Carmel in New York

The Province of St. Elias 1927 – 1947

Alfred Isacsson, O.Carm.

1

Carmel in New York

The Province of St Elias, 1927 – 1947

Alfred Isacsson, O.Carm.

Vestigium Press

4944 Rabbit Hollow Drive

Boca Raton, FL. 33431

1984

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Table of Contents

Introduction Page 3

Chapter 1 Dionysius L. Flanagan: The Man and His Manner Page 4

Chapter 2 Provincial Chapters Page 17

Chapter 3 Relations with Rome and other Provinces of the Order Page 22

Chapter 4 Personnel Page 53

Chapter 5 Student Education Page 73

Chapter 6 The Scapular Militia Page 90

Chapter 7 Finances Page 99

Chapter 8 To the Other Sea Page 102

Chapter 9 The Houses of the Province Page 133

Chapter 10 The Kilian Lynch Years Page 169

A Postscript Page 177

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INTRODUCTION

This is the third volume of the history of the New York Province of St. Elias, a work begun in

1976. Seven years later, despite the interruptions of apostolic work and the vagaries of travel as

vocation director, the task I promised the provincial of that time, Charles Haggerty, is completed.

This is not a critical history nor a definitive work. Neither is it a mere chronicle, What I have

tried to do is establish what took place in the past of the province using the documentary material

extant. Decisions on the authenticity of documents and their provenance were required.

Logically, the next project is a biographical summary of the Carmelites who worked in this

province. Sometime in the future, aided by such works, is a critical history of the province.

Much of the material used in this volume is located in the archives of the province, situated in

1984 at St. Thomas Aquinas Church, Fourth Avenue, Brooklyn, NY. Much of the archival

material cited exists in the form of carbons. The adressee received the original and in most

cases, the originals are not extant or available. In some cases, documents were destroyed.

Citation from the provincial archives does not distinguish between the original or the carbon.

Wherever possible the original was used but ecclesiastical restrictions or distance from my

domicile prevented, too, the use of the original.

Thanks are due to the members of the province who have encouraged me by their words and

actions. They have expressed the true meaning of fraternity. May the life of the past of which

this volume is a record be an augury of the future.

Alfred Isacsson

St. Elias Priory

Boca Raton, FL.

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Chapter 1

Dionysius L. Flanagan: The Man and His Manner

A decree of September 3, 1926, appointed Dionysius Lawrence Flanagan the Commissary

General of the five houses that had been separated some four years previously from the Irish

Province.1 The motherhouse of Our Lady of the Scapular on East 28th Street, Transfiguration

Church in Tarrytown, Our Lady of Mount Carmel and its missions in Middletown, St. Simon

Stock in the Bronx and St. Albert's, Middletown, were the extent of the realm. Flanagan had

come to the United States in 1908, shortly after his ordination, and had the experience of living

in all of the houses before he assumed command.

Born in Moate, Ireland, on June 19, 1882, Flanagan went to Blackrock College, Dublin in 1897.

After two years as a student there, two Carmelites, Wheatley and McDonnell, came to see him,

having heard that he was interested in studying for the priesthood. In September of 1899, he

transferred to Terenure College and entered the novitiate on October 15, 1900. After studying

theology in Ireland, Flanagan was ordained a priest on March 17, 1907,

In September, 1908, he came to New York to work at 28th Street. 1910 found him at Tarrytown

where he supplied on the weekends at the missions then attached to the Wurtsboro parish of St.

Joseph. That fall, he was made pastor of the parish of Holy Name in Otisville and when the

headquarters of the parish were moved to Middletown in 1912, Flanagan returned to Tarrytown

as an assistant to Finbar O'Connor, From 1914 to 1922, he was at 28th Street, He was then sent

to St. Albert's where he was prior and later novice master. At the death of Finbar O'Connor in

1924, he became the prior and pastor of 28th Street until the death of Gerard O'Farrell in 1926

when Flanagan was appointed Commissary General and moved to St. Simon Stock in the

Bronx.2

It seems that until he went out of office as provincial in 1943, Flanagan preferred to go by the

name, Lawrence D. As the number entering the order increased and the use of religious names

became more common, he used his religious name of Dionysius. To many outside the order,

particularly those in Ireland who knew him as a youth, he was always Lawrence or Father Larry.

There is an interesting story concerning Dionysius Flanagan that illustrates his politics and

conviction. When some mission preachers were working St, Simon Stock, one of them stated one

evening that only a fool would have voted for Norman Thomas, the Socialist candidate, in the

recent presidential election. Thomas usually managed to garner a small handful of votes in each

of the many runs he made for the presidency. On hearing this comment, Flanagan was heard to

1 Decree, E. Magennis, Rome, Sept 3, 1926; Consultors Minutes, Nov 22, 1926, ANYP.

2 F to Daly, Williamstown, Feb 22, 1957; Celebret, E. Southwell, Sept, 1912, ANYP; Status Ordinis (Rome, 1965) 33;

"Father Flanagan's Golden Jubilee," Vestigium II, 1, p 6-10; Decree, Rome, Sept 20, 1926, ANYP; AOC, VI, 152.

5

mutter, "I must be a fool for I always voted for him."3 Many Irish rebels were socialist in

outlook and this shows his kinship with them. Also, it shows how he relentlessly followed a path

once he chose it.

Dionysius Flanagan enjoyed good health throughout his life. He did have a prostate operation

while visiting Los Angeles in 1934.4 Besides this, he was comparatively well especially during

his retirement years in Williamstown. He died on April 3, 1966 of coronary thrombosis and

arteriosclerosis.5

Evaluation of Flanagan's regime as commissary general and provincial (1931-43) vary from

Carmelite to Carmelite. To many of his contemporaries, he was a stern taskmaster, strict and

unrelenting. To others, he was the savior of the small and budding province. One of his subjects

and later a general of the order, Kilian Lynch, described how the first constitutions in many years

had been issued in 1902. Previously, there had been little discipline due to the fact that customs,

dating from the times of Catholic oppression in Ireland, had ruled the Irish Carmelites and their

New York group. The new way of life that came in with the constitutions created many problems

for superiors like Flanagan. He had to insist on the life dictated by the constitutions. This did not

sit well with all of the men.

Flanagan gathered money to build up a fund from which building new foundations and student

education could be provided.6

Flanagan himself, almost to the end of his days, worked as hard as he demanded of others. His

sermons indicate that he often gave conferences, particularly to sisters, and preached many

retreats. The length of his material indicates that he gave good value for the stipend he received.7

When Flanagan became the commissary general, he fell heir to the Irish activities of his

predecessors, O'Connor and O'Farrell. When these men were at the height of their activity,

Flanagan was not stationed in New York City and thus at a disadvantage for participating. His

espousing of the Irish cause perhaps dates to his days at Blackrock where he was a classmate of

Eamon De Valera. His role, though, was not that of an activist or fomenter. He was more of an

advisor who proceeded in a quiet and humble way.8

3 Interview with Mel Daly, 1980.

4 F to Varglien, /Los Angeles^, May 27, 1943, ANYP.

5 Death Certificate, Massachusetts, Apr 25, 1966, ANYP.

6 Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976.

7 Flanagan Papers, ANYP, Sermons.

1.

8 W. Carr, The Irish Carmelites, 19-20.

6

He kept in close touch with many of the Irish heroes like De Valera, Sean 0'Kelly and Sean

Nunan. The MacSwineys were especially close to him. He was active, loaning for example,

"O’Curry's manuscript copy of Keating

’s Ireland" to New York's forty-second Street Library for

a De Valera visit in 1939, interceding for Irish immigrants to obtain permanent residency or a job

and contributed £20 to the 1938 election fund of Fianna Fail, When the Irish Pavilion of the

1938-39 World's Fair was dismantled, he purchased some exhibits and took the granite of the

Pearse Memorial to use in the house he hoped to construct in Washington.9 Today, it still lies

beneath the 28th Street church.

Flanagan's role can be seen in an incident. De Valera wrote Father Timothy Shanley concerning

the Irish Press fund raising drive. He did this though only after consulting with Flanagan

obtaining from him information and advice.10

When religious activities were participated in by the Irish, Flanagan was present in a prominent

role. He was the celebrant when Mass was celebrated for the preservation of peace and neutrality

in Ireland.11

St. Patrick's Day, 1943, while Ireland lay in a perplexed neutrality, saw Flanagan as

the preacher at St. Patrick's Cathedral.12

After retirement to Williamstown in 1953, he exchanged a number of letters with Eamon De

Valera mainly concerning the split in the United States between the De Valera and Cohalan

forces in the 1920's. It was Flanagan's opinion to the aging Irish leader that the split was caused

by the fact that the Cohalan forces could not control De Valera and what he thought best for

Ireland.13

One day in 1929, when Mother Angeline Theresa was in the process of consulting Cardinal

Hayes about the foundation of the Carmelite Sisters of the Aged and Infirm, Dionysius Flanagan

went to the Old People's Home on East 183 Street in the Bronx to try and place an old man in the

institution. He entered by mistake through the kitchen and met Mother Collette with whom he

placed his request. Some days later, he sent the sisters roses left over from St. Simon Stock's

celebration of the feast of St. Therese of Lisieux. This gesture along with Flanagan's visit, the

9 McCauley-Flanagan Correspondence; McGlynn to F, NY, Nov 1, 1940; Flanagan Papers, Irish Activities, Irish Bonds; S.

O'Riain to F, Dublin, July 14, 1938, all ANYP. 10

De Valera to Shanley, Dublin, May 13, 1928, ANYP. 11

New York Times, Apr 20, 1941; Catholic News (New York) Apr 26, 1941. 12

Catholic News (New York), Mar 20, 1943; Slattery to F, Tarrytown, Mar 18, 1943, ANYP. 13

Flanagan Papers, De Valera Correspondence, ANYP.

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sisters took as a sign and introduced themselves and their goals to the Carmelites.14

It was in

1931 that the sisters were affiliated to the Carmelite Order. Ellas Magennis presented the

petition to the Holy See after Flanagan had done the groundwork in the United States.15

Flanagan was always modest about his role in establishing the sisters and when forced to speak

of it, he would tell of Magennis' work in Rome and the work of Kieran Hickey and Patrick

Russell in working with the sisters on their constitutions.16

Flanagan arranged a Roman visit for Mothers Angeline and Collette in 1932, enticing Magennis

to escort them around Rome and to arrange a papal audience for them.17

He assisted the sisters

by supplying priests for their retreats, conferences and confessions. He often gave them advice

and did many business matters for the fledgling group.18

He tried to help them found a house in

Rome but Cardinal Hayes withheld his approval.19

He was present for many of the community's

ceremonies and attended the dedication of many of their homes.20

Flanagan also corresponded with many sisters. Some were personal friends, some staffed

Carmelite schools, some were from his hometown of Moate and some were his advisees. He

advised sisters personally and community wise. He sent congratulations on special occasions,

consoled them at the times of personal or community loss. Besides the Sisters of the Aged and

Infirm, the Good Shepherd Sisters, the Sisters of Mercy and the Discalced Carmelites seem to be

the communities he was more familiar with.21

Visitations of the province by the generals give us an indication of the manner of life of the time.

Elias Magennis visitated the houses in 1927, 1929 and 1931. After commending the fathers for

work and sacrifice, Magennis instituted a 5:30 rising in 1927 so that office could be recited

before confessions were heard from 6:30 to 8:00. Vacation in the province was set for every five

or six years subject to cancellation for non-observance. At St. Albert's, he called for capable

teachers, observant of the rule. He wanted these men also to work in the local parish to solve the

14

Mss in Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 15

M. Daly, "Carmelite Sisters Observe Ruby Jubilee," Sword 30 (Oct, 1970) 49. 16

Sermon, Flanagan, Avila-on-Hudson, Oct, 1956, ANYP. 17

Magennis to F, Rome, July 25, 1932, ANYP. 18

Mother Angeline Correspondence, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 19

F to Doswald, Bronx, Feb 25, 1938, ANYP; Angeline to Doswald, Bronx, Aug 19, 1938 Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 11, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 20

As examples, cf. AOC 10, 36-7; Sword 9 (Feb, 1945) 112-3. 21

Flanagan Papers, Sisters File, ANYP.

8

manpower problem and their complaint of loneliness at the college. For Tarrytown, he called for

the opening of a high school as soon as possible.22

Two years later, Magennis was accenting observance especially in superiors. The vacation

regulation was changed to every year but the time was to be spent in a Carmelite house and the

funds were to depend on the kind of vacation needed. These regulations he put under the stricture

that they could be relaxed only by the curia. He did command that the superior lock the door to

the house at 10:30. "23

In his visitation of 1931, Magennis set the rise at 5:45 with office at 6:00.

This gives some understanding for his regulation of being home at 10:00 and in bed by 10:20.24

Flanagan, after he left office, reflected on observance in the province. He cited how there had

been almost none when he came to the United States and how in 1947, it was almost total in

every house, This progress he credited to Magennis. Flanagan also pointed out the fallacy of

abandoning observance under the guise of working for the Church.25

When Doswald made his visitation in 1933, he simply called for no deviation from the

regulations of Magennis. He did call for local elections for house offices and for silence at meals

even when reading was done for half the meal. He called upon the fathers to improve themselves

intellectually and urged them to recruit brothers who could clean and care for the house as this

was the only way the cloister could be observed.26

Flanagan visitated each house but only every two or three years until 1941 when he began a

spate of visitating each house each year until he went out or office. His method seems to have

been to visit each house and then when he returned home, to write up a general series of

injunctions that were sent to each house. Nothing specific to a house was ever mentioned and he

resorted to items like wearing the capuce for Mass, keeping a house chronicle, attending the

funerals of clergy and religious. Talking about Carmelites or Carmelite affairs was forbidden.27

In his 1932 visitation, Flanagan accented the office in common to the point that he said it was a

sin if one was needed to recite the office and he absented himself from choir.28

His regulations

22

Visitation Report, Magennis, 1927, ANYP. 23

Ibid., 1929. 24

Ibid., 1931. 25

F to Pausback, Bronx, Jan 23, 1947, ANYP. 26

Visitation Report, Doswald, Rome, Oct 15, 1933, ANYP. 27

Visitation File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 28

Visitation Report, Flanagan, 1932, ANYP.

9

for Bellevue included notifying the relatives of sick or deceased patients.29

In 1941 and 1942,

he had some problems in Bellevueaid the parish. In 1941, he stated that the laity's help in the

hospital was appreciated but that they had no right to interfere in the Carmelites' fulfillment of

duty.30

In 1942, he placed different priests in charge of certain areas of the parish: Hugh Devlin

and Kevin Flanagan in charge of marriages, for example. Brother Albert Kenny was to come to

the parish to be sacristan and the province was to be paid $500 a year for his services. This salary

was typed only on Flanagan's carbon copy of the regulations indicating that there must have been

some sort of problem paying him from parish funds. He also wanted certain expenses that the

Carmelites had been paying to be paid in the future by the parish.31

In Washington, in 1939, he instituted a 4:55 rising on school days and at 5:55 on Sundays.32

For

California in 1941, he made a complete examination of the finances. Parish salaries, Mass

stipends and all loan payments were to go to the Provincial Fund. He raised the tuition $4 per

student and insisted on total collection. No funds of the fathers were to be used for the school.

