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8/9/2019 cabiri ritual.pdf
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A Cabiric RiteAuthor(s): Arthur Darby NockSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 45, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1941), pp. 577-581Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/499535.
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A
CABIRIC
RITE
PROFESSOR
K.
LEHMANN-HARTLEBEN'S
reports
on
his
excavations at
Samothrace
are
most
welcome
to all students
of ancient
religion.'
The cult of the Cabiri
at-
tracted
great
and
growing
interest
in the Graeco-Roman
world:
the fact that alex
sacra was
set
up
in
Latin as well
as
Greek
2
(about
00
A.D.),
is even more
significant
than the
abundance of
the
records of
initiation. We
may hope
that
further excava-
tion
will throw
light
on
some of the
problems
outstanding.
What was the
relation
of
the various
buildings
in the
precinct
to one another and to
the cult?
3
Did
the
model of Eleusis
(with
the
prestige
which accrued
to it
from
the
literary
and
cultural
preeminence
of
Athens)
affect
the Cabiric
mysteries
in the
Hellenistic
period
(e.g.,
was
the
grade
of
epoples
copied
from
Eleusis)?
4
Were
the
Cabiric rites at
any
time
deemed to
guarantee happiness
in
the
afterlife?
5
And
did
the
glorious gifts
of the
Cabiri
(Orph.
Arg.
2~7)
nclude
more than
safety
at
sea,
good
luck
in
perils
and
ven-
tures of various kinds, and greater righteousness? 6
In the
meantime,
provisional
comment
may
be made on one
point
in
the second
report
-
the wooden frame
(strengthened
by
a stone
ring),
3.95 m.
in
diameter,
in
what is there called the
Anaktoron.
Lehmann-Hartleben
compares
the
wooden
plat-
1AJA.
1939,
pp.
133
ff.;
1940,
pp.
328
ff.
Professor
Lehmann-Hartleben,
as also his
fellow-workers,
Mr. and Mrs. Edward
L.
Holsten
and
Miss
Phyllis
Williams,
and Professor
Campbell
Bonner,
Drs.
S. Dow and G.
M.
A. Hanfmann
have
given
me
generous
help.
2
I
do not know
any
strict
analogy:
the
warning
against entering
the inner court of the
temple
at
Jerusalem
was
necessary
in
view
of
the death
penalty.
3
Presumably
the
precinct
was used for other ceremonies
and not
only
for the various
grades
of
initiation and
for the
annual
festival. We
may
compare
the
complex
of
buildings
in
the
precinct
at
Eleusis and, above all (as O. Conze remarked,Archdiol.Unters. auf Samothrake i, p. 26), the precinct
of
Despoina,
etc.,
near
Akakesion
as described
by
Pausan.
viii,
37.
4
At Eleusis
epopteia
was traditional and
it would
appear
that
initiates
commonly proceeded
to
it:
at
Samothrace
apparently
a limited
proportion
did so.
Professor Lehmann-Hartleben
informs me that he does
not hold to
his
suggestion
that the
northern
part
of his Anaktoron was the
place
of
epopteia.
In
Roman
times,
at
least,
epopteia
sometimes
followed
initiation
on the same
day. May
it be that after
the initiation
proper
there was a
special
proclamation
(-rrp6ppnacs5),
fter
which
only
those
who desired
epopteia
stayed
for it? These
ceremonies were not
necessarily very
protracted:
Pausanias'
initiation at Akakesion
cannot have taken
very
long,
and,
what-
ever the Cabiric
myesis
at
Pergamon
was,
all the
ephebes
received
it in a
single day
(Dittenberger,
Or.
gr.
inscr.
sel.
764).
On Eleusinian
influences at Samothrace cf. L. R. Farnell
in
Hastings,
Enc. Rel. Eth.
vii,
p.
631.
,
This can be
argued
on
the
following grounds: (1)
the association
of
Hermes
with
these rites
(F.
Chapouthier ap.
P.
Collart-P.
Devambez,
BCH.
lv,
1931,
p.
