problems with using small DA units of

analysis, and potential edge effects that may occur in this municipal setting.

Each of these limitations will be explored further below.

The use of a buffering technique to count provider-to-population ratios has

several limitations. Firstly, this technique inevitably makes the assumption that

individuals falling within a facility catchment have equal access, and those

outside of it do not have access at all. This is an oversimplification, where in

reality there is generally a gradation of access based on distance, and not an

absolute cut-off. Additionally, the use of buffers requires choosing a radius that

represents an ‘acceptable’ distance. While a distance of 800m is commonly

used in the literature to represent an acceptable walking distance to services

(Sallis et al, 2004; Lovett et al, 2002), it must be recognized that this distance is

not walkable by all. Individuals with mobility problems, elderly persons, and

those who are ill (and hence needing health care) may have difficulties traveling

this distance. A distance of 3 Km as a driving distance may also pose problems.

The time taken to traverse this distance may differ significantly depending on the

location in the city, the presence of traffic congestion, road types, construction,

and time of day. Such differences are impossible to take into account with the

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available data. This illustrates why the continual production and enhancement of

digital data is essential to the accuracy of such access studies.

An additional limitation to this study is in using dissemination areas as the

unit to obtain population data from. This was done because smaller units tend to

show greater between-region variability in access to care (Apparicio et al, 2008).

However, the population numbers of DA’s, as with other census units, are

rounded to preserve confidentiality. Because there are more DA’s than census

tracts, the overall amount of rounding that occurs is greater, resulting in a greater

degree of inaccuracy. Additionally, when the population being studied is

particularly small, there is a chance the population total may be reduced

significantly or eliminated altogether through rounding. This is particularly

problematic when studying minority populations with small numbers. The

minority languages studied here comprise the city’s largest (non-English)

linguistic groups, and rounding error should be of minimal influence. However,

this problem should be kept in mind if the three-step method were to be used for

very small population subgroups.

One final limitation of this study relates to potential edge effects that may

have occurred when conducting the analysis. This study considered population

and physician data for the city of Mississauga alone, and did not consider data

for neighbouring municipalities. However, because Mississauga is bordered on

three sides by other municipalities, this could be problematic. In reality, it is

highly plausible that individuals in the peripheral neighbourhoods of the city may

choose to seek care in other municipalities rather in their neighbourhood of

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residence. Additionally, it is plausible that individuals living outside of the city

may choose to access care within neighbourhoods of Mississauga. This may

have the effect of underestimating health care (and access ratios) for those living

in the peripheral neighbourhoods of the city on the three sides bordered by other

municipalities. Such problems would be less likely to occur in the analysis of

cities that are more isolated and surrounded by sparsely populated rural areas.

5.4 Recommendations for Future Research

This research has provided valuable information on potential access to

primary care. This information may be used in future research to further the

dialogue of neighbourhood-level access to care, as well as to further

methodology used to examine potential access. First and foremost, this research

demonstrates the importance of focusing on intra-urban variations in access to

care. While the majority of existing research has found little neighbourhood-level

variation in access to health care, these findings may result from an over-reliance

on the use of statistical units as proxy for neighbourhoods. Research should

continue to examine local level variations in access to care using neighbourhood

boundaries that are recognized by residents, used in city planning, and are more

likely to correspond to the scale that health related processes occur at.

Secondly, as a neighbourhood-level study, this research demonstrates the

importance of examining more nuanced dimensions of potential access.

Furthermore, it has demonstrated that such dimensions of access can be

examined using a readily available data set without the need to expend time and

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money obtaining additional data. Future research should build upon this

example and begin to investigate the dimensions of access examined here in

other Canadian and possibly in international settings. Additionally, dimensions of

access that further explore the availability of physicians such as by full time

equivalencies (FTEs) and the potential need of the population as adjusted for

age, gender, ethnicity and other demographic characteristics would further this

research. Thirdly, this research has demonstrated disparities in access to care

for the city of Mississauga, Ontario. There is a large opportunity for future

studies that focus on this city, as well as other cities within Canada. While the

literature on access to care is dominated by US and other international studies,

there is a need for Canadian research so that health care provision and policy

can be amended accordingly. Lastly, it is recognized that while potential access

is a fundamental component of access to care, it is only one factor that may lead

to realized use of health services. Additional individual characteristics including

age, gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, beliefs about health and the actual

need for care will also determine whether and where an individual seeks care

(Gatrell, 2001: 155; Aday & Anderson, 1974). There is a need for ongoing

research demonstrating how potential access is related to realized access, and

how it is moderated by individual characteristics to influence decision making and

overall health outcomes.