The following year, he reinforced these regulations.33

There was a touch of humor in this whole matter as Doswald wrote Flanagan in 1935 that he was

sending a copy of the visitation report to Brocard Taylor, an old Flanagan adversary, just to show

him that the spirit was not that he had found on his own visitation of 1932.34

Twice, Flanagan appointed a commission to draw up provincial regulations. The report of the

first called for a vocation director, drinking on certain days of the week to promote the spirit of

community and a vacation of three weeks with $75 in expenses allowed35

The second

commission established the amounts for major expenses, specified articles of the constitutions

and forbid smoking in public.36

29

Ibid., 1939, ANYP. 30

Ibid., 1941, ANYP. 31

Ibid., 1942, ANYP. 32

Ibid., Washington, March, 1939, ANYP. 33

Ibid., St. Raphael's, 1941, 1942, ANYP. 34

Doswald to F, Rome, July 29, 1935, ANYP. 35

Report of the Commission on Provincial Regulations, 1934, ANYP. 36

Ibid., n.d.

10

As he came to the end of his regime, Flanagan was more careful about holding the exams for the

junior clergy37

and insuring that all made the annual retreat.38

In an effort to satisfy requests, make the order better known and increase the funds of the

province, Flanagan sent men out on preaching and supply work. Especially in the summer, he

booked fathers for places like Livingston Manor, Long Beach, Yonkers, Ellenville, Liberty and

Harrison.39

Preaching assignments were sisters' retreats, novenas, triduums and parish missions

mainly in the eastern United States.40

A New York lawyer, William Canary, took care of all wills for Dionysius Flanagan. Indications

are that the Carmelites were the benefactors of a large number of wills but none amounted to

more than $500. It would seem that when money was left in a will to charity, Canary would

direct this amount to the Carmelites. A number of these wills left money for Masses to be

offered by the Carmelites. A Mary Geoghegan had loaned Denis O'Connor $1600 in 1923 and

her heirs made claim on it at 4% interest. Flanagan honored the request when it was made in

1940.41

When a woman left $4300 to the Carmelites and her two nephews, orphans at St. Michael's in

Staten Island, the decedent's sister approached the Carmelites about relinquishing their share in

favor of the orphans. Flanagan consented.42

Either while provincial or as treasurer, Flanagan helped promote the purgatorial society with a

folder, 4 1/2" X 6", embossed with a bronze picture of the Scapular Vision. One early

enrollment came from Los Angeles inscribing, "The Fallen Angels."43

Flanagan wrote many letters of congratulation to promoted ecclesiastics. Letters of

recommendation, letters trying to get people into rest homes and to obtain apartments and jobs

were numerous, A special charity of his was the Marymount Tabernacle Society run by

Archbishop Cantwell's sister. He also loaned provincial funds to relatives of Carmelites and

seminarians. As a compliment to his foresight, it must be said that all these loans were repaid.

37

F to Priors, July 7, 1941, ANYP. 38

F to Priors, June, 1941, ANYP. 39

Supply File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 40

Preaching File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 41

Will File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 42

Kobbe, Thatcher, Frederick and Hoar to Canary, NY, Jan 7, 1927, ANYP. 43

Purgatorial File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP.

11

He, himself, contributed small amounts to hospitals and religious causes here and in Ireland.44

He even sent money to the novitiate of the Irish Province to promote Gregorian Chant among the

novices.45

In 1939, Flanagan collected money from various people and the Carmelite parishes and sent it to

the Carmelite nuns in Spain to help them in the wake of the Civil War.46

After World War II, he

did the same for the Carmelites in Europe.47

When his friend, Jeremiah O'Mahoney, was seeking admission to the Florida bar, Flanagan

wrote him a letter of recommendation.48

After loaning O'Mahoney money, Flanagan wrote him

that his definitory would like to forget the debt stating that his vocation work for the Carmelites,

years before, had more than compensated the order for the money.49

Once Flanagan went out of office as provincial and was just treasurer, he seems to have spent all

his time monitoring funds. St. Albert's, for example, sent him some bills to pay directly and

some they paid themselves and would also ask him for funds on a regular basis. When the St.

Albert's treasurer, Emmanuel Hourihan, would write asking for money, Flanagan would hesitate

or ask for explanations. Flanagan would make jokes at St. Simon Stock when he received these

requests from St. Albert's. They would be passed on to Emmanuel who did not take them as

jokes. On one occasion, Emmanuel paid all the bills except the bread bill which he sent on to

Flanagan who remarked that Middletown was even sending him the bread bills. It was another

stage in a constant war.50

Bishop Jurgens of Tuguegaro in the Philippines offered Flanagan missions in his diocese. He

described the people as poor and their need for priests as great.51

Three years later, the province

was still talking about these missions.52

Flanagan must have discussed them with the Australian

44

Personal Correspondence, Contributions File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 45

M. Lynch to F, Kinsale, May 4, 1932, ANYP. 46

Spanish and Java Carmelites File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 47

Carmelite Relief File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 48

O'Mahoney to F, Gainesville, Mar 30, 1933, ANYP. 49

F to O'Mahoney, Bronx, Nov 18, 1942, ANYP. 50

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976. 51

Jurgens to F, Tuguegaro, Oct 23, 1928, ANYP. 52

ACG (1923) 23.

12

provincial, Paul Clery, when he was visiting the United States in 1937.53

Almost a year later,

Clery expressed his willingness to be a partner in the Philippine venture.54

With a shortage of

manpower, the matter just died.

Bishop Daniel Desmond of Alexandria, Louisiana, wrote to the Chicago provincial, Matthew

O'Neill, asking for two Carmelites to staff the parish at Mansfield, Louisiana, mainly because of

a Carmelite tradition there. The bishop guaranteed a subsidy for the fathers as well as Mass

stipends.55

O'Neill sent the letter on to Flanagan.56

While he probably gave the offer some

consideration, there is no evidence of a reply. He may not have seriously considered the offer,

arriving as it did as he was nearing the close of his tenure as provincial.

As Flanagan approached the twenty-fifth anniversary of his ordination, Cardinal Hayes sent him

a letter thanking him for his years of service in the Archdiocese of New York and congratulated

him on the occasion of his anniversary.57

Elias Magennis was finishing his second term as general as the general chapter of 1931

approached. He could have been elected to a third term but not being desirous of serving again,

he made it known that he would not accept another term.58

Flanagan had Elias Varglien and

Simon Farrington as socii when he went off to the chapter held in Rome at San Alberto October

15-24, 1931.59

Hilary Doswald was elected general and on the invitation of Flanagan, Magennis

arrived in the United States in the middle of December to assist in finding new foundations.60

He

lived at St. Simon Stock where he basked in the admiration of the men he had known in Rome as

students. He spent his time hearing sisters' confessions and giving them conferences and

retreats.61

53

Clery to F, Albuquerque, Jan 25, 1937, ANYP. 54

Clery to F, Middle Park, Nov 21, 1938, ANYP. 55

Desmond to O'Neill, Alexandria, Mar 30, 1943, ANYP. 56

Doswald to F, Bronx, May 24, 1943, ANYP. 57

Hayes to F, NY, Mar 10, 1932; Russell to S. Donohue, Bronx, Mar 7, 1932; F to Hayes, Bronx, Mar 23, 1932, ANYP. 58

Interview with J. C. O'Shea, Dublin, Sept 16, 1976 and with P. O'Dwyer, Gort Muire, Sept, 1976. 59

ACG (Rome, 1931) 8-9; AOC 8, 91-5. 60

Magennis to Antonio, Dublin, Nov 24, £19317, CG, Generali 2. 61

Magennis to Doswald, Englewood, /1931/; Magennis to Antonio, Bronx, Nov 3, 1931; Magennis to Franco, Bronx, Nov 3, £1931?, all in CG, Generali 2; Celebret, Bronx, Apr 6, 1932, ANYP.

13

There seems to have been some difficulty between Magennis and Flanagan developing over the

course of his stay. Magennis saw Flanagan's unhappiness with a new Roman instruction

concerning the education of students as being prompted by the desire to attend American schools

rather than Roman ones to obtain degrees that could be used in teaching. With some cynicism, he

remarked that Kilian Lynch received a salary at Marymount larger than the sum of all the Mass

stipends received by the Commissariate in its early days. He seemed, too, in the same letter to

envy the success of the province. He saw nine at St. Simon Stock where three had been and five

at Tarrytown where there was two.62

Magennis did see Cardinal Hayes each year that he was in New York. Through his influence, he

was able to use the library at Dunwoodie, the archdiocesan seminary.63

Magennis considered

Hayes devoted to the Irish cause mainly through the influence of his auxiliary, John Dunn, a

friend of the Carmelites raised near their east side parish.64

Perhaps the Irish cause was the

common ground that drew Hayes and Magennis together.

Magennis did try to get a foundation in the diocese of Brooklyn. Monsignor Patrick Cherry,

called a friend by Magennis, had visited the Carmelites in Rome and had been feted at dinner

there. When Cherry was going again to Rome in 1933, Magennis wrote from New York to

Antonio to see Monsignor Caccia and try to obtain a papal audience for Cherry. Magennis'

reason was that Cherry wanted a Carmelite foundation in Brooklyn. Though it had not been

given yet, Magennis wanted Cherry taken care of because he wanted every friend possible in

Brooklyn. He had dined at Cherry's rectory where he learned that Bishop Malloy wanted to wait

a little while before granting the foundation. So, as Magennis said, there was hope. As a final

thought, he told Antonio to have Leahy show Cherry a good time.65

Cherry would give Magennis and later on, Flanagan, a merry chase over the Brooklyn house. He

never came up with a concrete proposal and it would seem that Bishop Malloy was never willing

to grant such, When the Carmelites were offered property in Huntington, Long Island, Malloy

by thoughtful neglect prevented the acceptance or the property.66

62

Magennis to Antonio, Convent Station, May 13, £19337, CG, Generali 2. 63

F to S. Donohue, Bronx, Jan 5, 1931; S. Donohue to F, NY, Jan 8, 1932; Magennis to Casey, Tarrytown, Easter Thursday, 1933; Secretary to Magennis, NY, Apr 24, 1933; Magennis to Casey, Tarrytown, Apr 25, 1933, Hayes Papers, DA. 64

P. E. Magennis, "A True Irish-American, His Excellency the Auxiliary Bishop of New York," Catholic Bulletin 23 (Nov, 1933) 904-8. 65

Magennis to Antonio, Tarrytown, June 26, 1933, CG, Generali 2. 66

A. Isacsson, "Carmel in Brooklyn," Occasional Papers, 16; Definitory Minutes, Oct 27, 1927.

14

Magennis felt at the start of 1934 that his purpose of founding two houses in the United States

had been fulfilled and was ready to leave for residence in Ireland, Doswald wrote Flanagan

telling him that he knew Magennis was well-treated but wanted to know the real reason for

Magennis' decision to live in Ireland. Doswald considered Los Angeles one of the foundations

but wondered where the other was.67

Flanagan replied with assurances that Magennis was well-

treated but was acting as though he had a grievance against Flanagan and the world in general.

Around the time of his writing, March 1934, Flanagan thought he had improved his humor.68

Magennis and Flanagan had a spat over money, the nature of which is not known.69

Carmel

O'Shea attests to this friction which he finds hard to understand since Magennis was the one who

made Flanagan.70

Some say that Magennis’ popularity with the young priests, who had studied

in Rome, was not appreciated by Flanagan and caused him to see Magennis as a threat to his

authority.71

In July, 1934, Magennis returned to Ireland and took up residence at Whitefriars Street, Dublin.72

He continued writing, preaching and working with the Legion of Mary. The climate did not seem

to be conducive to his health.73

After a brief illness, he died on August 26, 1937. His passing

was the occasion of numerous tributes. His observance, promotion of the order and his part as

leader and peace-maker in his native land's problems were cited as his contributions.74

With the war in Europe well under way, the United States was building up its military forces and

the need for chaplains was well-advertised. It was natural then that Eugene McCallen wrote

Bishop O'Hara of the Military Ordinariate volunteering his services. O'Hara replied that he had

to have his provincial's permission and so McCallen wrote Flanagan requesting this.75

Though

he was pleased with his spirit prompting this action, he told McCallen he was too young.

67

Doswald to F, Rome, Feb 15, 1934, ANYP. 68

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 26, 1934, ANYP. 69

Interview with P. O'Dwyer, Gort Muire, Sept, 1976. 70

Interview with J. C. O'Shea, Dublin, Sept 16, 1976. 71

Interview with B. Forrester, Middletown, NY, 1980. 72

P. O'Dwyer, A True Patriot (Dublin, 1975) 75. 73

Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, Mar 4, 1936. CG, Hib (1922-38). 74

Irish Press (Dublin) Aug 27, 1937, 1, 6; Aug 28, 1937, 9; Whitefriars 3 (Oct, 1937) entire issue; Sword 2 (1938) 13; Irish Independent (Dublin) Aug 28, 1937, 10; The Gaelic American (New York) Sept 11, 1937, 5. 75

McCallen to F, Los Angeles, July 24, 1941, ANYP.

15

Flanagan promised to speak to Patrick Russell, the Los Angeles prior, and he would convey to

McCallen and his companions Flanagan's ideas on chaplains.76

Finbar Lynn, obviously with Flanagan's blessings, applied for the chaplains in December 1941.77

Among the letters of recommendation sent for him was one from Charles Buckley, the

Democratic boss of the Bronx.78

Lynn entered in February, 1942 and after a period of training

in the United States, served in New Guinea, the Philippines and Japan. During his tour, he visited

Australia. He was separated in 1945.79

John McGrath's name was submitted for a chaplaincy in August, 1942.80

He was at Fort Dix

and Camp Upton before the end of that year and later served at Ft. Meade and Camp Pickett. By

May of 1944, he was mustered out and was at St. Albert's.81

Joseph Larsen also volunteered but was turned down by Flanagan who said he could spare no

one else.82

Alphonsus Galligan also served in the latter part of the war mainly with ground

troops in Europe.83

The dealings of Flanagan with the New York chancery were amiable and he seems to have had a

good relationship with both Cardinals Hayes and Spellman.

Early correspondence covered the appointment of pastors and in each case, there was approval.84

When Hayes wished to see Flanagan in September, 1934, he had to decline as he was heading for

the general chapter in Rome and so sent Kilian Lynch, whom he cited as being familiar with the

material to be discussed.85

76

F to McCallen, Bronx, Aug 1, 1941, ANYP. 77

Lynn to Monahan, Bronx, Dec 6, 1941, ANYP. 78

Lynn File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP.

79 Ibid.; Sword 9, 403-4.

80

F to O'Hara, Bronx, Aug 19, 1942, ANYP. 81

McGrath to F, Ft. Meade, July 9, 1943; same to same, Middletown, May 22, 1944. ANYP. 82

Larsen to F, Middletown, Oct 13, 1942; F to Larsen, Bronx?, Oct 15, 1942, ANYP. 83

Vinculum 1, 68-9; Sword 9 (1945) 239-40. 84

F to Carroll, Bronx, Jan 10, 1934, ANYP; Carroll to F, NY, June 26, 1934, ANYP. 85

F to Casey, Bronx, Sept 19, 1934; Secretary to Lynch, NY, Sept 25, 1934, Hayes Papers, AD.

16

In 1935, Flanagan was invited to go by train, along with Hayes to the Eucharistic Congress in

Cleveland.86

He accepted and apparently went.87

Citing the fact that he had seven men at 28th Street due to the care of Bellevue, Flanagan asked

Hayes for another parish in the archdiocese in 1936. An inadequate financial return for the men

invested in the declined 28th Street parish was a reason named for the grant.88

The cardinal was

pleased to know of Flanagan's disposition and was appreciative of the Carmelites' work but had

no parish vacant at the time. He promised to keep the offer in mind.89

When Francis Spellman was appointed archbishop of New York, Flanagan sent him a letter of

congratulations at his parish in Newton Centre, MA. The thanks of Spellman were sent to, "Very

Rev. Lawrence D, Flanagan, O.M. Cap., Provincial, c/o St. John the Baptist Rectory, N.Y." This

is an error that surely was not made again by Spellman.90

Flanagan thought Spellman friendly

enough but felt he had a better friend in his vicar general. He had seen Spellman on New Year's

Day, 1940, and at 28th Street's fiftieth anniversary Mass and on both occasions, he had good

words to say about the Carmelites' work.91

86

Lavelle to F, NY, Aug 30, 1935, ANYP.