180: but if
you
had to find a
Greek
equiva-
lent of the subordinate Cabiric
deity
Kadmilos,
whom else could
you
choose?); (2)
the
exigencies
of
competition
with other
mysteries
(Farnell,
1.c.,
p.
6392:
ertainly
Samothrace had
a
capacity
for
propa-
ganda,
cf.
n.
6,
but
in
the extant evidence this
aspect
is not
mentioned,
while as far
as
Eleusis
was
concerned,
it was
emphasized);
(3)
Orphic Hymns
38.920
ff.
KoupfirEs
KopipavT-rEs
. .
.
?v
Iapoep
KT,
avaKTES
. .
.TWvoiciavaol,
ulYXoTrp6ool
but
~uXorp6poi
is
an
epithet
of
the
winds,
cf.
16.3,
and
means
"sustaining
life": we
may compare
also 38.3
3cpoy6vol
rrvoial,
IG.
xii, iii,
1334
Trav
avPcp
rpq)-ral
Kai
&p'
lXiOU,
E-iTa
a
vXs.
The
Orphic
Hymns
show
no
interest
in
the
afterlife); (4)
the
chthonic
nature
of
the
cult,
which fits but does
not
prove
the
assumption;
(5)
the identification
of
the
Cabiric triad
with
Demeter,
Persephone,
Hades
(Schol.
in
Ap.
Rhod.
i,
916-18:
cf.
A.
Schober,
JOAI.
xxix,
1934,
pp.
13 ff. on the
frieze
of the
New
Temple):
this
may
be
a
pure
hypothesis,
but cannot be
ignored.
Non
liquet.
6
Diod Sic.
v,
49.6: Schol.
in
Ap.
Rhod.
i,
916-18.
577
THE
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
INSTITUTE
OF AMERICA
8/9/2019 cabiri ritual.pdf
3/6
578
ARTHUR
DARBY
NOCK
form,
in
ipso
aedis sacrae meditullio
ante deae
simulacrum
constitutum
tribunal
ligneumin
Apul.
Met.
xi,
24),
on which
Lucius after
his initiation
stood
to
receive the
homage
of
the
faithful,
and
suggests
that
the
Cabiric
initiate stood
on this
platform
and was presented to the community.
This is
certainly possible.
Constitutum
might
seem to
imply
that
the
platform
was
a
temporary
one,
erected for this
specific
occasion,
but the verb
constituo
is
used of
permanent
placing
7
and
tribunal,
although
in Plin. NH.
xvi, 3,
denoting
a
tempo-
rary
platform,
is
commonly
used
of a
permanent
structure for
public,
judicial,
mili-
tary,
theatrical or
religious
purposes.8
On
the
whole,
I think it
likely
that
this
tri-
bunal
was
a
temporary
structure,9
but the
ceremony
is
attested,
and a
sanctuary
in
which
anything
of the sort
was
regular
might
well have
a
permanent
tribunal.
With it we can
compare
the
adoration accorded
to
a man
who had
just
received
the
taurobolium,
he acclamation
in
certain rites
of
the Near
East to
the
newly bap-
tized Christian,
10
after he had received the holy oil of confirmation, and the homage
paid
in
modern times to
a
Catholic
priest
who has said his
first
Mass.
Now that the
graffiti
of the second Mithraeum at
Dura-Europos
have
proved
nymphos
to be the
name of
a Mithraic
grade,
we
might
be
tempted
to
interpret
(cV)>8E
v4P1E
XaIpE
vX4)E
XalpE
vEov
qcos5
in
Firmicus
Maternus
de
err.
prof.
rel.
19,
as
referring
to a
similar
act
of
homage,
but this is
unlikely. Nymphos
denoted
an
early
grade,
the
second;
the
acclamation,
if such it
be,
might
come
from the
initiator
or initiators
and not
from the
congregation,
and
Firmicus
clearly
thinks
of
the words as
addressed
to
a
god.
In
any
case,
the
initiation of
Lucius
represents
a
distinctive
ceremony.