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5.5 Policy Recommendations

This study reveals a number of significant findings that could be used in

public policy to alleviate inequities in access to health care. While health care in

Canada is funded by provincial governments, it is increasingly becoming a

concern of municipalities. As previously mentioned, the state of health care in

Canada is in transition. Federal funding cuts to provinces and decreases in the

numbers of practicing family doctors in recent decades has resulted in a

restructuring in the way health care is being delivered, particularly with respect to

primary health care (Iglehart, 2000). The focus and responsibility of primary

health care delivery is increasing on the local (i.e. sub-municipal) level.

Municipalities are becoming responsible for funding a greater number of services

that were previously a provincial concern (Elliott et al, 2000). As a result,

municipalities are becomingly increasingly responsible for the quality of primary

care delivery. This following section will address some of the ways in which

municipalities can address and alleviate inequitable health care distribution.

5.5.1 Municipal Policy Intervention

In general, policy interventions that may improve access to health services

can be discussed as those that bring people to services, those that move

services closer to people and those that reduce barriers other than distance

(Haynes, 2003: 26). An example of the former would include the improvement of

existing transportation systems. For example, additional public transportation

routs to areas with abundant health care services could be added in

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neighbourhoods with the poorest geographical access to health care, particularly

in the north end of the city. Such a strategy was undertaken in the UK, where

government subsidies for conventional bus services were increased in 1997 and

following years, in attempts to increase access for individuals without vehicles

(Haynes, 2003: 26). Additionally, new means of transportation could be created

which would focus on shuttling those in need to a point of health care. The

establishment of a community car scheme (Haynes, 2003: 27) in the poorest

access neighbourhoods could help those without transport, as well as those with

disabilities and the elderly who may have difficulty with public transportation.

This may be of particular use in the north end of Mississauga, an area which was

of low accessibility by all measures examined.

The primary strategy that could be used to bring health care closer to the

neighbourhoods in need would be a municipal effort to bring about shift in the

current distribution to one that is more equitable. Such efforts may be in the form

of positive (e.g. tax) incentives for physicians to locate in the northern

neighbourhoods where geographical access is poor, and for physicians with

second language capabilities to locate in neighbourhoods where access to those

languages is low and the population in need is the highest. These strategies, as

mentioned, would have to work around existing zoning and land use constraints.

Municipal strategies could also be regulatory in nature. Restrictions on the areas

where new physicians may practice (such as maximizing the number of

physicians who are able to practice in a medical complex) or where existing

physicians may move to can be placed so that additional primary care does not

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locate in areas that are already of high access, and instead are funneled into

neighbourhoods that are low access. These redistributive efforts would take

time, but over the course of years, a gradual increase in the equitability of

provision should occur.

Strategies aimed at reducing social differences in access to health care

could be focused on eliminating language barriers in access to care. This

research identified that access to physicians based on language abilities is

potentially a larger problem for minority languages than it is for the French-

speaking population. Thus, there is a need for policy to shift focus from creating

equal access between the two official Canadian languages and begin to focus on

the non-official minority languages. Ways to mediate this without redistributing

physicians could involve the inclusion of interpreter services in family practice

settings (Brach and Frasierector, 2000). While such translation services may be

available in hospitals, particularly in the emergency ward, they are rarely present

in other primary care settings (Wang et al, 2008; Barr & Wanatt, 2005). The

ability to receive quality care at the neighbourhood level from a GP may reduce

the need for individuals to overuse emergency care (Asanin & Wilson, 2008).