87 F to Lavelle, Bronx, Sept 2, 1935, ANYP. 88

F to Lavelle, Bronx, Mar 25, 1936, ANYP. 89

Lavelle to F, NY, May 5, 1936, ANYP. 90

Spellman to F, Newton Centre, n.d., ANYP. 91

F to Doswald, NY, Feb 21, 1940, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65).

17

Chapter 2

Provincial Chapters

The first chapter of the Province of St. Elias was held on April 28, 1931 at St. Albert's. This was

the chapter called for by the document establishing the province. It was a genuine chapter

though there was no election of a provincial and definitely since they were appointed by that

same document. When the chapter of 1934 came along, the written reports called that the first

chapter. It is from this confusion over the first chapter that there is different numeration of

subsequent chapters. So the chapter of 1982 was either the seventeenth or eighteenth chapter

depending on which, 1931 or 1934, is considered the first chapter.

Doswald set the 1934 chapter for June and assured Flanagan he was going to preside. He

inquired where he had heard that Brocard Taylor was to preside.92

Possibly, this was a

prankster's move to disturb Flanagan.

The chapter took place at St. Simon Stock, June 4-8. Flanagan was elected provincial on the first

ballot. The chapter also gave approval to the Los Angeles foundation which was already

accepted by the definitory. Patrick Russell and six others spoke on this new venture indicating

some strong feelings on the project, Doswald supported it somewhat when he spoke of the need

to establish a house outside of New York. $84,000 was voted for the school so it could open in

September, 1934. Vocations received some emphasis and brothers were to "be received and

instructed" so the cloister could be observed. The concept of brother of the time was that of a

janitor. Other regulations for daily life were established like being home at a decent hour and

wearing the capuce at Mass.93

The acts of the chapter were approved by John Brenninger,

assistant general and secretary of the curia. Concerning an allowance of $2 a week, he instructed

that the constitutions be followed. Concerning the capuce at Mass, he cited an article of the

Ceremoniale to follow and corrected the name of the Roman subdelegates to "Vicesgerens Soc.

Rom."94

Doswald wanted the 1937 chapter begin June 20 or 27.95

The chapter took place again at St.

Simon Stock, June 27 to July 1, with Doswald presiding. Flanagan and his four definitors were

all elected on the first ballots. Each prior in the parish houses was also named pastor. When

Stephen McGleenan was named prior of 28th Street, he resigned as second definitor. The other

92 Doswald to F, Rome, Mar 29, 31, 1934, (one letter with two dates) ANYP.

93

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Bronx, June 4-8, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); AOC 8, 240-1. 94

Brenninger to F, Rome, Sept 23, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64). 95

Doswald to F, Rome, Mar 14, 1937; same to same, Rome, Mar 31, 1937, ANYP.

18

three moved up in number and Hugh Devlin was elected fourth definitor but renounced the post.

Elias Holland then nosed out Stephen Piskurich by seniority for the position after a tie on the

third ballot.

In the opening talk, Doswald cited the recently published Vita Carmelitana as the ideal of

observance. To have this in the entire order was his goal. He praised the province for already

having regular observance, good brotherly spirit and care for provincial affairs. Vocations he

cited as a weak point. Hugh Devlin was named to begin a mission band. The Purgatorial Society

enrollment was reduced from $10 to $5 but the term was for only one year. However, they

would be "in unione Purgatorio pro semper." The men in Los Angeles were allowed home visits

once every three years. Each new priest was considered a student until he passed an exam by the

provincial examiners. This probably was instituted because complaint was made that Morrissey

and Holland, both delegates to the chapter, had not finished their studies and thus did not have

voice.96

Doswald cleared the immediate problem by a dispensation and the rule was to forestall

future problems.

On September 13, 1939, Stephen McGleenan resigned from all offices. After a discussion with

him, Flanagan accepted his resignation as prior and pastor of 28th Street. At a meeting held at

St. Simon Stock on September 16, Elias Varglien was named prior and pastor of 28th Street. He

had to resign from the definitory and Carmel Lynn was elected fourth definitor.97

Another

definitorial session was held at St. Simon's on December 9 and the same elections were held with

the same results but this time a secret ballot was used and scrutatores and punctatores were

used.98

This second election was in response to a query from Doswald when he received an

account of the first session. He asked the method of voting and said it must be in accord with the

constitutions.99

The second session was approved by the curia.100

After sending the account of

the second meeting, Flanagan pointed out to Doswald that a Roman Socius had not been elected

to replace McGleenan because there was no general chapter scheduled before the next provincial

chapter.101

96

Acta Capituli Provincialis, June 27 - July 1, 1937, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); AOC 9, 134. 97

Acta Def. Prov. Am. Sancti Eliae, Bronx, Sept 16, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); Definitory Minutes, Sept 16, 1939, ANYP. 98

Sessio Definitoria, Bronx, Dec 9, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); Definitory Minutes, Dec 9, 1941, ANYP. 99

Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 12, 1939; same to same, Rome, Nov 24, 1939, ANYP. 100

Brenninger to F, Rome, Jan 10, 1940, ANYP; AOC 10, 536. 101

F to Doswald, NY, Dec 28, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65).

19

Carmel Lynn's election was protested by John Maher on the grounds that it placed two brothers,

Carmel and Finbar, on the definitory. He called it "absolutely unfair" and cited in addition the

fact that Carmel was in Los Angeles and not much use to his fellow members who were in the

east. He reasoned that many others could have been selected. As he said, "After all we are not

that few in number that two positions on the Definitory should be held by two brothers." He

concluded in his letter to Doswald, "... I wish to protest formally..."102

As the chapter of 1940 was approaching, Doswald stated his determination to preside even if he

had to fly over to do it. The Irish chapter would not interfere with his plans as the United States

would not permit travel through belligerent countries.103

He did preside. The chapter was held

again at St. Simon Stock from June 30 to July 3. Flanagan was elected again and, portends of the

future, Kilian Lynch was elected first definitor. This chapter saw the decline of John Maher as

he was the runner-up for second, third and fourth definitor. Gerard McCarthy was made

vocation director and Lynch and William Bradley were made examiners of the junior clergy.

Reports were given by the delegates of each house but there were no regulations or other

legislation made.104

Kilian Lynch and Patrick Russell had to be dispensed to they could be third

term priors.105

The acts were approved with the presumption that Doswald had given viva voce

a dispensation for Lynch to be a definitor and a prior.106

Opening the chapter of 1943, Hilary Doswald spoke of devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary as

the foundation of Carmelite life and he urged that a vocation director be appointed so work for

vocations could be done. Kilian Lynch preached at the opening Mass on the life of Mary being

the rule of our life. He compared the province to a Benjamin among the provinces of the order

and predicted it would grow if the life and virtues of Mary were kept in mind. Dionysius

Flanagan thanked the gremiales, the general and the Chicago Province for their prayers in his

recent illness. He then thanked all for what they had done during the years he ruled the

commissariate and province. Expressing his desire that the province would grow, he then

concluded with these words, "... nunc autem remanet ut_ inserviam ubi obedientia vocat."

Kilian Lynch was elected provincial on the third ballot by a margin of five votes. His principal

competition was Mel Daly. The chapter dealt with many questions concerning growth and

development in the province. Alphonsus Galligan gave a long report on Bellevue and suggested

102

Maher to Doswald, Middletown, Sept 25, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 103

Doswald to F, Rome, Mar 5, 1940, ANYP. 104

Acta Capituli Provincialis,Bronx, June 30, July 3, 1940, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); also ANYP and AOC 11, 11-2. 105

Franco to F, Rome, July 25, 1940; Sacra Congregatio Rel., July 15, 1940, no 4372/40; ibid. July 15, 1940, 4371/40. 106

Brenninger to F, Rome, July 26, 1940, ANYP.

20

the modus operandi be the one suggested by the general at that year's visitation. John Maher was

given permission to build a priory next to the Middletown church. St. Albert's and Los Angeles

received permission for remodeling and an architect was to be engaged so a house in Washington

could be built after the war. A foundation in the diocese of Alexandria, Louisiana, was turned

down. Concerning the offered foundation in Pasadena, Doswald had four questions he posed to

the definitory: What benefits to the province from it? If there are benefits, how can they be

increased? What expenses do we have to make? Will the archdiocese of Los Angeles give

anything for our sustenance? He wanted these answered before acceptance. The definitory

approved the idea of a new foundation in Pasadena provided it would not be a financial burden to

the province.107

The chapter of 1946 was the first to be held at St. Albert's since 1931. In the absence of

Doswald, Patrick Russell was appointed preses. Kilian Lynch was elected provincial for a

second term. The house in Pasadena was still approved as was a philosophy house and novitiate

in Auburn, NY. The name of St. Albert's became officially, "St. Albert's Junior Seminary," and

$150,000 was approved for Los Angeles for building. $100,000 was for a priory and $50,000 for

enlarging the school.108

The curia objected to certain actions of this chapter. They thought the S100 for vacation

extravagant and cautioned that both the new Los Angeles foundation and the expense of

$150,000 at Mt. Carmel must go through the formal process for approval. An explanation for the

postulation of John Maher as the prior of Mt. Carmel, Middletown, was asked for.109

The acts

were finally approved except for the vacation money. The curia would have the regulation read

that the provincial allots money to each according to his needs and the grave conscience

obligation of poverty. Concerning the name of St. Albert's, it was pointed out that the

constitutions require each house of study to be called a "collegium."110

With the election of Kilian Lynch as general in 1947, a new provincial had to be elected in New

York. John Maher, as first definitor, set the election for St. Albert's on June 16.111

Patrick

Russell was elected provincial on the first ballot receiving nine votes while Mel Daly and John

107

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Bronx, July 18-23, 1943, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); mimeographed acta, ANYP; AOC 12, 213. 108

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Middletown, June 30 - July 3, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); mimeographed acta ANYP; AOC 13, 63-4. 109

Pausback to Lynch, Rome, Sept 28, 1946, ANYP. 110

Couto to Lynch, Rome, Oct 29, 1946, ANYP. 111

Maher to Russell, Middletown, May 26, 1947, ANYP.

21

Maher received one each.112

The results of the election were received with some joy in Auburn

where Russell was the prior of Whitefriars.113

That summer, a Congregatio Annua with Kilian Lynch as preses was held at Tarrytown on July

8. $10,000 was approved for renovations at St. Albert's and a number of personnel changes were

made. Bernard Daly became the prior of Whitefriars, Auburn. Richard Nagle became the head

chaplain at Bellevue and Finbar Lynn was made vocation director. Gregory Smith and Donald

O'Callaghan formed with him a vocation council.114

112

Extraordinary Chapter, Middletown, June 16, 1947, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); AOC 13, 134. 113

Courier Journal (Rochester) June 26, 1947; Citizen Advertiser (Auburn) June 21, 1947. 114

Acta Congregatio Annua, Tarrytown, July 8, 1947, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64).

22

Chapter 3

Relations with Rome and other Provinces of the Order

Chicago

Relations between Dionysius Flanagan and Lawrence Diether, the Chicago provincial (1924-36),

were very good. Diether was the receiver of funds for Nablus and Flanagan sent him

contributions raised. Diether took in Albert Metcalf for Flanagan and cooperated well in the

dealings of the Little Flower Society.115

He was quick to congratulate Flanagan on the erection

of the province and his elevation to provincial.116

For the services of John Haffert as novice master, a priest had to be sent to the Chicago Province.

Albert Daly was the first of these exchanges going to St. Elias, Joliet, in 1935. He was followed

later that same year by Sean Reid.117

Though spoken highly of by his midwest superiors, Reid

was not too acceptable because of his "quaint Irish accent." Matthew O'Neill, then provincial,

was surprised to learn that he would be returning for the 1936-7 school year. Flanagan was very

congenial in this difficulty offering to have Reid return or remain and acknowledged his fault in

sending him back. He even offered, should Reid have to return to New York, to make a financial

offering for Haffert's services.118

O'Neill solved the difficulty by switching Reid to St. Clara's

and replacing him in the school with Arnold McCarthy. He admitted that he could not ask for a

financial settlement.119

Reid remained there until September, 1937, when he was replaced by

Robert Murphy.120

Dionysius McCarthy went that same year to study theology in Chicago. He

had been sent home from Rome in the summer of 1936 for smoking. John McGrath, also sent

home from Rome, went to Chicago for theology.121

When the first issue of Sword was imminent, O'Neill asked Flanagan to send news of the

province for a column. He thought it would cement relations and good will between the

115

Diether to F, Pittsburgh, May 14, 1931, ANYP. 116

Diether to F, Chicago, Nov 7, 1930, ANYP. 117

Daly to author, Rhinebeck, July 25, 1983. 118

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Sept 3, 1936; O'Neill to F, Chicago, Sept 3, 1936; F to O'Neill, Bronx, Sept 4, 1936, ANYP. 119

O'Neill to F, Chicago, Sept 11, 1946, ANYP. 120

Murphy to F, Los Angeles, Aug 5, 1937, ANYP. 121

O'Neill to F, Chicago, Aug 9, 1937; F to O'Neill, Bronx, Sept 21, 1937, ANYP.

23

provinces. Flanagan accepted the offer and sent congratulations of the first issue of Sword.122

During those early years of the publication, a good number of articles, written by members of the

New York Province, were published.123

John McGrath was ordained before Christmas, 1937, and Dionysius McCarthy was ordained the

following May despite the fact that he had asked to be ordained with McGrath.124

After his

ordination to deacon, McCarthy's celebration of the occasion got him into a bit of trouble but the

fathers in Chicago saw no good purpose in postponing his priesthood ordination.125

Both

returned east after the close of school in 1938.

Flanagan took Herman Golobic in at Los Angeles to live for "some time" for health reasons.126

O'Neill was grateful and said the Carmelites in Los Angeles were pleased to have him.127

Antonio Franco was invited by the Bronx Carmelites to tour the United States.128

He did come

over during the summer of 1938. A side note of their trip is that Franco had obtained a relic of St.