We do not
know how common it was: the Isiac initiates of Plutarch's treatise
Concerning
Isis
and Osiris
are
simply people
who
have witnessed the
ordinary
sacred drama of the
7
E.g. Hygin.
Astron.
ii, 7: lyra
inter
sidera constituta
est;
Cic. Scaur.
46.
8
V.
Chapot
in
Dar.-Saglio
s.v.
Tribunal;
E.
Weiss-Fr. Lammert
in
RE.
vi,
A 924928
f.;
H.
Dessau,
Inscr. lat. sel.
iii,
p.
904 s.v.
(tribunal
in
Tac. Ann.
i,
18
refers to
a
temporary
structure,
but one
which
corresponded
to
regular legionary
structures: A.
von
Domaszewski,
Abh.
rom.
Rel.,
pp.
86
ff.).
The
extended use of
tribunal was
common,
and
Apuleius
is
not
using
a
definite
metaphor.
9The
"prothesis"
at the back of the Iseum
at Eretria
(N.
Papadakis,
AETr.
i,
1915,
pp.
190 and
116,
fig.
2)
which
I
compared
with this tribunal
(Conversion,
9294)
eems rather
to have
carried votives.
Nor can we
compare
the
objects,
resembling
footstools,
on which
priests
of
Isis
are
represented
in
the
reliefs
on
columns from her
temple
in
the
Campus
Martius
(R.
Lanciani,
BullComm.
xi, 1883,
p.
49,
pl. X: O. Marucchi ap. H. S. Jones, Cat. Capitoline Museum, 360: J. Leipoldt, Religionen in der
Umwelt
des
Urchristentums,
in
H.
Haas,
Bilderatlas
z.
Religionsgeschichte,
pt.
9-11,
Abb.
60-61;
I
take
it
that their
purpose
is
architectural),
or
the
balcony
from
which
gesticulating
spectators
are
watching
an
Egyptian
religious
dance,
on
a
relief
from
a
tomb
in Aricia
(R.
Paribeni,
NS.
1919,
pp.
106
ff.:
CAHI.
Plates
v,
p.
160
f.).
K.
Kerenyi (cf.
O.
Weinreich,
Phil.
Woch.
1995,
p. 694) brought
into
this
connection the
tribunal to
which Trimalchio was
raised
by
Mercurius in Petron.
29,5:
but
71,9
shows
that the
tribunal
of
municipal
officials is
meant.
10
Th.
Michels,
Jahrbuch
.
Liturgiewissenschaft
viii, 1928,
pp.
76 ff.
11
(aQVS)
is due to H. Diels
ap.
A.
Dieterich-O.
Weinreich,
Mithrasliturgie
3, p.
256;
F.
Cumont,
CRAI.
1934,
p.
108,
prefers
cISE:
his
discussion clarified the
whole
problem
of
this
grade:
cf. F.
Cumont-M.
Rostovtzeff,
Excavations at
Dura-Europos,
vii/viii,
p.
123;
F.
J.
D6lger,
Antike
u.
Christen-
turn
v,
1936,
pp.
3
f.;
287
f.-ostenderunt
cryfios
CIL.
vi, 751a;
last
discussed
by
C.
I. M.
I.
van Beek in
Pisciculi . .
.
Franz
Joseph Dolger
. .
dargeboten, pp.
41 ff. is
presumably
identical with tradiderunt
chryflos
(CIL.
vi, 753;
four
years
later)
but
has
defied
interpretation:
cf.
Rostovtzeff,
Mhm. div.
say.
Acad. Inscr.
xiii,
396
for
a
possible parallel
(but
the
interpretation
of F.
J.
Ddlger,
IXGYX,
i, 426,
n.
1,
deserves
consideration. Cf.
bibliography
in
G.
Kazarow,
AA.
1936,
p.
75
f.).