Perhaps the most appropriate way to target such services is to identify

neighbourhoods where the language-specific access ratios are lowest and the

population speaking that language is the highest. This would then be an

appropriate location for the provision of translator services. Additionally, the

inclusion of information in non-official languages at family practices and health

care centres would enhance the quality of care for individuals speaking those

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languages and increase the likelihood that their health care needs are met. Such

languages could be chosen based on those spoken most frequently within a

neighbourhood.

5.5.2 Other Sources of Primary Care: Development of LHINs

As mentioned in Chapter 3, there are a number of settings in which

primary health care can be administered. One such setting is the Local Health

Integration Network (LHIN). LHINs are a recent addition to local level primary

health care delivery, and have been operating in Canada since April 1 of 2006

(OLHIN, 2009). LHINs offer a much broader and comprehensive range of

primary care than do family practices by integrating and coordinating services

such as community health services, addiction and mental health counseling and

long-term care (Elson, 2006). These primary services are no longer the

responsibility of the provincial Ministry of Health, demonstrating an increasingly

municipal and local focus on primary care in Canada. However, individual

GP/FP practices remain under provincial control under this new system (Elson,

2006).

Given the multiple levels of regulatory control over primary care in

Canada, there is a need to conceptualize how different modes of primary care

delivery can work together to optimally provide services at the local level (Elson,

2006). LHINs, similar to Walk-in health care services, were created during a time

when public dissatisfaction with the quality and waiting times for GP/FP provision

was increasing. The intention with these added services was to fill a gap in the

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provision of primary care at the local level that family practices were failing to

address. However, these alternative modes of delivery for primary care are not

intended to take the place of having a dedicated family doctor. Individuals who

use community based primary care such as walk-in services still tend to prefer to

consult with family doctors, and appreciate the added quality of service provision

that occurs when a physician knows a patient and understands their specific

medical history (Brown et al, 2002). Such benefits of GP/FP provision in family

practice are not trivial. As such, the municipal policy focus on primary care

should not ignore the ways in which family care provision can be optimized

municipally in favour of new modes of delivery such as LHINs. Instead,

municipal policy focus should begin to focus on how primary health care can be

optimized considering the multiple delivery systems that are now operating at the

local level, including family practices, walk-in clinics, and LHINs. Such a task has

yet to be adequately addressed (Levitt, McMullan & Freeman-Collins, 2005), and

will be of increasing importance in future years as the emphasis on LHINs and

municipal control over neighbourhood level health care increases.

5.5.3 Constraints of Urban Form in Policy Intervention

At this point it is pertinent to include a comment regarding constraints that

may exist when attempting to implement municipal-level policy to alleviate health

provision shortages. It was determined by this research that the provision of

health care significantly varied across Mississauga by all conceptualizations (e.g.

spatial, aspatial and by scale) examined here. There may be multiple causes of

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this varied picture of accessibility, but all relate to the distribution of physicians

relative to the distribution of the population. There are two main determinants of

physician distribution recognized in the literature. First, the location where a

physician may practice is heavily constrained by the existing urban form of the

city, and particularly by the existing zoning and land use allowances. This zoning

may play a large role in the reasoning why several of Mississauga’s

neighbourhoods (e.g. Gateway, Northeast 2, Sheridan Park, Southdown) were

consistently of low accessibility by all measures examined. For example, if these

neighbourhoods are primarily industrial or green-space, they will not contain sites

where health care practices may be situated, nor will they contain adequate

residential settlements requiring such care. More investigation is required to

determine if this is the case. In such a scenario, municipal policy will have little

effect at redistributing health care into such areas. Additionally, there may not be

a need to do so. However, a second key factor affecting the distribution of

physicians is the actual choice of the physicians themselves in where to locate

their practice. Research indicates that physicians tend to choose to locate

practices near their place of residence. Additionally, physicians prefer to locate

in areas where support can be received, such as in a practice with other

physicians or near a hospital (Szafran, Crutcher & Chaytors, 2001). This

element of choice allows for policy intervention to mediate inequities in health

care distribution, and additional research is required to determine the optimal

way to do so.