Bernadette for Elias Varglien who then wanted one of St. Therese. He conceived a novel form

of delivery. As he put it, "Considering the troubles of sending money to Italy by mail, please

bring it with you when you visit our province in August and I will give you the necessary

expense and also for your charity."129

Accompanying Franco was Alberto Consalvo and both

were very grateful for this opportunity and the hospitality shown them.130

While here, the two

122

O'Neill to F, Chicago, Feb 10, 1937, ANYP. 123

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Feb 16, 1937, ANYP. Cf. Alphonsus Galligan, "Carmelites in the C.S.M.C.," Sword 1 (Oct, 1937) 63-4; Leo Travers, "The Office of St. Elias the Prophet according to the Rite of the Greco-Slav, or the Byzantine Oriental Church," 3(1939) 191-4; destine Fitzpatrick, "Our Lady of Mount Carmel and Ireland," 3(1939) 315-8; Gerard Pace (Elias Vella, trans.), "Carmel in Malta," 3(1939) 499-502; Vincent McDonald, "The Constitutions of 1324," 8(1944) 240-6, 399-404, 9(1945) 63-9, 170-5, 275-9, 361-6, 10 (1946) 31-8, 149-55, 244-51, 11(1947) 35-40; Ibid., "Carmel in France," 8(1944) 122-41, 229-36, 387-94, 9(1945) 45-6, 142-62; James Reilly, "The Commissariate of the South," 9(1945) 137-41; Gregory Smith, "Father General's Feast Day," 9(1945) 8-9. 124

Gilligan to F, Chicago, Nov 11, 1937; McCarthy to F, Chicago, Nov 20, 1937, ANYP. 125

Definitory Minutes, July 13, 1936, May 16, 1938, June 24, 1938, ANYP. 126

O'Neill to Russell, Chicago, Dec 30, 1937, ANYP. 127

O'Neill to F, Joliet, Jan 18, 1938, ANYP. 128

Daly to Franco, Bronx, Mar 10, 1939; F to Franco, Bronx, Oct 14, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 129

Varglien to Franco, Bronx, June 24, 1938, in ibid. 130

Franco to F, Rome, Oct 25, 1938, ANYP; Nagle to Franco, Los Angeles, Dec 8, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

24

Italian Carmelites visited all the houses of the New York Province, went to Los Angeles and

visited both Washington and Chicago. Both wrote extensive chronicles of their journey.131

Doswald had written O'Neill asking him to invite Franco but O'Neill restrained. His view, "I

personally would not invite an Italian to our Province not to talk of financing the trip." He would

not interfere with any plans Flanagan had and both he and Doswald knew much diplomacy

would be required to cancel the trip.132

Flanagan promised to handle Franco's tour in such a way

that O'Neill would not be embarrassed.133

Despite O'Neill's view, Franco and Consalvo were

received in Chicago and enjoyed that part of their tour.

Besides the two theologians in Chicago, Flanagan had Andrew McHugh and Paschal O'Brien at

Niagara Falls for college.134

Bills were sent him in September, 1938, for all of his students with

the Chicago Province. Flanagan paid them but he would not pay for McGrath or McCarthy in

Chicago. He also took the opportunity to describe how O'Brien had gone on to studies in Ireland,

stayed a week and then returned home seeking a dispensation from his vows. He related the

manner of his departure because Kevin Cahill at Niagara Falls had touted O'Brien very highly.135

Cahill in Niagara Falls, had sent a note demanding payment for McGrath and McCarthy before a

certain date.136

Flanagan spoke to both McGrath and McCarthy who stated that they both had

taught at Mt. Carmel in Chicago during the entire time of their studies there. Flanagan felt this

paid their way. He had sent $300 to Chicago for McGrath but when he learned he was teaching,

he regretted this action. As he summed up the situation, "I am sorry that I feel compelled to write

this letter. However, we must do unpleasant things at times. New York will keep this matter

open until we consult with Father General when he comes here next summer."137

Here the

matter died.

Robert Murphy served in Chicago in the Haffert exchange until 1940. His return for the 1940-1

school year was not desired.138

Flanagan promised to bring the matter up at a definitory

131

II Monte Carmelo 25 (Feb, 1939) 42-6, (March, 1939) 73-9, (April, 1939) 109-12, (May, 1939) 133-40, (June, 939) 168-73, (July, 1939) 197-203, (August, 1939) 232-6, (Sept, 1939) 262-7. 132

O'Neill to F, Joliet, Jan 18, 1938, ANYP. 133

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Jan 26, 1938; O'Neill to F, Joliet, Jan 28, 1938, ANYP. 134

Piper to /F/, Niagara Falls, Feb 25, 1938, ANYP. 135

Cahill to F, Niagara Falls, Sept 24, 1928 /sic, is 1938J; F to Cahill, Bronx, Oct 17, 1938, ANYP. 136

Cahill to F, Niagara Falls, Nov 28, 1938, ANYP. 137

F to Cahill, Middletown, Dec 3, 1938, ANYP. 138

O'Neill to F, Joliet, July 23, 1940, ANYP.

25

meeting.139

There is no record of any such discussion and Hilary Grahame was sent west as the

exchange man towards the end of the summer of 1940.140

At the end of his second year there,

Grahame expressed his disappointment to Flanagan that he had not visited him on the way home

from one of his west coast trips. Grahame knew that he would be coming back at the end of the

1941-2 school year and so he suggested to Flanagan that he remain until he had his vacation for,

as he reasoned, he had worked there and the house should give him a vacation. He also had the

good news that he had done his retreat, passed his clergy exams and was the vicar prior during

the Chicago chapter.141

Flanagan wrote him, "You have been now a long time away from your Province and I think it is

only fair that you are recalled where you will be among your own." He promised to have him

recalled at the end of the summer.142

Grahame then sent a cryptic message, "Leaving on

vacation. Will report back August 2."143

Flanagan then made arrangements for Denis Murphy to

take Grahame's place. This received the approval of O'Neill.144

The switch of Denis Murphy and Grahame was made at the end of the summer of 1942.145

Murphy had mixed emotions after a few days in Chicago. While he was relieved to be free of the

financial worries he had at St. Albert's, he was not happy with his quarters as he was staying in a

visitor's room while the priory was being redecorated.146

Flanagan wrote him words of

encouragement.147

Murphy went from Chicago to Los Angeles and was replaced by Columba

Staunton who seems to have been the last to serve in the exchange program.148

139

F to O'Neill, Bronx, July 28, 1940, ANYP. 140

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Aug 9, 1940; O'Neill to F, Chicago, Sept 5, 1940, ANYP. 141

Grahame to F, Joliet, June 6, 1942, ANYP. 142

F to Grahame, Bronx, June 12, 1942, ANYP. 143

Grahame to F, Joliet, July 12, 1942, ANYP. 144

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Aug 3, 1942, ANYP. 145

O'Neill to F, Joliet, Aug 6, 1942, ANYP. 146

Murphy to F, Chicago, Sept 25, 1942, ANYP. 147

F to Murphy, Bronx, Sept 30, 1942; Murphy to F, Chicago, Dec 16, 1942, ANYP. 148

Krause to Father (?), Chicago, Feb 6, 1946, PO.

26

Brendan Hourihan wrote Flanagan that Bishop McGucken had told him army reports had singled

out two schools for providing outstanding recruits: Notre Dame and Mt. Carmel in Chicago.

This good news, Flanagan passed on to O'Neill.149

With the advent of World War II, it became difficult to ship anything from Europe to the United

States. The Chicago Province decided to print in this country the Carmelite ordo, used each day

in the recitation of the breviary and celebration of Mass, rather than take chances with European

shipments. Flanagan heard of this and ordered a hundred copies for his province.150

Raphael

Kieffer, in charge of the project, quoted him a price of $58.75 per hundred and expressed the

thought that this edition followed the Roman one too closely and thus contained some errors. He

asked Flanagan his opinion.151

He wrote in reply that there was too much in the ordo for the

various feastdays. He thought that in the older type of editions, one could tell at a glance what

was to be said for the various hours.152

Still he ordered them.

Flanagan also cooperated by ordering copies of Lawrence Diether's Scapular booklet.153

Andrew Weldon wrote Flanagan about becoming a cooperator in The Carmelite Review. He

offered him a New York publication office, post office and business office. The back cover was

available to him for advertising and "Carmelite News" would feature New York items

prominently. The cost was reasonable and Weldon pointed out that any magazine which was not

published for both provinces had failed. He honestly stated that his own advantage would be a

cheaper cost per thousand from an increased press run. He saw his only drawback as the inability

to offer Flanagan a different name.154

A tentative plan was drawn up. It offered to place people from New York on the staff. Two

plans for mailing with price splits were established.155

Gabriel Pausback became involved in the negotiations and this seems to have obfuscated the

various points under negotiation.156

An agreement was worked out under the original conditions

149

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Nov 16, 1942, ANYP. 150

F to Kieffer, Bronx, Dec 24, 1940, ANYP. 151

Kieffer to F, Chicago, Feb 11, 1941, ANYP. 152

F to Kieffer, Bronx, Feb 18, 1941, ANYP. 153

F to Anderson, Bronx, Apr 3, 1941; Anderson to F, Chicago, Apr 10, 1941; F to Anderson, Bronx, Apr 28, 1941, ANYP. 154

Weldon to F, Tenafly, May 28, 1941, ANYP. 155

"Tentative Plans for an Interprovincial Magazine Use of The Carmelite Review," ANYP. 156

Weldon to F, Tenafly, June 19, 1941; Pausback to F, NY, June 20, 1941, ANYP.

27

establishing a mailing address at Middletown. Lists, publicity and pulpit announcements were

also agreed upon.157

Flanagan seems to have begun operation of the joint venture in late 1941

and was enthusiastic about the venture.158

William S. Bradley became the New York business manager of the publication. He handled

mailing complaints, promoted subscriptions and supplied articles and pictures for the

magazine.159

By fall of 1944, the original print order had declined to the point of 300 from one

of 1300.160

Losses from subscriptions amounted to only $467.49 in August, 1942. Exactly a year later, there

was a loss of $28.42 but $405 had been raised in Mass stipends and contributions to the St.

Albert's Fire Fund. A year later, August, 1944, the magazine alone had a profit of $95.06 and

$85 was received by St. Albert's. It would seem that at this time, the joint venture ended.161

Ireland

The relations between the Carmelites in Ireland and their offspring in New York were concerned

with two things that are the bane of every religious group: money and manpower. A

documentary look at the conflicts leads one to consider them superficial but conversation with

some of the participants takes one to the firm conclusion that wherever money is involved in a

conflict, the wound is deep.

Elias Magennis, in Rome in 1927, wrote a seemingly friendly letter to Vincent Coffey. In a

philosophical manner, he set up the principle that in missionary work, when a man stays too long

in one place and then returns home, he is too old to do anything. In the case of the Irish working

in New York, the Irish Province then complains. Magennis seems to be telling Coffey to go back

to Ireland and let the province who paid for his education get some of the good years of work out

of him. Then later on, he suggested a return to the United States,162

157

Weldon to F, Tenafly, July 18, 1941, ANYP. 158

Manion to F, Chicago, Oct 30, 1941; F to Manion, Bronx, Nov 5, 1941; Definitory Minutes, Sept 16, 1941, ANYP. 159

Bradley to D. Murphy, Bronx, Dec 5, 1941, ANYP. 160

Clohessy to Lynch, Bronx, Sept 14, 1944, ANYP. 161

"Carmelite Review Statistics," Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 162

Magennis to Coffey, Rome, July 7, 1928, ANYP.

28

Whether Magennis' advice was taken or not, the situation indicates there was some difficulty

brewing concerning the shuttling back and forth of Carmelites across the Atlantic. In 1933,

Hilary Doswald issued an edict in a style that indicates it was addressing substantial problems.

Concerning priests from Ireland working in New York, none could travel to Ireland or to any

other province without the general's permission in writing. For a priest to do so resulted in

suspension and for a professed, there would be a suitable penalty. In the gravest necessity, the

provincial could presume on the general's permission but he incurred the grave obligation to

report this to the general. The superiors who did not follow this regulation incurred the same

penalty as the one traveling without permission.163

About a month after the issuance of this

decree, Flanagan responded to the general. He asked, perhaps facetiously, whether or not it

abrogated a decree made by the Irish definitory at the time of the establishment of the

commissariate and later approved of by Magennis as General. Flanagan asked because,

whatever the decree was, it was in direct contrast. Magennis, he felt, was generous in allowing

transfers and vacations across the Atlantic because there was no sympathy for the missions -

presumably New York and Australia - among the influential members of the Irish Province. He

went on, "To them America and Australia were just convenient dumping grounds for

undesireables." He also called them sites of exile for political opponents and attributed the

existence of the New York Province only to the efforts of Magennis and the curia.

Flanagan also saw the decree as meaning there was no turning back. The province would have to

be built up. He then could not resist taking a few shots at Doctor Brocard Taylor, a favorite

jousting partner. Taylor had blamed the "arbitrary action" of Flanagan for men returning to

Ireland, Flanagan cited in his own defense that Metcalf and McCaffrey had returned home from

Chicago and that Raphael Doran had gone to the Eucharistic Congress in Dublin and had just

never returned to New York.164

Kilian Lynch had come to Marymount College in 1931 to teach philosophy for one year and then

was to return to Rome to teach at Collegio Pio Undecimo. He would actually spend sixteen

years at the Tarrytown school leaving only when he was elected general in 1947.165

The

arrangement made for his salary was that $2000 a year was to be sent to Rome in exchange for

his services. This sum was to be applied towards the expenses of the Irish students at San

Alberto.166

The Irish owed 11,426 lire to San Alberto for students' expenses. Doswald wrote

Berchmans Devlin, the Irish provincial, pressing for payment but stated that Kilian Lynch's

salary could be applied towards the bill. This he had expected to be done and as he said, "But for

163

Doswald to F, Rome, Apr 18, 1933, ANYP. 164

F to Doswald, Bronx, May 21, 1933, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 165

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976. 166

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 9, 1934, ANYP.

29

a year and a half we have not received the amount in question from New York." After two years,

Flanagan had sent only $2000.167

Devlin replied concisely that his province was owed £400 by

Australia and New York.168

In this whole matter Brocard Taylor, in Ireland, seems to have been the provacateur. Doswald

was aware of this and sent him a sizzling letter. Taylor had sent a telegram asking that Kilian

Lynch be allowed to be the prior of Kinsale. Doswald was irritated by this as it arrived as he was

about to leave for Los Angeles to investigate a new foundation and "make contact with the

diocesan authorities." He phoned Flanagan who had phoned Lynch. "The latter, as I expected,

flatly refused to accept the priorship of Kinsale." He acknowledged that Devlin had told him the

Irish could not afford to pay the students' bill. Doswald then telegraphed Flanagan to send all or

part of Lynch's salary. He sent $1000. Doswald told Devlin that in the circumstances it was

better to allow Lynch to remain in the United States. Devlin accepted this situation but asked for

more money. He added, "Thus, if the Irish Province all at once wants Father Lynch back in

Ireland, it must do so through pressure from you." Doswald pointed out that before the arrival of

Taylor in Ireland, the Irish were content to allow Lynch to remain in the United States where he

was badly needed especially in view of the new California foundation. He asked why there was

a change especially since the Irish had plenty of men. He cited the return of Lynch to Ireland

would bring far less gain to Ireland than the harm that would be done to the United States. In the

meantime, the issue was complicated by the fact that Lynch had been elected first definitor and

the prior of Tarrytown.

Then as a sort of sally set forth at Taylor, Doswald told Devlin that the New York Province is not

what Taylor had seen on his visit in 1932. "There is peace, good will and a remarkable

earnestness among the men," said Doswald. He also added that after personal investigation he

could say of the California foundation, "Never in the history of the foundation of our Order in

America, in North America, have time and place been more opportune and more auspicious to

insure eventual success."169

Nothing more seems to have been done by correspondence but

Doswald must have sat down with all the interested parties for an agreement was issued that fall

to settle this thorny problem,

According to the agreement of October 6, 1934, Cogan, then the provincial, was to leave in New

York the Irish domiciled there especially Smyth, McGouran, Kevin Flanagan, McGleenan and

Russell for a period of five years. Kilian Lynch was to be under the full jurisdiction of New York

until July 1, 1937 when he would be at the disposal of the Irish. He could not be a superior in the

St. Elias Province during this time without the permission of the Irish provincial. Flanagan was

to pay the Irish $10,000 for this five year period.

167

Doswald to Devlin, Rome, Mar 25, 1934, CG, Hib (1922-38); Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 9, 1934, ANYP. 168

Devlin to Doswald, Dublin, Mar 30, 1934, CG, Hib (1922-38). 169

Doswald to Taylor, Bronx, July 30, 1934, in ibid.