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A
CABIRIC
RITE
579
finding
of Osiris
and who have attached
to it an
importance
such
as
belonged
to
the
witnessing
of the
Eleusinian
drama. As an initiate who had
received
this
personal
rite,
Lucius
had a distinct
status
in the
community-so
did
the
men
who
had
ac-
cepted the expense of the taurobolium. An epoptes at Samothrace might be in a some-
what
comparable
situation,
since
almost
certainly
his
religious
dignity
involved
additional
expenditure.12
Nevertheless,
I should
like
to
suggest
another
possibility.
Plato
Euthydem.
077D
informs
us of
a telete of the
Corybantes,
called
thronosis,
in
which
the
initiate sat
on
a
throne
and a dance
was
performed
around
him
prior
to
his
initiation,13
and
some-
thing
of the
sort is
parodied
in
Aristoph.
Nub.
-50
ff.14
The
essence
of
the
ceremony
seems
to
lie
in the
making
of a circle around a man
(cf.
the word
TreplKae1ipco)
and
in
the
projected
energy
of music
and the dance., The
Corybantic
ritual
is
known
at
Erythrae
to
have included
a
washing
of "those
being
initiated"
16
and
belongs
to
the
fairly extensive category of rituals of purification-proceedings
which
were, so to
speak,
medical,
as well as sacramental.
What
has this
to do with Samothrace?
To
be
sure,
when
Statius
refers
to
religious
dances
on
Samothrace,
modo
quo
Curetes
in
actu
quoque
pii
Samothraces
eunt,
although
the
word
pii
makes it almost certain that he
is
thinking
of
Cabiric
rites,
the context
suggests
that
he
is
referring
not to a
purificatory
dance,
but to
an
ordinary
interlacing
choral
movement."7
Yet
Cybele,
who is also
Rhea,
was
goddess
of
Cory-
bantes
and Curetes
alike
and has a
predominant place
on
the
coins
of
Samothrace:
18
and,
though
the
goddess
of the Cabiric cult was
probably
not
called
Cybele,
she
12
Lehmann-Hartleben,
AJA.
1940,
p.
357.
13
Cf.
K.
Latte,
De
saltationibus
Graecorum,
.
95
f.;
Dio
Prus.
xii,
33
(i,
p.
163,
v.
Arnim)
and
Hesych.
s.v.
ep6vcoais
may
well be derived from Plato:
they
add
nothing.
14
A.
Dieterich,
Kleine
Schriften,
pp.
117
ff.
15
Cf.
S.
Eitrem,
Opferritus
. .
d.
Griechen
u.
Rdmer,
pp.
-8
f.
and his
whole
discussion
of
the
powers
ascribed
to circular
motion.
For
purificatory
dances,
cf. P.
Boyance,
Le culte
des
Muses,
and
K.
Latte,
De saltationibus
Graecorum,
p.
31,
n.
2
(on
the dance called
telesias. It was a
war-dance,
popular
in
Macedonia,
but
may
once
have
implied
something
like a
telete,
and
perhaps
akin
to
the
Corybantic
dance.
The secularization
of a
dance is natural
enough).
The fact that the
enthronement
comes
before
and not
after
initiation
seems to me to exclude the
suggestion
of
lmmisch
(in
Roscher's
Lex.
ii,
p.
1616)
that the
man
enthroned
was
assimilated
to
Dionysus.
The dances
of
Corybantes
or
Curetes
around the young god were always regardedas protective: cf. H. Usener, Ki. Schr. iv, p. 188 f. and for
more material
A. B.
Cook,
Zeus
i,
p.
153
(the
ivory
pyxis
mentioned
ib.,
n.
5,
now
at
Bologna,
is
ascribed
to
the
fifth
century
of our era:
P.
Ducati,
Museo civico di
Bologna,
p.
94).
That
Dionysus
is
sometimes seated
or enthroned
during
the
process proves
nothing:
was
it not
a
natural
way
of
represent-
ing
a
god?
16
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
"Nordionische
Steine,"
Abh.
Berlin,
1909,
p.
33;
J.
Poerner,
Diss.
phil.
Hal.
xxii,
ii,
p.
308
f.
17
Ach.
ii,
157
=
i,
831.
O.
Conze,
Reise
auf
den Inseln des Thrakischen
Meeres,
p.