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5.6 Conclusions

This analysis has revealed significant intra-urban variability in potential

access to primary health care, considering multiple measures of access,

population groups, and at multiple distances. These findings were made

possible through the development of a GIS methodology that is appropriate for

this research setting, and through careful consideration of the appropriate

neighbourhood units to use. There is a need for ongoing examination of

neighbourhood-level access to primary care using appropriate methodology and

neighbourhood units. In particular, examination of access to primary care in

additional Canadian cities will help to further the understanding how access to

care differs in the context of increasing concerns over the state of primary health

care in Canada.

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Appendix A: Neighbourhood Demographics

Table 1. Neighbourhood Statistics and Demographics

Neighbourhood Size (Km2) Population Pop. Density Applewood 7.12 37516 5270 Central Erin Mills 9.24 30946 3350 Churchill Meadows 7.64 28506 3732 City Centre 2.69 7805 2900 Clarkson-Lorne Park 17.18 39753 2314 Cooksville 9.04 44224 4891 Creditview 2.96 9876 3338 Dixie 5.43 1983 365 East Credit 15.62 63577 4071 Erin Mills 13.16 42783 3252 Erindale 8.24 22315 2709 Fairview 2.55 17109 6697 Gateway 18.36 5883 320 Hurontario 11.09 51763 4666 Lakeview 11.44 20579 1799 Lisgar 5.89 30158 5122 Malton 6.81 41334 6071 Mavis-Erindale 1.96 819 417 Meadowvale 8.10 40244 4971 Meadowvale Business

13.40 4709 351

Meadowvale village 9.67 23115 2389 Mineola 5.29 9443 1786 Mississauga Valley 3.61 26011 7205 Northeast 1 22.35 2903 130 Northeast 2 6.06 974 161 Port Credit 2.88 10086 3506 Rathwood 7.58 31782 4191 Sheridan 7.87 15714 1997 Sheridan Park 1.62 676 418 Southdown 7.28 1807 248 Streetsville 4.99 9800 1966 Western Business Park

4.89 4526 925

Municipal Total 262 678,719 2860

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Table 2. Recent Immigrants and Population with Non-English Mother Tongue.

Neighbourhood Recent Immigrant (% of pop.)

Non-English Mother Tongue (% of pop.)

Applewood 6635 (17.7) 21900 (58.4) Central Erin Mills 3735 (12.2) 14680 (47.4) Churchill Meadows

3645 (12.8) 16110 (56.5)

City Centre 1595 (20.3) 4785 (61.3) Clarkson-Lorne Park

1875 (4.7) 10620 (26.7)

Cooksville 7590 (17.6) 24130 (54.6) Creditview 715 (7.3) 5030 (50.9) Dixie 10 (0.5) 690 (34.8) East Credit 6875 (10.9) 36090 (56.8) Erin Mills 2645 (6.2) 14920 (34.9) Erindale 2750 (12.3) 11435 (51.2) Fairview 2660 (15.6) 10185 (59.5) Gateway 460 (7.8) 3215 (54.6) Hurontario 6490 (12.6) 30090 (58.1) Lakeview 800 (3.9) 6895 (33.5) Lisgar 2420 (8.0) 11535 (38.2) Malton 7315 (17.7) 23400 (65.5) Mavis-Erindale 120 (15.6) 445 (54.3) Meadowvale 3325 (8.3) 11960 (29.7) Meadowvale Business

595 (12.7) 1755 (37.3)

Meadowvale village

2315 (10.1) 12045 (52.1)

Mineola 140 (1.5) 2485 (26.3) Mississauga Valley

4530 (17.6) 14570 (56.0)

Northeast 1 185 (6.7) 1590 (54.8) Northeast 2 65 (8) 440 (45.2) Port Credit 735 (7.3) 2380 (23.6) Rathwood 2370 (7.4) 17290 (54.4) Sheridan 1685 (10.6) 6335 (40.3) Sheridan Park 15 (2.2) 125 (18.5) Southdown 30 (1.7) 345 (19.1) Streetsville 480 (4.9) 2930 (29.9) Western Business Park

395 (8.8) 1690 (37.7)

Municipal Total 75,200 (9.7) 322,095 (44.2)

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Table 3: Minority Languages Spoken by Neighbourhood