30

Before the end of 1934, each of the fathers mentioned, except Lynch, had to make a decision

choosing their province, Ireland or New York. If New York was chosen, then only the above

$10,000 was to be paid for the above men. All other obligations would cease but after July 1,

1939, $500 would have to be paid each year to Ireland for each man remaining in New York. A

rider was added concerning Dominic Hastings. He remained a member of New York and the

Irish would provide for his food, clothing and shelter but would have no responsibility for any

debts he may have contracted.

At the end of the agreement, there is added that the full honorarium of Kilian Lynch was to be

paid directly to the Irish provincial.170

It seems to have been, judging from its position in the

document, the final matter agreed upon. This meant that the Irish would receive his salary each

year and the above $10,000 for the five year period for the services of the other Carmelites.

Ailbee McNamee was in Pittsburgh in 1935 engaged mainly, as he said, in the Little Flower

novena. He felt that his problem in his two years at Terenure College was that he was too

popular, took too much advice, that his zeal was seen as ambition and was too simple. These

caused him to fall for petty scheming. After this analysis, he asked Brocard Taylor to get him a

place in England if the proposed house in Wales did open.171

Cogan, the provincial, felt it better

to leave him in the United States if use could be made of him there. His return, he was ready to

accept, "However if he must return then, so be it."172

Writing to the general, McNamee repeated

the same things he had told Taylor but accented his own popularity, good work and holiness. He

asked that he be sent to England.173

In the fall of that year, McNamee returned to Ireland. This

caused Cogan to remark that he never received anything from the Chicago Province for his

services though they had informed him such return would be sent. He could only observe, "I am

afraid we have been badly treated by someone."174

From 1935 to 1937, Flanagan regularly sent Cogan sums of money to fufill the obligations of his

agreement with the Irish. Sending $1500 in November, 1935, Flanagan noted that McGouran

and McGleenan had decided to return to Ireland in 1939 - the end of the five year period - and

that Kevin Flanagan had decided to remain. Russell and Smyth had not decided.175

Sums also

170

Irish and Province of St. Elias Agreement, Oct 6, 1934, ANYP and also in CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38) and PO. Cf. Definitory Minutes, Feb 23, 1935, ANYP. 171

McNamee to Taylor, Pittsburgh, Feb 27, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 172

Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, June 9, 1935, CG, Hib (1922-38). 173

A. McNamee to Doswald, Pittsburgh, July 13, 1935, in ibid. 174

Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, Sept 20, 1935, in ibid. 175

F to Cogan, Bronx, Nov 2, 1935, PO.

31

sent were £300, £1500, $1000, an unspecified sum and $1500. This latter is probably including

£72 owed Terenure for the last postulants Flanagan had there.176

Despite the regular reception of these sums of money, Cogan was not happy. He told Flanagan

that the "Angel" he had returned home had to be placed in a hospital for recovery.177

He also

complained to Doswald how two returned from America were hospitalized. Of one of them,

Vincent Smyth, he had to say, "He was a nice gift to us. Himself and Metcalf were strong

Americans who looked down on us poor Hibernians and after all that were mean enough to

throw themselves on our charity.178

Kilian Lynch went home to Ireland for a visit in the summer of 1936.179

While there, he

completed an agreement with John Cogan for the services of Celestine Fitzpatrick. He was

committed for a period of four years during which the Irish Province would receive £ 400 per

year for his services.180

Though he had signed the agreement, Cogan was not happy with it.

Writing to Doswald, he claimed that he had returned from a visit to Aberyswyth to find that

Kilian Lynch had "wrangled" Fitzpatrick into volunteering for the United States. Clery in

Australia had been negotiating for Fitzpatrick1s services. Bitterly, Cogan observed, "Whatever

hope there is for him waking up in U.S.A. Australia in my opinion would have been hopeless."181

Cogan sees Fitzpatrick going to the United States as the best solution for the three parties

concerned but still is bitter and ventilates against the weakest party concerned, Fitzpatrick.

Despite the problems raised between the provinces by money, relations in other areas continued

to be cordial. When Philip McGouran was in Ireland on holidays, he visited a young man at

Terenure College who was interested in joining the New York Province. After he was set to

leave for America, he changed his mind and decided to join a diocese in Ireland.182

176

Coogan to F. Dublin, Dec 12, 1935; same to same, Dublin, June 17, 1936; same to same, Dublin, Oct 12 [1936]; ANYP; F. to Cogan, Bronx, Dec 22, 1936, PO; O’Shea to F., Dublin, Apr 4, 1937; Cogan to F. Dublin, June 11, 1937, ANYP. 177

F to O'Shea, Bronx, July 22, 1942, PO. 178

Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, Aug 16, 1936, CG, Hib (1922-38). 179

Whitefriars 2 (Sept, 1936) 299. 180

Agreement, Cogan, Fitzpatrick and Lynch, Dublin, Aug 5, 1936, PO and also in CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 181

Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, Aug 16, 1936, CG, Hib (1922-38). 182

McGouran to F, Dublin, May 30, 1937; O'Shea to F, Dublin, June 6, 1937; Kavanagh to O'Shea, Carlow, May 9, 1938; same to same, Ferns, Sept 6, 1938; O'Shea to F, Kinsale, Sept 23, 1938; Kavanagh to F, Wexford, Nov 5, 1938, ANYP.

32

Carmel O'Shea had been a delegate to the general chapter of 1937 and Flanagan invited him to

come to the United States to give the province's retreats.183

He came in the spring of 1938 and

enjoyed his visit, especially renewing the acquaintance of those he had studied with in Rome.184

The Irish Province offered hospitality to an American student, Paschal O'Brien, whom Flanagan

wanted to study theology at Miltown Park on the completion of his college work at Niagara

Falls.185

After one week in Ireland, O'Brien decided to return home. He borrowed money from

people he had met on the boat over and sent Flanagan an address to send his dispensation to.186

In sending payments for 1937 and 1938, Flanagan was prompt.187

Since Philip McGouran had

died in August, 1937, Flanagan deducted $250 from the payments for that year citing as his

justification the fact that he had paid McGouran's hospital bill and funeral expenses.188

In 1939, William Tyndall was in the process of rebuilding the Carmelite Church, Whitefriars

Street, Dublin. He remembered an offer of Flanagan to assist in this. He sent him a set of plans

and mentioned the cost being £25,000. Tyndall knew that the parishes of the province couldn't do

much but thought that if the plans were displayed, perhaps some friends of Ellas Magennis

would be prompted to donate towards the high altar which would be a memorial to him.

Berchmans Devlin had suggested missions and retreats, which he would do with Flanagan's

permission. The funds raised would go towards the church.189

In reply, Flanagan mentioned that

he was purchasing a house in Washington, buying land in Middletown and celebrating the

golden jubilee of the 28th Street parish. Despite these, he promised to support the Dublin project

as soon as he could and as well as he could. He suggested that some of the Irish Province come

over for the World's Fair. Whether this was in connection with the fund raising or not is hard to

gauge. He had to add that the plans had never arrived.190

183

Interview with J. Carmel O'Shea, Dublin, Sept, 1976. 184

O'Shea to F, Kinsale, Apr 12, 1938; same to same, Kinsale, May 13, 1938, ANYP. 185

F to Cogan, Bronx, Aug 19, 1938; Cogan to F, Faversham, telegram, Sept 3, 1938; same to same, Dublin, Sept 16, 1938; F to Cogan, Bronx, Sept 16, 1938, ANYP. 186

F to Doswald, Washington, Oct 19, 1938, ANYP. 187

Cogan to F, Dublin, Jan 14, 1938; same to same, Dublin, Apr 25, 1938; same to same, Dublin, Dec 12, 1938, ANYP. 188

F to Cogan, Bronx, Dec 29, 1937, ANYP. 189

Tyndall to F, Dublin, Jan 23, 1939, ANYP. 190

F to Tyndall, Bronx, Mar 6, 1939, ANYP.

33

Cogan was not happy with Tyndall's rebuilding. He felt it was hurting the novitiate and intended

him to "cough up" money as needed.191

Berchmans Devlin asked Gabriel Pausback, assistant

general, for permission to collect funds for the Whitefriars Street project in the United States.

Doswald assured Flanagan that he would never give such a permission without the approval of

himself and the Chicago provincial.192

No other documentation exists about this project but

Flanagan did donate $388 to the Fathers in Dublin and $250 for a memorial to Elias Magennis in

1940.193

These seem to have been the extent of his support for the rebuilding.

Flanagan continued to send his payments to Ireland and also the news that Stephen McGleenan

resigned as prior and pastor of 28th Street after a spat with himself. He would return to

Ireland.194

McGleenan was not allowed to travel to Europe because of the war and so Flanagan

sent him to Los Angeles. He also sent a small check for Vincent Smyth from an old estate

account. This one would close out the account and Flanagan requested that he either cash the

one from the previous year or countersign it and return it to him.195

The war at this time was beginning to be felt in Ireland. The students had returned from Rome

and Doswald, unable to attend the chapter of 1940, had appointed Carmel O'Shea the preses.196

With the outbreak of World War II and trans-Atlantic mail uncertain, there begins the long and

complicated episode of Mass arrangements between the two provinces. It seems, that at first, the

number of the excess Masses of the Irish Province were being sent to Doswald for distribution to

provinces needing Mass intentions. He would also give this number to Flanagan who would send

him a check from the New York Province funds in return. The money Flanagan sent Doswald

would credit for the curial tax of the Irish Province.197

The amount would also be deducted

from the payments Flanagan owed the Irish Province for the services of its priests. Carmel

O'Shea, then provincial, promised that if the amounts sent the general were more than the money

Flanagan owed the Irish Province, then he would make good on the difference at the earliest

opportunity.198

191

Cogan to F, Dublin, June 3, 1939, ANYP. 192

Doswald to F, Chicago, July 3, 1939, ANYP. 193

Provincial Financial Report, July 1, 1937 - June 30, 1940, ANYP. 194

F to Cogan, Bronx, Aug 20, 1939; Devlin to F, Dublin, Oct 19, 1939, ANYP. 195

F to Devlin, Bronx, Nov 21, 1939, PO. 196

Cogan to F, Rathgar, Dec 16, 1939; O'Shea to F, Kinsale, June 11, 1940, ANYP. 197

Doswald to F, Chicago, Oct 2, 1940, ANYP. 198

O'Shea to F, Rathgar, Oct 2, 1940; F to O'Shea, Bronx, Nov 4, 1940, ANYP.

34

The Irish Province could keep the money received for Masses; the Masses would be offered by

those to whom the general distributed them and as conditions permitted, the general would have

money to send to Rome. This arrangement went on through 1940 and 1941.199

In January, 1942, Doswald changed the arrangement so that Flanagan would pay him 50 cents (2

1/2 shillings) for each Mass sent. This was not the figure Cogan worked out but the international

situation made this new arrangement necessary.200

Flanagan said he was unable to continue

paying the stipends to the general. He was willing to help the Irish but cited this burden as too

much at that time.201

O'Shea promised to send Flanagan jt 1000 to make up for the arrears in the Mass accounts when

he could obtain government permission. He hoped the arrangement could continue. He

questioned whether Flanagan was subtracting the amounts for the Masses from what he owed the

Irish Province each year, O'Shea cited the arrangements made between the provinces as far back

as 1934. He promised to have his Father Buckley send the Irish version of accounts according to

the mutually agreed upon conditions.202

This version came and according to it, the Irish had a

credit of $617.06 plus £200 with Flanagan.203

Flanagan told O'Shea in a letter of October 19, 1942, that a telegram sent by Doswald had been

misunderstood. It was not intended as a bill but meant that the funds given the general for the

Irish Masses were far beyond what Flanagan owed the Irish for the services of their priests.

Flanagan cited that O'Shea was due $2000 a year for the services of Russell, Lynch and

Fitzpatrick but the costs of Lynch's auto and other expenses had to be subtracted from this sum.

Flanagan went on to attack the original agreements:

“At first I hesitated about signing that rather too clever agreement drawn

up by Dr. Taylor. I would not have signed it at all only I knew that Father

General and Father Cogan understood that my protest was not so much

against the financial clauses as against the general tone of the agreement.

I had previously without any written agreement helped whenever Father

Magennis asked for a contribution towards the upkeep of the Irish students

in Rome.”

199

Cf. correspondence, Flanagan-Irish Province; Doswald to F, Washington, Jan 22, 1941, ANYP. 200

Doswald to O'Shea, Bronx, Jan 2, 1942, PO. 201

F to O'Shea, Bronx, July 22, 1942, PO. 202

O'Shea to F, Rathgar, Sept 10, 1942, ANYP. 203

Buckley to F, Dublin, Sept 23, 1942, ANYP.

35

He then told O'Shea not to send his offered check for Jr 1000 but to place it in an interest bearing

account under the names of Flanagan, Sean Reid and Mel Daly. Any other money to satisfy

0'Shea's obligations in the future could be deposited there and Flanagan then could use these

funds to satisfy his own obligations to the general. McGleenan had refused to join New York in

1934 and should have returned to Ireland in 1939. Flanagan said, "We do not consider that we

have any obligations to reimburse the Irish Province for his services since it was his own fault

that he did not get back to Ireland."204

This statement of Flanagan concerning McGleenan illustrates the position of Flanagan in this

controversy. The agreement between the two provinces ended on July 1, 1939. Before that date

each of the ones covered by the agreement were to have chosen either the Irish or the New York

Province. Those who remained in New York after that date but chose to remain in the Irish

Province would warrant S500 per year being sent to Ireland for their services. Of the five

concerned, Smyth had returned to Ireland, McGouran was dead, Kevin Flanagan had opted for

New York, McGleenan was dealt with above and Russell had not decided. Lynch was a special

case since a decision should have been made over him by the Irish on July 1, 1937, Fitzpatrick

was working in New York under a special agreement. So Flanagan felt he had almost no

obligation to pay.

The situation narrated above changed even more to Flanagan's favor by a decision of Doswald.

He told O'Shea that Russell and Lynch had chosen New York and declared that Fitzpatrick was

now the only one for whom yearly payment was due.205

O'Shea meanwhile was unable to send the £1000 and placed it in an account as Flanagan had

suggested. He also declared that he wanted to avoid making finances the cause of any

differences between them. He awaited the proposal of Flanagan with good will, He was always

aware that Flanagan's attitude was one of sympathy and help and knew this had not changed. He

also confessed that he was unaware Taylor had authored the agreement but had inferred it from

internal evidence.206

With matters till unsolved, Doswald, unaware of this letter of O'Shea, wrote O'Shea that

Flanagan could not accept his 1600 Masses from the month of December. He said that Flanagan

wanted to help but was seeking credit for what he had done in the past. Doswald then made a

number of statements that he obviously wanted O'Shea to accept. Up to June, 1940, Flanagan

had paid in full for all Irish on loan including Kilian Lynch. Buckley, on the contrary, said he

owed for Kilian since 1934. O'Shea was to write Flanagan and accept the arrangement Doswald

204

F to O'Shea, Bronx, Oct 19, 1942, PO and ANYP. 205

Doswald to O'Shea, Bronx, Oct 20, 1942, PO. 206

O'Shea to F, Rathgar, Dec 29, 1942, ANYP.