63,
compared
this
passage
with
a
relief
from
Samothrace,
thought
to come
from
the Old
Temple,
on
which we
see
women
in a formal dance
(Conze,
Archdol.
Unters.
ii,
pl.
9: cf. Ed.
Schmidt,
Archaistische
Kunst
in
Griechen-
land
u.
Rom,
p.
39 f.
and
Chapouthier,
Les
Dioscures,
p.
157):
cf. the Roman
derivation of
the
Salii from
Samothrace
(Lobeck,
Aglaophamus,
1299:
Geiger,
RE.
IA,
1877).
Lucian asserts
(Saltat.
15)
TEXET~iV
a-pxic oJElaVc crrT1V IpEIV
&VEvJ6pX'IECAS.
a X a
T V p V V V
1 E C O S
18
Beschreibung
d.
ant.
Miinzen,
Berlin,
i,
p.
284
f.;
Head,
Hist. Num.
2,
p.
263: K.
Regling,
Z.f.
Num.
xxxviii,
1928,
p.
102
f.
I
accept
Professor Lehmann-Hartleben's
view
that these
coins
do
not
prove
anything
as
to the
identity
of
the
goddess
of
the Cabiric
cult.
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580
ARTHUR
DARBY
NOCK
surely
was,
or
became,
a
cognate figure.
The title
of
a
lost
Orphic
work,
Thronismoi
mietrooi,'l
suggests
that
such
ritual fell within
Cybele's sphere,
and
that
is not
all.
From
Pherecydes
onwards
ancient
writers often
assimilate
Cabiri and
Corybantes,20
and Strabo (x, pp. 466-67) makes it clear that there was no little resemblance
between
the emotional
ceremonies of
Cabiri,
Curetes,
and
Corybantes,
as well
as
between
popular
concepts
of
Corybantes,
Curetes,
and
Cabiri as identified with
Dioscuri.
Zeus was
Zeus,
and
Athena was
Athena,
but Anakes
or
Cabiri
or
Dioscuri
or
Corybantes
were
indeterminate
entities:
in
spite
of
their
supposed
power
to
aid,
they
were
in
the
main minor
deities,
and
they
could
easily
be
put
in one
category.21
They
were
all
concerned
with
deliverance,
in one
way
or
another,
and
Cabiri,
Dioscuri,
and Curetes
alike
became
more
widely prominent
in
the
Hellenistic
age:
we
can
imagine
Cabiri or Curetes
absorbing
Corybantic
rites.22
This is not
exactly
what
has
often been
meant
by
the term
syncretism,
a
fusion of
deities
once
sharply
distinguished: it is the pervasive influence of a category of ritual and representation:
Dionysus
is
the classic
example.23
Whether
thronismos was or was
not
employed
in
the
cult
of
the
Cabiri,
it would
certainly
have
been
in
place,
as
a
sequel
to the
enquiry
into the
guilt
of would-be
initiates
24
and
as
a
myesis preliminary
to admission
to the
mysteries proper.
Pro-
fessor
Lehmann-Hartleben,
when
I
put
this
idea
before
him,
drew
my
attention
to
the fact
that the
construction
of the
platform,
for
which
no
precise
date
between
500
B.c.
and
the
beginning
of the
Hellenistic
period
can
yet
be
given,
is
characterized
by
its "double bottom":
inside the
supporting ring
of hard field stones
there
must,
he
19
0. Kern, Orphicorum ragmenta, p. 298. Cf. W. Schmid-O. Stathlin,Gesch.griech. Litt., i, pp. 347,
575,
n.
2,
on the
Enthronismoi,
ascribed
by
Suidas to
Pindar,
as
possibly
connected with his interest
in
the
cult of the Mother of the
gods.
Dittenberger,
SIG.3
1009,
n.
12,
suggests
that the reference
is to the
installation
of
priests:
but such occasions can
seldom have been
thought
important
enough
for
people
to
pay
for Pindar's services to
glorify
them. The
same consideration tells
also
against
the view
that the
songs
were connected
with
this
type
of
purificatory
ritual,
unless we
suppose
the
personal
devotion
to
the
Mother and her
supposed powers
of
healing
(on
which
cf.