Language Neighbourhood French Punjabi Arabic Tagalog Urdu Polish Applewood 445 335 785 1390 1775 2995 Central Erin Mills 355 870 1065 675 1690 520 Churchill Meadows 310 600 1490 1280 2585 1295 City Centre 55 155 620 150 515 155 Clarkson Lorne Park 560 160 465 630 325 1775 Cooksville 660 390 1880 1905 1730 3355 CreditView 95 430 205 560 190 300 Dixie 10 0 10 0 0 90 East Credit 520 2845 2230 2460 4500 1590 Erin Mills 695 755 730 750 1505 1780 Erindale 380 480 380 655 1315 1485 Fairview 155 510 960 675 630 710 Gateway 10 610 160 170 355 120 Hurontario 345 2565 1265 1465 2300 2035 Lakeview 220 30 85 185 160 1465 Lisgar 525 645 790 675 1755 1090 Malton 175 11305 220 305 1685 250 Mavis-Erindale 0 10 0 60 0 15 Meadowvale 685 135 645 620 1530 1285 Meadowvale Business

70 185 70 85 280 100

Meadowvale Village 210 1950 540 910 1225 530 Mineola 115 0 40 65 0 410 Mississauga Valley 240 120 1180 835 1605 1725 Northeast 1 20 50 70 55 30 100 Northeast 2 0 55 25 0 35 10 Port Credit 235 0 115 85 105 410 Rathwood 200 260 450 835 940 2155 Sheridan 260 185 280 215 1835 540 Sheridan Park 0 0 10 15 0 35 Southdown 25 0 0 35 0 50 Streetsville 95 40 305 60 65 305 Western Business Park

50 20 30 40 225 240

Municipal Total 7720 (1.2%)

25,815 (3.6%)

17,100 (2.6%)

17,875 (2.7%)

30,910 (4.6%)

28,930 (4.4%)

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Appendix B: Raw Physician Data

Table 1: Raw Physician Data

Neighbourhood Physicians

Accepting Patients

Walk-In Clinics

Airport 6 0 0 Airport Corporate 4 0 0 Applewood 43 12 2 Central Erin Mills 105 4 1 Churchill Meadows

12 4 2

City Centre 5 2 0 Clarkson-Lorne Park

18 3 1

Cooksville 138 25 4 Creditview 4 2 0 Dixie 6 3 0 East Credit 38 7 2 Erin Mills 40 4 2 Erindale 5 3 0 Fairview 13 2 0 Gateway 5 1 0 Hurontario 28 4 1 Lakeview 19 3 0 Lisgar 9 3 0 Malton 16 4 0 Mavis-Erindale 17 4 0 Meadowvale 23 3 1 Meadowvale Business

32 1 2

Meadowvale village

6 2 1

Mineola 10 1 0 Mississauga Valley

8 2 2

Northeast 1 2 2 0 Northeast 2 17 5 1 Northeast 3 1 1 0 Port Credit 7 3 1 Rathwood 7 2 1 Sheridan 14 3 1 Sheridan Park 3 0 0 Southdown 0 0 0 Streetsville 3 1 0 Western Business Park

13 1 1

Municipal Total 677 117 26

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Appendix C: Access Ratios

Table 1 – Spatial Access Ratios – 3km Driving Distances

Neighbourhood PCPs / 1k Accepting / 1k Walk-in / 1k Applewood 1.159 0.362 0.047 Central Erin Mills 2.029 0.128 0.049 Churchill Meadows 0.391 0.082 0.031 City Centre 1.273 0.327 0.039 Clarkson-Lorne Park 0.533 0.085 0.026 Cooksville 2.285 0.376 0.078 Creditview 0.659 0.194 0.011 Dixie 1.530 0.327 0.043 East Credit 0.735 0.12 0.029 Erin Mills 1.452 0.124 0.073 Erindale 0.671 0.169 0.008 Fairview 1.409 0.346 0.048 Gateway 0.190 0.037 0.007 Hurontario 0.509 0.095 0.023 Lakeview 0.617 0.104 0.012 Lisgar 0.468 0.094 0.028 Malton 1.368 0.732 0.026 Mavis-Erindale 0.778 0.227 0.022 Meadowvale 0.830 0.112 0.050 Meadowvale Business