36

proposed: that only for Fitzpatrick was money due. Once O'Shea did this, Doswald was sure

Flanagan would accept Masses again.207

O'Shea replied to this letter but to Flanagan. He trusted the arrangements placed forward in his

letter of December 29 were satisfactory. Those were simply that Flanagan would continue to pay

for the Masses as before. The general had cabled him cancelling the 1600 Masses of December

in an effort to correct the finances between the provinces. O'Shea was convinced that with good

will on both sides, this would not be a difficult matter. He was willing to adjust the amount of

each stipend because of new exchange rates. He was willing to place the funds in the newly

opened bank account. He wanted at all costs to keep the channel opened for the transfer of the

Masses to the general because of the Irish financial need in caring for their students. Whitefriars

Street's construction had cut their contribution in half and this made matters difficult for the

provincial administration.208

Almost a month after this letter, February 15, 1943, O'Shea wrote again to Flanagan. He assured

him he was not trying to best him. He tried to explain Buckley's calculations of the amount due.

His bottom line was $4500 due against the Mass stipends sent. He felt Flanagan should

reconsider paying for McGleenan and if he agreed, then money would be expected only for

McGleenan and Fitzpatrick. Shea also presented as a test of his sincerity his promise that he

would place all money for Masses in the recently established account in Ireland. He hoped the

transfers could resume.209

Still there was no reply from Flanagan. At the beginning of March, O'Shea cabled Doswald,

"Any possibility accepting Masses? Have given Fr. Flanagan every assurance. Hope he will

consent. Matter urgent."210

Doswald gave his consent to one more transfer and promised that

new arrangements would be made.211

1500 Masses were then sent directly to Doswald.212

On

March 11, 1943, Flanagan told O'Shea to send what Masses he had but no more as he was trying

to make an arrangement with Chicago.213

Flanagan went out of office in July, 1943 and Kilian

Lynch was elected his successor. That August, Doswald wrote O'Shea that the arrangements

207

Doswald to O'Shea, Bronx, Jan 1, 1943, PO. 208

O'Shea to F, Dublin, Jan 20, 1943, PO and ANYP. 209

Same to same, Dublin, Feb 15, 1943, ANYP. 210

O'Shea to Doswald, Dublin, Mar 2, 1943, cable, PO. 211

Doswald to O'Shea, NY, Mar 8, 1943, cable, PO. 212

Buckley to Doswald, Dublin, Mar 12, 1943, cable, PO. 213

F to O'Shea, Bronx, Mar 11, 1943, PO.

37

made by himself and Flanagan must be kept. He could continue to send Doswald Masses but 50

cents had to be deposited for each in the New York bank account in Ireland.214

Lynch received a copy of this letter and wrote O'Shea. He told him that Flanagan felt he had

been treated unjustly. At the recent chapter, it was decided to continue the arrangement but that

the "whole stipend for every Mass" had to be deposited in the bank account. After the war, a

meeting would be held to decide what would go to the Irish Province in payment for New York's

debt to it.215

O'Shea acknowledged that he would place 50c in the account for each Mass sent

and credit this for the Irish priests working in New York.216

Doswald tried to help again in the

situation but Lynch was content to let matters go until after the war.217

He told O'Shea that

Flanagan was the only one who knew the New York position, that he was now the provincial

treasurer and would go to Ireland after the war and settle the whole affair.218

The transfer of

Masses continued under the administration of Lynch.

After the war, in 1946, Flanagan was sent to Ireland to settle the matter.219

The position of New

York was the following: $11,467.50 was the difference between the amount of money for the

sent Masses and the salaries owed by New York. O'Shea felt that $12,000 was due for the past

salaries of Lynch, Russell, Fitzpatrick and McGleenan.220

Some sort of compromise was

reached. Records of negotiations are not extant but there is an income item of $1500 in the New

York financial report covering this period listed as "Irish Province Account."221

Flanagan came

home with some prize regardless of whether he won or not.

O’Shea's recollection of the whole matter was that he banked money for the Masses during the

war and that when it was over, Flanagan came to Ireland and he paid him what was due. He was

not anxious to recall actual details or the bitterness that was brought about.222

214

Doswald to O'Shea, Bronx, Aug 9, 1943, PO. 215

Lynch to O'Shea, Tarrytown, Aug 14, 1943, PO. 216

O'Shea to Lynch, Dublin, Sept 30, 1943, ANYP. 217

Doswald to Lynch, Bronx, Nov 7, 1943, ANYP. 218

Lynch to O'Shea, Tarrytown, Nov 19, 1943, PO. 219

Definitory Notes, Oct 19, 1945, ANYP. 220

Financial Statement, Irish and P.S.E. Provinces, £1.9467, PO. 221

Three Year Statement of Income and Expense, Carmelite Fathers Province of St. Elias, July 1, 1943 - May 31, 1946, ANYP. 222

Interview with J. Camel O'Shea, Dublin, Sept, 1976.

38

Government permission had to be secured for the transfer of funds from Ireland after the Second

World War. There is in the Provincial Office in Ireland a form called, "Purpose of Payment."

The amount is not specified but the purpose is. It states that the money had to be transferred for

the education of Gabriel Kearney for 1940-1945, the care of Christopher Slattery - an invalid and

the maintenance of Fitzpatrick, Bradley, Hugh Devlin and Farrington. None of these were ever

mentioned in the conflict over the Mass money as liabilities except Fitzpatrick. So with this

trumped up certificate, Flanagan was able to bring his money home.223

In the wake of the Mass imbroglio, another arrangement was made to have Jerome O'Dwyer

teach in Marymount for two years at the request of Kilian Lynch, then general. The Irish

Province would be paid $2000 a year for his services.224

Fortunately, the same mess did not rise

again,

Throughout the whole affair, the sincerity of O'Shea appears consistently as well as his desire to

do what he felt was necessary for his province. Flanagan had this latter feeling for his own

province. It was an unfortunate incident and the slowness and uncertainty of trans-Atlantic mail

during wartime did not assist but probably contributed to the problem.

Afflicted with heart trouble, John Cogan died after a fairly long illness on September 25, 1941.

Flanagan had Sean Reid write up his life and this draft went through two revisions before it was

sent to Andrew Weldon, the editor of The Carmelite Review. 225

It was published but in the

Sword and under the name of Flanagan.226

Flanagan cooperated with Carmel O'Shea in a problem concerning the names on the deeds of

Terenure College. Individual names were used but because of problems created by death,

O'Shea was trying to change this. Flanagan had powers of attorney drawn up for himself and

Christopher Slattery by James Duross of Tarrytown and sent them on to O'Shea,227

For this

cooperation, O'Shea was indeed very grateful.228

At the Irish chapter of February, 1929, Elias Magennis gave the reasons why he had postponed

the meeting from May, 1928. These, however, are not revealed in records. Berchmans Devlin

was elected provincial but perhaps the matter having the most bearing on the New York

223

Purpose of Payment, PO. 224

Agreement, Fitzgerald, Russell and Lynch, Terenure, June 27, 1947, PO. 225

F to Weldon, Bronx, Dec 3, 1941, ANYP. 226

Weldon to F, Tenafly, Dec 5, 1941, ANYP; Sword 6 (1942) 60-2. 227

F to O'Shea, Bronx, Mar 11, 1943, PO. 228

O'Shea to F, Dublin, Apr 26, 1943, ANYP.

39

Carmelites was a discussion on establishing novitiates in both Australia and New York, an idea

that had been decreed by chapters since 1909. New York's novitiate had been in existence for

some five years by the time of the chapter and so why it would have been discussed is puzzling.

An exchange of American and Irish priests with the commissariate was spoken of and seen as

being beneficial to both. It was decided that for each priest returning from America, a

replacement would be sent.229

It was at the chapter of 1934, presided over by Brocard Taylor, that Kilian Lynch was elected the

prior of Kinsale. A telegram of this news was sent to the general so he could dispatch Lynch to

Ireland as soon as possible, consenting to the unanimous vote of the definitory.230

We have

seen how this event did nothing conducive to good relations between the two groups and also

how Lynch firmly turned down the honor, if we might call it such. Cyril Murphy was elected in

place of Lynch, the following year.231

The question of whether the Irish Province's priests working in New York and Australia should

remain there or return to Ireland came up at the Congregatio Annua in 1936. No decision was

recorded but the observation was made that their return without a fitting notification justly called

for some comment.232

Rome

When Elias Magennis was at the Chicago chapter in 1927, he made a plea for financial help for

San Martino. From there he was going to the commissariate in New York to make another plea

of which he was confident since they had helped him in the past.233

On that same trip, he was

concerned about Robert Murphy, then a student in Rome and ill. He wanted to know his actual

condition as he would probably meet Murphy's aunt. Because of her generosity to the

229

Acta Capituli Provincialis Feb 4, 1929, Dublin, CG, Hib, Cap et Cong (1900-64); AOC, 6, 541-2. 230

Acta Capituli Provincialis, July 2, 1934, Dublin, in ibid. 231

Congregatio Annua, July 10, 1935, Terenure, in ibid. 232

Congregatio Annua, July 6, 1936, Dublin, in ibid. 233

Magennis to Franco, NY, /J927 £/, CG, General 2.

40

Carmelites in the past, he wanted to give her the real state of affairs.234

The Chicago province

was unable to help him because of their own debt but the New Yorkers gave him $5000.235

On that trip to the United States, he complained that the students at San Alberto looked to him

rather than the house prior. One instance was Kieran Hickey in the hospital and cabling him that

his doctor wanted him to go to Switzerland. As Magennis said, "I was ashamed of a student in

the hospital paying for a cable and obviously over the head of his superior." His word was to

leave all in the hands of the prior.236

Magennis preached the July 16th novena at St. Simon Stock that year and continued to be

concerned about the health of both Rickey and Murphy.237

He was back in Rome by September

and received a complaint from Albert Schwartz, studying in Nablus, about the food. It was so

poor, according to Schwartz, that he had to get his food outside.238

The Irish Province had complained that only the sick and the aged came home, a matter that was

discussed at a triennial meeting. Magennis used this for leverage to try to get Vincent Coffey to

return to Ireland in good health and comparative youth to be replaced by a younger man. After a

period in Ireland, he could return to America.239

When Flanagan had to seek a dispensation from age to make Patrick Russell novice master in

1929, Magennis complained this was the third dispensation requested and he had to make such

petitions at the Holy See for the entire order. He also asked Flanagan to push his new life of St.

Albert. Magennis felt the book would bring the saint more devotion and some sympathy for the

college. He confessed that he did not ask Albert Dolan to promote the book as he only pushed his

own material, Magennis added a further gripe, "I see where he stole nearly all my Scapular book

and contents himself with saying I am sure you do not mind. I may not but Gill's may. He did

not sell many of mine, you bet." 240

Gill was Magennis's Irish publisher.

In 1930, Stephen McDonald of the Chicago Province wrote Doswald, then assistant general,

insinuating that a Carmelite division of the United States was imminent. New York and New

Jersey would be the eastern province and the rest of the country another province. Doswald

234

Same to same, NY, [1927 ], in ibid. 235

Magennis to Wessels, NY, June 6, [1927], CG, Generali 2. 236

Magennis to Franco, Niagara Falls, June 29, 1927, in ibid. 237

Same to same, Bronx, July 13, 1927, in ibid. 238

Same to same, Rome, Sept 18, 1927, in ibid. 239

Magennis to Coffey, Rome, July 7, 1928, ANYP. 240

Magennis to F, Rome, Oct 12, 1929; dispensation, SCR, Oct 7, 1929, Reg. Fol. 189, ANYP.

41

replied that, "Our growth and development are not yet ripe for the harvest of such a division." He

said the New York Commissariate would probably be a province in a year. He thought the time

may come for such a division but not at that moment.241

Doswald seems to back this idea of a

division and writes in a rather grandiose manner but from an ivory tower.

Replying to another Chicago priest, Boniface Hund, Doswald stated that his only information

about a division in the United States was from McDonald and assured Hund that the erection of

the New York Province the next year would in no way affect "our Province" unless the men

themselves insisted on such an amalgamation and division.242

To Lawrence Diether, the

provincial, inquiring of the same division, Doswald wrote that the province was not large enough

for a division and concerning an amalgamation, "not sufficiently attuned to an understanding of

our mutual interests..." He also cited Magennis as being against an amalgamation.243

The last

one to write Doswald was Sebastian Urnauer. Doswald denied Urnauer's accusation that he was

behind an amalgamation and division. He only learned of it from McDonald and assured

Urnauer that in a previous case in Spain a referendum was taken among the men before any

action was taken. He then got rather sharp with Urnauer:

A division, according to your view, is like the destruction of the work of

many years, and a personal injury to many of the members of the

province. Well, - the birth of a son is surely not eh [sic] of the father; on

the contrary, it is a source of a better and happier life for the father.

Almost all the Orders in the United States have divided their original

provinces, and in spite of it, have kept themselves much alive.

What we need is just a little more sense. Sapere est principatum et fons

recte vivendi.244

The division plan here ended.

Re-establishing the order in its birthplace, then called Palestine and under British mandate, was a

cause close to the heart of Hilary Doswald. When the opportunity arose, he seized the chance to

open a house in a village called Nablus. Dionysius Flanagan was not of the same opinion and in

fact was very much against the venture. Hearing of this opposition via Magennis, Doswald

wrote Flanagan hoping to convert him. He cited the establishment of the house at Nablus as a

homecoming and international in scope since Magennis as general vas the honorary prior. He

241

Doswald to McDonald, Rome, Mar 13, 1930, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 242

Doswald to Hund, Rome, Mar 26, 1930, in ibid. 243

Doswald to Diether, Rome, Mar 27, 1930, in ibid. 244

Doswald to Urnauer, Rome, Apr 2, 1930, in ibid.

42

said it could be a province right away as the order was offered two more schools. Men and

money were the only obstacles, Going to Nablus was conditioned on the immediate

establishment of a secondary school which demanded a full community. Subsequently, there

was to be a theology school. The task could not be undertaken by any province so the curia had

promised aid to whomever would staff the facility. He pointed out that the Chicago Province

gave $60,000 and three men. The curia assembled a good theological faculty so that Flanagan's

men would lose nothing studying there. On the front of the carbon he retained, Doswald wrote,

"Flanagan was not edified by Magennis sending two of his students to Nablus."245

Magennis was delighted to receive a letter from Kevin Morrissey studying at Nablus, and whom

he described as "a sharp little one of the students in Nablus and a person in whom we can trust."

He told Magennis of a conflict between the bishop, the Discalced and a group of nuns, Magennis

wished he did not know English as the Morrissey letter was a good exposition of the Carmelites'

miserable state in Palestine.246

When Albert Schwartz, a student, sought to return to Rome

from Nablus, Magennis felt he ought to dump the whole matter in Doswald's lap.247

Another difficulty with Nablus was the appointment of a prior, Doswald wanted Simon Schmitt

which upset Magennis and compelled him to think of Doswald as simple. Particularly did his

long Latin quote in praise of Schmitt bring this home to Magennis. Magennis himself wanted an

American as prior.248

He felt that Schmitt spoke English like he spoke Italian, poorly, and was

determined to get an American as the Nablus prior.249

Magennis went on in every letter he

wrote Antonio Franco to run down Schmitt. He was also faced with the problem of finding a

community for Nablus.250

About ten days later, he acknowledged he could do nothing for

Nablus but said at the same time that Doswald thought Schmitt a panacea for every ill.

Magennis hoped this true but did not believe it.251

He was frustrated with his inability to get the

kind of man he desired for Nablus and furious that Doswald was pushing Schmitt, who, on the

basis of availability, received the post.