Latte,
op.
cit.,
p.
96
f.),
indicated
in
Pyth.
.iii,
77,
to
be
a sufficient
explanation.
E.
Hiller,
Ilerm.
xxi, 1886,
pp.
357
ff.
urged
that
the title and
Bakchika,
which follows in
Suidas,
were
interpolated
from
the
catalogue
of
Orphic
writings.
20
In H.
Orph.
38,
20:
KoupfiTEs
KopPf3avTEs
means the
Cabiri.
In
general,
cf. J.
Poerner,
1.c.,
pp.
367
ff.; Nilsson,
Minoan-Mycenaean Religion,
p.
472,
n.
3;
F.
Chapouthier,
Les
Dioscures
au
service
d'une
dkesse,
pp.
154,
172,
234,
n.
6,
241.
Of
course
Curetes
and
Corybantes
had
different
backgrounds
and,
what was
more,
different
names;
various
texts
(Poerner,
pp.
356
if.,
372)
show
that
this
was not
wholly
forgotten. Nevertheless, even a late oracle of Apollo (of Claros: Ch. Picard, BCH. xlvi, 1922, pp. 190
ff.)
speaks
of
the Cabiri as
rendering
to the infant
Zeus the service
commonly
ascribed
to the Curetes
(Kaibel,
Epigr. gr.
1035).
21
Hence their
identification with
the
Idaean
Dactyls
and
the Lares. Cf.
also
Pausan.
x,
38,7
on
the
telete
of the Anaktes at
Amphissa:
some called them the
Dioscuri,
some
the
Curetes,
"but
those who
think that
they
know rather
better,
the Cabiri"
(with
Nilsson,
Griech.
Feste,
p.
422,
and
Chapouthier,
op.
cit.,
pp.
180
f.):
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
Glaube
d. Hellenen
i,
p.
99,
n.
1,
on
Kaio',
who
may
be
Corybantes.
22
Cf.
J.
Poerner,
1.c. p.
294, n.,
on
the Curetic
dyvEpXj5 1'a3s piou:
ib.
p.
293;
Ch.
Picard,
Ephese
et
Claros,
p.
299;
J.
Keil,
in
Anatolian Studies . . W.
H.
Buckler,
p.
120
f.
on
6Xo\XOKvrpova
V1E
?..
nKTE-Ecacrav
rTa
vrTTpa wvrav Ta
vvXCos
oK-r0caTTTav
in a
Curetic
text; Lobeck,
op.
cit.,
pp.
640
ff.;
also
Dionys.
Hal.
Demosth.
2
(i,
p.
176, 20,
Usener-Radermacher).
23
For the use of the
Curetic
type
cf.
O. Walter,
JOAI.
xxx, 1938, pp.
53
ff.;
A. B. Cook Zeus
ii, p.
587
(in
Caria);
iii,
pp.
1127
f.,
fig.
886. We
may
compare
the
spread
of the
type
discussed
by Chapouthier,
op.
cit. For
Dionysus
at
Samothrace
cf.
Conze,
Arch.
Unt.
i,
27,
Chapouthier,
BCH.
xlix,
1925,
261.
24
Cf. R.
Pettazoni,
La
confessione
dei
peccati iii,
pp.
163
if.
8/9/2019 cabiri ritual.pdf
6/6
A
CABIRIC RITE
581
argues,
have
been
a
hollow
interior
space
and "the
most natural
explanation
would
be
that it was
a
resounding
space
which contributed
to
the effect
of
beating
the
ground
in
dances.
It
is
exactly
this
feature,
after
all,
which
is characteristic
of the
Corybantic dances."
25
Yet the suggestion is no more than a possibility.
ARTHUR
DARBY NOCK
HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
25
Dr. S. Dow draws
my
attention
to the size
of the
platform
as
an
argument
for the
hypothesis
here
advanced.