0.848 0.031 0.041

Meadowvale Village 0.425 0.082 0.035 Mineola 1.252 0.194 0.041 Mississauga Valley 0.833 0.204 0.051 Northeast 1 0.401 0.147 0.000 Northeast 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 Port Credit 0.686 0.164 0.044 Rathwood 0.711 0.213 0.022 Sheridan 0.972 0.129 0.045 Sheridan Park 0.341 0.00 0.000 Southdown 0.062 0.00 0.010 Streetsville 1.287 0.114 0.029 Western Business Park

0.769 0.082 0.041

Municipal Mean 0.859 0.169 0.032

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Table 2: Spatial Access Ratios – 800m Walking Distances

Neighbourhood PCPs / 1k Accepting / 1k Walk-in / 1k Applewood 0.820 0.301 0.056 Central Erin Mills 1.713 0.082 0.014 Churchill Meadows 0.301 0.087 0.026 City Centre 0.561 0.219 0.025 Clarkson-Lorne Park 0.701 0.145 0.037 Cooksville 2.140 0.364 0.061 Creditview 1.277 0.371 0.000 Dixie 0.000 0.000 0.000 East Credit 0.550 0.112 0.029 Erin Mills 0.936 0.087 0.098 Erindale 0.446 0.126 0.000 Fairview 0.803 0.186 0.038 Gateway 0.286 0.000 0.000 Hurontario 0.360 0.053 0.029 Lakeview 1.819 0.355 0.000 Lisgar 0.220 0.070 0.000 Malton 0.329 0.098 0.006 Mavis-Erindale 0.914 0.457 0.000 Meadowvale 0.811 0.124 0.021 Meadowvale Business

2.678 0.000 0.034

Meadowvale Village 0.228 0.072 0.033 Mineola 0.514 0.059 0.000 Mississauga Valley 0.318 0.085 0.024 Northeast 1 0.000 0.000 0.000 Northeast 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 Port Credit 1.064 0.269 0.086 Rathwood 0.517 0.133 0.049 Sheridan 0.673 0.208 0.024 Sheridan Park 0.000 0.000 0.000 Southdown 0.000 0.000 0.000 Streetsville 0.422 0.178 0.000 Western Business Park

1.854 0.231 0.168

Municipal Mean 0.727 0.140 0.027

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Table 3: Language-Specific Access Ratios – 3Km Driving Distances Mother Tongue Neighbourhood

French Punjabi Arabic Tagalog Urdu Polish Applewood 13.318 4.595 4.293 0.957 0.693 1.119 Central Erin Mills 14.524 5.433 8.049 0.644 2.062 0.897 Churchill Meadows 3.173 1.232 3.445 0.050 0.613 0.061 City Centre 6.359 3.971 4.324 1.157 2.392 0.345 Clarkson Lorne Park

0.000 6.576 0.600 0.000 0.337 0.000

Cooksville 8.829 13.758 3.005 1.474 3.391 1.354 CreditView 0.999 0.606 2.607 0.000 0.823 0.030 Dixie 10.404 5.535 7.452 0.407 1.220 0.896 East Credit 3.890 2.487 2.820 0.058 1.045 0.247 Erin Mills 12.300 3.347 9.915 0.176 1.028 2.014 Erindale 2.997 1.418 2.994 0.172 1.014 0.222 Fairview 6.872 4.270 3.473 1.342 2.317 0.639 Gateway 0.426 0.245 0.844 0.000 0.302 0.000 Hurontario 3.213 1.050 2.190 0.010 0.858 0.006 Lakeview 4.091 1.597 5.064 0.013 0.039 0.261 Lisgar 2.014 6.037 4.684 0.000 1.618 0.501 Malton 51.167 3.328 4.396 5.128 9.762 0.000 Mavis-Erindale 4.659 0.585 3.691 0.000 0.978 0.178 Meadowvale 3.576 10.192 6.185 0.000 3.176 0.963 Meadowvale Business