245

Doswald to F, Rome, Nov 9, 1929, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); AOC 20, 200. 246

Magennis to Franco, Rome, July 30, 1930, CG, Generali 2. 247

Same to same, Rome, Aug 2, 1930, Aug 4, 1930, in ibid. 248

Magennis to Franco, Dublin, Aug 21, [1930], in ibid. 249

Same to same, Dublin, Aug 29, £19307, in ibid. 250

Same to same, Dublin, Aug 31, [1930] in ibid.

251 Same to same, Dublin, Sept 8, 1930, in ibid.

43

In the fall of 1930, Flanagan wrote Magennis telling him how he was working on a bazaar which

was essential to pay the $18,000 in interest each year on the debt of St. Simon's. He then made a

formal request that the commissariate be made a province.252

This was the beginning of a series of steps that would lead to the establishment of the province.

On March 5, 1923, a first draft petition had been prepared for the Sacred Congregation of

Religious seeking to establish the New York houses as a commissariate. It seems never to have

been submitted. On the 20th of that same month, a petition was submitted to Pius XI for the

erection of the commissariate. The decree was granted and the erection was signed by Hubert

Driessen as vicar general on May 10, 1923.253

In 1927, a rather lengthly and repetitious report was prepared giving the state of the

commissariate. The picture was that there were still the same four houses as at the time of the

establishment, 28th Street, St. Simon Stock, Transfiguration and Our Lady of Mt. Carmel in

Middletown. St. Albert's was included as part of the parish and it was stated that the college

there cost $100,000 and was entirely paid for. The ten churches of the four parishes included

Greenville, Otisville, Bulville [sic], Blumenburg [sic] and New Hampton, It was stated that the

fathers in Middletown were really missionaries as their ministry covered a vast territory forcing

them to travel for two or three weeks at a time. The population of the commissariate was listed

as fifty: seventeen priests, fourteen clerics, eleven novices and the eight postulants soon to enter

the novitiate. The Third Order was listed as flourishing and there were no nuns to care for as

none existed in the area.254

Hilary Doswald made application to the Sacred Congregation of Religious in February, 1931 and

told Flanagan he would cable when word was received.255

The rescript establishing the province

was granted on March 24. Flanagan was provincial with Christopher Slattery, Dominic Devlin,

Stephen McGleenan and Patrick Russell as definitors for three years.256

April 5, Doswald wrote Flanagan telling him what he had previously given as instructions, that

he should choose an assistant provincial, call a definitory meeting and appoint the other officials

252

F to Magennis, Bronx, Nov 14, 1930, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 253

Curia Souvenir, 50th Anniversary of Province, 1981, two documents, ANYP. 254

Report, [1927], CG, Hib, Hist, Statuta, Statist, Rhod. 255

Doswald to F, Rome, Feb 17, 1931, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 256

Rescript, SCR, Mar 24, 1931, no 1319/31 dated Mar 31, 1931, A. Franco, Reg Gen, 1919, ss., f.ll; Definitory Minutes, Mar 24, 1931, ANYP; AOC 7, 408.

44

of the province. He also told Flanagan, "You are the founder not only of the province but also of

its traditions, that will live long after our death. A steady tradition is a steady discipline.257

What is really the first chapter of the new Province of St. Elias took place at St. Albert's, Elias

Magennis presiding, on April 28, 1931. Elias Varglien and Simon Farrington were made Roman

socii, Dominic Hastings the custos and assistant provincial, Mel Daly the provincial treasurer.

Three Masses were to be offered by each house for each of the following intentions: for divine

help for the province, in thanks to God and for the Irish Province as a sign of brotherly love for

those to whom we were joined. All houses were to contribute according to their income towards

the education of students and $10,000 was to be given to building "S. Martini" as a sign of

gratitude. A mission in the Philipphines was accepted. This was to be a joint venture with the

Chicago Province. They would supply a prior, New York the other members of the community

plus a replacement for the Chicago prior.258

These acts were approved that June 19.259

Congratulations and gratitude for what Flanagan had done arrived.260

Cardinal Hayes was

informed of the new province,261

told of the officials262

and returned his blessings on the new

venture as he approved of Patrick Russell as the pastor of St. Simon Stock.263

That fall Flanagan left for Rome via Ireland to attend the general chapter. He wrote Magennis

enroute that all was well at home and that the Carmelite Sisters, later to be those of the Aged and

Infirm, were grateful for all Magennis had done for them. They were at St. Elizabeth's Convent

in Manhattan but would soon move into their first foundation, St. Patrick's in the Bronx.264

At that chapter of 1931, Hilary Doswald was elected general. He found that the problems of his

predecessor had become his own. He had to write Flanagan asking for financial help. Stipends

had run the college but these were hard to obtain. He bluntly asked for $5000 to $6000 to restore

the reserve fund that ran the college. Diether in Chicago, Doswald mentioned, was going to

furnish the money to finish San Martino.265

Flanagan promised to bring up the matter before the

257

Doswald to F, Rome, Apr 5, 1931, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 258

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Middletown, Apr 28, 1931, CG, Cap et Cong, Am Sti Eliae (1931-64); Definitory Minutes, Apr 28,1931, ANYP. 259

Brenninger, Rome, June 19, 1931, ANYP, 260

Devlin to F, Dublin, Apr 8, 1931, ANYP. 261

F to Hayes, Bronx, June 4, 1931, ANYP. 262

Same to same, Bronx, June 15, 1931, ANYP, 263

Hayes to F, NY, June 18, 1931 (two letters), ANYP; F to Hayes, Bronx, June 27, 1931, AD, Hayes Papers, 264

F to Magennis, SS Stuttgart, Sept 9, 1931, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 265

Doswald to F, Rome, Nov 25, 1931, ANYP.

45

definitory but cautioned Doswald that the province had already given to San Martino that year

far in excess of the taxes. He called it not fair to expect this sum in Rome since New York was

one of the few pulling their weight. Missions to be established in the Philippines and the large

parochial debt precluded any fund raising. In typical Flanagan language, he promised to do his

best.266

In reply, Doswald seems to have been caught in a position he did not like. It was as

though he thought the position of general would automatically bring the funds rolling in at a

mere request. He wrote Flanagan telling him why each province could not help him. He placed

his request as a mere asking for a fair sharing of the expenses of San Alberto. After all this, in

the tone of plea, he asked that his request not be placed before the definitory but that Flanagan

just send Mass stipends.267

Doswald’s letter to Flanagan followed one of Brocard Taylor in which he gave the opinion that

the obligation, set at the 1931 chapter, of each priest to say twelve Masses a year for San Alberto

could be satisfied by sending the money for these. The Masses would then be offered in Rome.268

Elias Magennis came to New York in December, 1931, but was back in Rome the next summer

and wrote some newsy and friendly letters to Flanagan. In one he told how Mother Angeline and

Sister Colette of the Carmelite Sisters for the Aged and Infirm had arrived in Rome after a

stormy crossing. They had lost his address but were able to find him. He attributed this to Elias.

He secured places for them with the Madams of the Sacred Heart but they had gone to the Blue

Nuns and he allowed them to remain there rather than slight those sisters. Through a friend, he

had obtained an anticamera audience with the Pope, something he noted that Doswald could not

have done. After telling the sisters to give the Holy Father a gift, Magennis had to supply them

with the money to fulfill his instructions.269

In another letter, he told Flanagan that Bishop Dunn had told him sub secreto that there was a

problem with the service given in Bellevue. Though the men in 28th Street would not believe

him when he told them, he wanted Flanagan to know this. If the sisters returned to Flanagan the

money Magennis had given them in Rome, Flanagan should accept it as it was given "out of my

poverty." He gave him some news about his students in Rome and then bolstered him with the

news that when he told the pope the New York Province had helped him the most with San

Martino, "He smiled and said that was right." Magennis was having trouble with his teeth,

266

F to Doswald, Dublin, Dec 10, 1931, ANYP. 267

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan (?), 1932, ANYP. 268

Taylor to F, Rome, Dec 27, 1931, ANYP. 269

Magennis to F, Rome, July 25, 1932, ANYP.

46

apparently false ones. He regretted not having got them in the United States. As he said, "There

is only one place for the teeth - America."270

Part of the reason for financial need in Rome was a swindle that took place in the construction of

San Martino. Del Giudice, either the architect or the builder, had tricked Father Jaccarini and

cheated the Carmelites out of 850,000 lire. The engineers had also forced the Carmelites to pay

them 26,000 more lire over the estimated cost. This would in Magennis' estimation force the

total cost up to almost four million lire instead of three million. So Doswald asked for a loan of

$5000. This Flanagan sent.271

Flanagan was the American agent for Doswald 's funds. Hearing that the United States was to go

back onto the gold standard, he told Flanagan to buy 100,000 lire if it did. The cost would be

$5000 and he was to keep 50,000 lire and send the other 50,000 to the curia. The money

Flanagan put up would go towards his bills in Rome. Doswald assured him this was not

speculation but simply the paying of bills.272

With the fear that the full sanctions of the League of Nations would be applied against Italy for

its invasion of Ethiopia, Doswald tutored Flanagan on the importance of his New York bank

account. He asked Flanagan to be very careful about his instructions concerning transactions

since they may turn out to be the curia's only source of funds.273

Flanagan opened a new account for Doswald in 1937 and transferred to it $76 left over from

Magennis’ time and placed $5000 there himself.274

The breviaries for the order were printed by Desclee in Belgium and in 1937, they were about to

be finished. With Doswald, there was a fear of the devaluation of the dollar and so he suggested

that Flanagan buy Belgian francs and pay his entire debt of 60,000 Belgian francs rather than the

initial payment of 20,000.275

Flanagan had only the money to pay the 20,000.276

When

Flanagan paid a bill in lire, Doswald had to caution him that the importation of lire into Italy was

270

Same to same, Rome, Aug 15, 1932, ANYP. 271

Magennis to Doswald, [Rome], Jan 7, 1933, CG, Generali 2; Definitory Minutes, Aug 6, 1933, ANYP. 272

Doswald to F, Milan, Jan 17, 1935, ANYP. 273

Same to same, Rome, Oct 19, 1935, ANYP. 274

F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 7, 1937, ANYP. 275

Doswald to F, Rome, Nov 2, 1937, ANYP. 276

F to Doswald, Bronx, Feb 25, 1938, ANYP.

47

forbidden and that he should in the future pay in dollars.277

Flanagan also sent pounds sterling to

Malta from the New York account to pay a curia debt.278

By the beginning of 1939, Flanagan had only 11,915 Belgian francs due on his breviary bill.279

By March, he was unable to send it but found the cash by the end of the month. This he sent

with the instructions to keep his remaining 150 unbound breviaries in Rome until he would need

them.280

This Doswald did not think a good idea and suggested they be sent to the United

States where they would be safe in case of war. As the breviary was published, Doswald sent

Flanagan specially bound copies as a gift.281

For these he was grateful and responded, "... I

have in my heart a great feeling of gratitude for the many evidences of your esteem.”282

There was a Father Peter Delia Giustina in Italy who had shares in the Banca Commerciale

Italiana Trust Company that he was trying through some finagling to sell. Apparently, he gave

them over to Doswald who asked Flanagan to be the New York agent for them.283

The shares

amounted to $6000 and Flanagan sent on the papers needed for him to have power of attorney.284

Delia Giustina also had shares in the Massachusetts Investors Company and Flanagan eventually

received them and placed them for Doswald's keeping in the province's safety deposit box.285

When Titus Brandsma made his tour of the United States, he visited the New York houses and

spoke at St. Albert's in Middletown.286

Doswald visitated the New York Province in the summer of 1933.287

The following year was

the time for a provincial chapter and Flanagan, anxious to give an account of his stewardship,

asked Doswald to set a date. As he confessed,

277

F to Doswald, Bronx, Feb 25, 1938, ANYP. 278

Same to same, Rome, Oct 5, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 279

Same to same, Rome, Jan 19, 1939, ANYP. 280

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 9, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65); same to same, Bronx, Mar 23, 1939, ANYP. 281

Doswald to F, Rome, Apr 13, 1939, ANYP. 282

F to Doswald, Bronx, May 19, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 283

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 31, 1938, ANYP. 284

Same to same, Bronx, May 2, 1938, ANYP. 285

Doswald to F, Zurich, Mar 17, 1939; F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 14, 1939, ANYP. 286

AOC 8, 356-7. 287

Doswald to Padre (?), NY, July 30, 1933, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

48

I have always tried to give honest service to the Order, I realize very well

how unfitted I have been for the high offices I was called on to assume,

and so I look forward with a certain satisfaction to passing the reins on to

someone else. I promise Your Paternity to give as loyal service to the

Order under my successor as I have tried to give since I first received the

habit.288

Little did he realize that his reign would endure for nine more years. That fall, after the chapter,

Flanagan took a vacation in Ireland.289

Doswald was the conveyor of information about Flanagan's students in Rome. When Baptist

Alfano showed he was unable to do the Roman studies and asked to leave, Doswald became

involved. Certainly something we would not see a general do today.290

He was also concerned

about the health of Peter Thomas Beck.291

When Benedict Short died of pneumonia brought on by a poor heart condition, Flanagan sent

word to Doswald.292

There was other mail like feastday greetings sent by the novices, who

described themselves as "seeking to become brave soldiers of Mary's own regiment, the 'Queen's

Own."293

Flanagan asked that the chapter of 1937 be held the last week in June but then worried about the

delegates to the general chapter since they would not be elected six months before the opening of

the 1937 chapter.294

It was held at his requested time. After the chapter, Flanagan did the acts

himself working from the notes of Patrick Russell, the secretary.295

Just after the chapter, Flanagan sent a census of the province to Rome. He listed the following:

Priests – 43 Novices – 5

288

F to Doswald, [Bronx,] Jan 12, 1937, ANYP.

289 Same to same, Galway, Nov 18, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

290

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 18, 1934; F to Doswald, Los Angeles, Feb 10, 1934, ANYP. 291

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 30, 1936, ANYP. 292

F to Doswald, Bronx, Apr 21, 1937, ANYP; same to same, Middletown, June 4, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 293

Novices to Doswald, Middletown, /Jan, 1937}, in ibid. 294

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 3, 1936, ANYP. 295

Same to same, Bronx, Aug 21, 1937, ANYP.

49

Clerics – 14 Mariani – 27

Brothers - 3

The next year he sent four to Rome for theology studies: Emmanuel Hourihan, Alphonsus

Galligan, John Howe and Columba Staunton.296

These would be the last to go until after World

War II.

When Columba went to Ireland to visit his ill mother after he had been in Rome but a short time,

there developed a problem that illustrates how Doswald would give permissions, as he did for

Columba, and then when things went bad, would tell the problem to Flanagan so as to throw it

into his lap. This occured when Staunton overstayed his time in Ireland.297

In the summer of 1939, as war in Europe seemed more and more likely, Doswald wrote from

Zurich, "Again we are facing a political crisis. Our first duty is not to lose our heads, but to keep

a balanced state of mind even under the most trying circumstances." He himself was going to

remain in Switzerland, a neutral country, so he could have a free hand helping wherever he

could.298

After he had closed San Alberto as a school and sent the students home, Doswald

gave his reasons. He could not be responsible for all the foreigners especially when no one knew

what would happen.299

To help the Spanish recover from the damage of the Civil War, collections were made

throughout the order. Flanagan did his part and by November, 1939, had sent $800.300

Gabriel Pausback was appointed to take care of Analecta Ordinis Carmeli tarum. He wrote

Flanagan for the subscriptions of the province to be paid in advance and wanted a correspondent

named.301

Then he had qualms for he wrote again that prepayment for good payers like

Flanagan was ill advised and said he would simply add the amount to his annual bill.302

Flanagan did not appoint the desired correspondent and Pausback had to get information from

Cyril Conroy, a student.303

He had to do this again the following year.304

Then he placed a

296

Same to same, Bronx, July 11, 1937, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

297 Same to same, Bronx, Sept 5, 1938, ANYP.

298

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 9, 1939; F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 23, 1939, ANYP. 299

Doswald to F, Zurich, Aug 31, 1939, ANYP. 300

Same to same, Rome, Oct 5, 1939, ANYP. 301

F to Doswald, NY, Nov 9, 1939, ANYP. 302

Pausback to F, Rome, May 3, 1938, ANYP. 303

Same to same, Rome, May 15, 1938, ANYP.