5.634 4.410 2.489 0.000 2.101 2.114

Meadowvale Village

5.174 1.514 5.394 0.000 0.301 0.269

Mineola 4.319 13.504 2.373 0.287 1.010 0.422 Mississauga Valley 6.051 6.404 2.278 0.866 1.501 0.575 Northeast 1 1.600 0.000 0.000 0.645 0.000 0.229 Northeast 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Port Credit 2.787 18.250 4.651 0.022 0.020 0.000 Rathwood 7.499 3.299 1.388 0.977 0.497 0.830 Sheridan 5.294 1.592 3.446 0.000 0.865 1.228 Sheridan Park 0.000 0 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Southdown 0.000 0 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Streetsville 9.377 5.021 4.452 0.168 2.593 2.387 Western Business Park

5.981 2.360 4.484 0.000 0.413 1.336

Municipal Mean 6.454 4.144 3.468 0.455 1.343 0.598

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Table 4: Language-Specific Access Ratios – 800m Walking Distances Mother Tongue Neighbourhood

French Punjabi Arabic Tagalog Urdu Polish Applewood 7.353 0.801 6.522 0.242 0.274 0.925 Central Erin Mills 5.128 10.256 9.375 2.564 2.882 0.570 Churchill Meadows 3.159 0.000 3.130 0.000 0.206 0.000 City Centre 4.000 0.000 2.925 0.000 0.114 0.422 Clarkson Lorne Park

0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.779 0.000

Cooksville 7.590 24.148 2.134 1.875 2.899 1.193 CreditView 0.000 1.149 1.905 0.000 3.509 0.000 Dixie 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 East Credit 6.646 1.515 4.484 0.000 1.307 0.000 Erin Mills 3.899 1.345 3.672 0.000 0.219 1.502 Erindale 1.210 0.000 17.972 0.000 0.000 0.000 Fairview 8.000 0.000 1.202 0.000 0.091 0.844 Gateway 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 1.333 0.000 Hurontario 4.464 1.917 1.918 0.000 1.068 0.000 Lakeview 0.368 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.840 Lisgar 1.754 3.509 1.537 0.000 4.511 0.000 Malton 9.992 0.380 0.000 1.311 2.056 0.000 Mavis-Erindale 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Meadowvale 6.992 45.283 1.451 0.000 1.769 0.000 Meadowvale Business

14.286 1.270 0.000 0.000 5.714 9.524

Meadowvale Village

6.897 1.226 8.966 0.000 0.000 0.000

Mineola 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Mississauga Valley 2.667 3.704 0.300 0.000 0.352 0.578 Northeast 1 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Northeast 2 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Port Credit 3.947 0.000 26.316 0.000 0.000 0.000 Rathwood 0.808 1.111 17.778 1.415 0.000 0.335 Sheridan 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Sheridan Park 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Southdown 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Streetsville 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 Western Business Park

6.667 0.855 16.667 0.000 0.000 0.952

Municipal Mean 3.307 3.077 4.008 0.232 0.909 0.553

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135

Table 5. Access to Primary Care Physicians Accepting Patients by Recent Immigrants

Access to PCPs Accepting Patients By

Recent immigrants Neighbourhood

3 Km 800m Applewood 2.633 2.092 Central Erin Mills 1.259 4.416 Churchill Meadows 0.735 0.617 City Centre 2.066 1.176 Clarkson Lorne Park 1.227 0.572 Cooksville 2.392 1.667 CreditView 1.416 4.489 Dixie 2.268 0 East Credit 1.167 1.572 Erin Mills 1.634 1.379 Erindale 1.304 0.656 Fairview 2.183 1.915 Gateway 0.335 0 Hurontario 0.746 0.714 Lakeview 0.948 17.647 Lisgar 1.114 2.886 Malton 3.355 0.596 Mavis-Erindale 1.674 2.667 Meadowvale 1.354 0.665 Meadowvale Business 0.377

0

Meadowvale Village 0.783 0.493 Mineola 1.982 5.556 Mississauga Valley 1.303 1.137 Northeast 1 1.47 0 Northeast 2 0 0 Port Credit 2.608 2.486 Rathwood 1.762 1.119 Sheridan 1.533 3.154 Sheridan Park 0 0 Southdown 0 0 Streetsville 1.137 1.705 Western Business Park 1.069

2.782

Municipal Mean 1.370 2.005


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