50

notice in the Analecta praising Flanagan for sending him information.305

What did appear in

those days was a census of the province,306

the naming of Elias Holland as missions procurator

and Celestine Fitzpatrick as "Colegii Liturgici Socios."307

Finally, agents were appointed: John

Maher as director, William Bradley as "recensor" and John McGrath as historiographer.308

Desirous of knowing the date of the 1940 provincial chapter, Flanagan wrote Doswald

suggesting late June or early July when schools would be closed.309

Flanagan himself later set

the first week of July and also asked Doswald to give the annual retreat.310

The time would be

no great difficulty for Doswald as he left Rome in March, 1940 followed by Pausback that

June.311

He came to New York at the end of that month to stay at St. Patrick's Home in the

Bronx, at the invitation of Mother Angeline. She had also arranged for him to see a dentist and

he said this was the only reason for his going to St. Patrick's.312

Actually, once ensconced at St.

Patrick's, he would remain there for the duration of the war though his stationery would carry the

address of St. Simon Stock, His residence in the Bronx is the end of much correspondence

between himself and Flanagan as they called on or phoned each other and conducted their

business in person.313

While he was in Chicago in 1940, Doswald received an SOS from San Alberto for funds.

Writing Flanagan, he told him that he owed his taxes for 1937-40 but left to him the amount he

would send to Rome. He also sent a certificate that would enable the funds to get through to

Rome. Doswald felt it would soon not be possible to send money.314

Flanagan sent $1000 and

Doswald attributed the Roman problem to the fact that no one sent out any bills.315

In addition,

304

Same to same, Rome, Aug 8, 1938, ANYP. 305

Same to same, Rome, Nov 3, 1939, ANYP. 306

ADC 10, 122. 307

Ibid., 10, inserted page. 308

Ibid.. 10, 167. 309

Ibid., 10, 143. 310

F to Doswald, NY, Mar 11, 1940, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 311

Same to same, Bronx, May 9, 1940, ANYP. 312

Doswald to F, Washington, Mar 19, 1941, ANYP. 313

Doswald File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 314

Doswald to F, Chicago, Oct 15, 1940, ANYP. 315

Same to same, Chicago, Oct 30, 1940, ANYP.

51

money was paid out by the Carmelites but never reached the builder of San Martino. The court

decision was against the Carmelites so Doswald had to come up with $25,000. Flanagan

adavnced tax money and bought some securities from Doswald.316

In 1942, Doswald was in

need of 700,000 lire for Rome and sold the Delia Giustina stock, probably to Flanagan, to make

the payment.317

Things were very difficult in Rome during the war. John Brenninger resigned as prior in 1943

after twelve years in the post. Gabriel Couto succeeded him.318

In December, 1945, Brenninger

became the procurator general.319

He died in November, 1946, after three heart attacks. When

Doswald wrote Flanagan this news from Rome, where he had returned, Doswald mentioned that

Couto had been made a bishop in Brazil and Kenneth Leahy a professor at the Propaganda. He

saw both of these appointments as refuting the vicious calumny that the work of his curia was

inefficient.

In the wake of the war, Doswald arranged for a Polish Carmelite, Albert Urbanski, to come to the

United States and be accepted into the New York Province.320

With Anthony Dressel ill at Allentown where he was the chaplain for the Carmelite Sisters,

Doswald tried to get Flanagan to supply a chaplain for about six months as Doswald did not want

to lose the post. Flanagan did not honor the request.321

Doswald also had a Mexican clerical student with his degree in philosophy who was anxious to

join the order.322

He asked Flanagan to accept him but after much consultation with John

Haffert, he decided no.323

After doing a stint with the Scapular Militia, Gabriel Pausback went off to visit the Carmelites in

Australia. He was there in late 1944 when he got the bug to visit Portugal and revive the Order

316

Definitory Minutes, Sept 21, 1942, ANYP. 317

Doswald to F, Chicago, June 3, 1942, ANYP. 318

Chronica Coll., 51. 319

Notes, Dec 12, 1945, CG, Generali 2. 320

Doswald to Brenninger, Bronx, Aug 12, 1945, CG, Generali 2. 321

Doswald to [F], Bronx, Jan 11, 1943, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 322

Same to same, New Baltimore, Aug 23, 1941, ANYP. 323

F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 2, 1941; Doswald to F, New Baltimore, Sept 4, 1941; F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 11, 1941; Doswald to F, Bedford, Sept 13, 1941, telegram; Franco to Doswald, Rome, Oct 14, 1941, ANYP.

52

there.324

This was early 1945 but Dolwald wanted him in Rome and so ordered. He arrived in

Rome in the fall of 1945.325

In the wake of the war, the Carmelites in Italy and Germany were in a state of desperation.

Food, clothing, hard cash and personal articles were in great scarcity. Most of the relief came

from the Chicago Province which is understandable in view of the ambitions of Matthew O'Neill

as told in the section on the general chapter of 1947. In this surge of fraternal charity, over forty

habits were sent to Rome and many others to Naples.326

After the provincial chapter of 1946, Patrick Russell, the preses, sent a candid report to Doswald.

Two matters all agreed on were that St. Albert's was the most suitable place for the chapter and

that no one should hold two offices especially be a definitor and a prior. Whether this should

apply to John Maher was a problem because his house was not a formed one. Some were

dissatisfied with the election of Berthold Forrester as Roman socius but Russell said in his favor

that he was the socius to the general at the 1943 chapter and had been the prior of St. Elias in

Washington. Another faction was opposed to John Haffert as novice master merely on the basis

that the province should have one of its own as master.

Formation received attention by the statement of the need for formation beyond the novitiate.

This was an argument given for the establishment of a provincial house of studies for the

professed. Along the same lines, Kilian Lynch paid tribute to the fine spirit and discipline

existing at Whitefriars Hall under Kilian Healy as prior.

The chapter insisted the land in Washington be kept. The attitude towards the California houses

was more friendly and favorable. It was decided to apply for St. Raphael's to be a formed house

instead of an annex of Mt. Carmel. Kilian Lynch placed more observance and more vocations as

his goals. A meeting of vocation directors was to take place to implement the latter. Finally, all

wanted to do everything for the best intersts of the province "in all things spiritual and

temporal."327

324

Doswald to Pausback, Bronx, Jan 5, 1945, CG, Generali 2. 325

Doswald to Brenninger, Bronx, July 15, 1945; same to same, Bronx, Sept 16, 1945; same to same, Bronx, Dec 28, 1945, CG, Generali 2. 326

CG, Generali 2, passim. 327

Russell to Doswald, Middletown, July 9, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65).

53

Chapter 4

Personnel

The personnel problems of a religious order attract a lot of interest and form good topics of

conversation. We all have experienced in varying degrees the promptings and tendencies that

have brought about these difficulties. We can relate to them, understand and be compassionate,

Perhaps the experience of others will reinforce some when they face the same problems. Writing

of these matters comparatively close in time, we face the danger of breaking confidentiality or

embarrassing relatives and friends of these men. Yet to omit this area would create a lacuna in

our history and leave out an important factor faced by Dionysius Flanagan in his rule of the

province. We will try to narrate briefly and carefully the tales of these men.

Joseph Borg

Joseph Borg was professed on April 28, 1914 and ordained on November 28, 1914 and ordained

on November 28, 1920.328

He had been born in Malta, April 13, 1894.329

He had been

stationed at St. Albert's then Transfiguration in Tarrytown in 1925.330

In 1927, $6500 in

securities was given to the Carmelites by Dr. Lucy Bannister through the efforts of Borg and

these funds were to establish the "Father Joseph Borg Scholarship" for the education of

students.331

He was prior of St. Albert's, 1930-33332

and then was appointed provincial treasurer

at the chapter of 1934.333

In Flanagan's lists of 1938-39 and the 1941 provincial directory, Borg

was listed as being stationed at St. Simon Stock.334

In 1935, Borg was seeking an assignment in a warmer climate.335

Nothing seems to have been

done to fufill his request until 1938, when Flanagan wrote Jeremiah O'Mahoney, Newman Club

chaplain at the University of Florida, Gainesville. Flanagan said that doctors had recommended

a warmer climate for a year or two for Borg to aid his serious sinus condition. He asked

328

Catalogus, CG, Hlb, Historici, Statuta, Stat, Rhod. 329

Carmelite Directory, Province of St. Elias, North America, 1941, 330

O'Farrell to Borg, Bronx, Jan 15, 1925, ANYP. 331

Note from L. Bannister, Aug 29, 1927; F to Bannister, NY, Aug 29, 1927, ANYP. 332

Isacsson, A History of St. Albert's Jr. Seminary (Maspeth, 1978) 15. 333

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Bronx, June 4-8, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); AOC 8, 240-1. 334

Lists, Flanagan Papers; Carmelite Directory, Province of St. Elias, North America, 1941, 10 . 335

F to Doswald, Tarrytown, July 1, 1935, ANYP.

54

O'Mahoney to see if Bishop Barry in St. Augustine would give him a temporary post.336

O'Mahoney replied that Barry would not depart from his rule not to take in any priests but

suggested that Flanagan contact a friend of O'Mahoney who needed a priest. Borg could go there

and the pastor would get faculties for him. At this time, Borg was in North Carolina.337

Joseph Borg was able a month later, December 1938, to secure a parochial post in Elkton,

Florida.338

Almost a year later, he was back in the Bronx because Flanagan would not allow

him to remain in Florida beyond six months. He was willing to allow Borg to seek a bishop.339

After a hospital stay in December, 1939, Borg, through the intercession of Mel Daly, was

allowed to go to Florida again where he was able to secure a post in a Miami parish.340

In 1940,

Borg secured permission to remain outside the community for two years341

which was extended

in 1942.342

His incardination into the Diocese of St. Augustine was completed in 1945.343

Three years later, he was sent to St. Francis of Assisi, Riviera Beach, to begin this new parish.344

It was there amid his completed parish plant that Joseph Borg died on June 28, 1973.345

Vincent Smyth

Vincent Smyth was one Carmelite who was absolutely incompatible with Dionysius Flanagan.

He was appointed pastor of 28th Street after Flanagan had gone to Australia for the Eucharistic

336

F to O'Mahoney, Bronx, Nov 4, 1938, ANYP. 337

O'Mahoney to F, Gainesville, Nov 21, 1938, ANYP. 338

Borg to F, Elkton, Dec 22, 1938, ANYP. 339

F to Borg, Bronx, Oct 13, 1939; F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 14, 1939, ANYP; Borg to Franco, Bronx, Nov 10, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 340

Borg to Franco, Miami, Dec 12, 1939, in ibid.; Borg to F, St. Augustine, May 22, 1940; F to Barry, Bronx, May 28, 1940, ANYP. 341

Rescript, SCR, June 20, 1940, no, 4257/40; Franco to F, Rome, June 24, 1940, ANYP. 342

Borg to Franco, Miami, Apr 28, 1942, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65); rescript,SCR, June 7, 1943, no. 4257/40 [sic]; Franco to F, Rome, June 15, 1943, ANYP. 343

Borg to Lynch, Miami, July 3, 1944; Love to Lynch, St. Augustine, May 28, 1945, ANYP; Libro per i Conti della Curia Generalizia, Provincie, 1943, CG. 344

Borg to Bradley, Riviera Beach, Dec 30, 1948, ANYP. 345

Borg to Bradley, Riviera Beach, Dec 30, 1948, ANYP.

55

Congress in 1928.346

He was remembered there for his preaching ability.347

At the chapter of

1934, Smyth was made pastor of Transfiguration in Tarrytown.348

Smyth constantly fought with Flanagan. On one occasion, he was sent to give a mission at a

diocesan parish. When he returned, he gave Flanagan and the assembled community a great

report. Later, when Flanagan met some pastors confirmation, he asked how the mission was.

One of them replied that Smyth had never showed up.349

In Tarrytown, Smyth continued his sorties with Flanagan. He made up a long list of abuses in

1934350

and a few months later, protested a charge he said Doswald, the general, had made

against him.351

In July, 1935, Smyth made a formal accusation that some of the fathers were

spreading stories about him.352

An investigation was initiated by Flanagan at the behest of

Doswald.353

A committee of three did the work and concluded that any charges spoken against

Smyth were unsubstantiated.354

Shortly afterwards, Doswald returned him to Ireland.355

The

following year, he was in a nursing home in Ireland.356

Francis Charles Ronayne

Francis Charles Ronayne was born in Dublin, made his profession as a Carmelite on June 23,

1907. He studied in Rome and was ordained on June 6, 29 1914. After obtaining his STD from

the Gregorian in 1915, he went to Australia.357

An instance of his skill was his translating of

346

Interview with Harold Dempsey,1980. 347

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Bronx, June 4-8, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); AOC 8, 240-1. 348

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976. 349

350

F to Doswald, Bronx, Dec 29, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 351

Smyth to Taylor, Tarrytown, Apr 4, 1935, in ibid.; £f_.Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, June 9, 1935, CG, Hib (1922-38). 352

F to Doswald, Tarrytown, July 1, 1935, ANYP; Smyth to F, Tarrytown, 353

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 4, 1936, ANYP. 354

Report, n.d., CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 355

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 3, 1936, ANYP. 356

Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, Mar 5, 1937, CG, Hib (1922-38). 357

Resume, F. C. Ronayne, CG, Hib (1900-5).

56

French letters for Robert Power.358

In 1920, he went to Rome where he taught at San Alberto,

was a consultor for the Sacred Congregation for Religious (1922-29) and was assistant general

(1921-25).359

He became ill in Rome and took a year and a half of rest before returning.360

Magennis sent him to the United States in late 1927.361

Flanagan was invited by Magennis to go with him to the 1928 Eucharistic Congress in Australia.

He turned down the general's offer. Flanagan went to Ireland that spring with the intention of

establishing a postulancy there. He ended up with two proposals: take over an Irish priory or

establish a postulancy in cooperative effort with the Irish Province. In writing of this to

Ronayne, it is clear that before he left New York, Flanagan had made Ronayne his vicar. He was

also head of the Little Flower Society and prior of St. Simon Stock.362

Flanagan had not planned

on going to Australia but when he was in Ireland, Magennis importuned him into going with

him. Flanagan's comment was in his usual, humble style, "It is certainly very kind of him to ask

me knowing as he does that I am a rather uninteresting companion."363

While at the Eucharistic

Congress, Magennis stayed with some sisters in Lewisham Hospital.364

It had been arranged by

Robert Power for Magennis to stay with the Passionists. As he wrote Magennis, "The

Provincial is an old and true friend and he and his community look on it as an honor to entertain

Fr. General."365

Flanagan was sent to stay with the Passionists. Imagine their surprise when

Flanagan arrived instead of the general.

With Flanagan traveling the seas from Europe to Australia, Ronayne took full control of matters

in the United States. He accepted the resignation of Elias Vella as prior of 28th Street.366

He

signed the contract for the construction of O'Connor Hall at St. Albert's and went ahead with the

preparations for a loan to finance the building. Plans for this had been completed by Flanagan

before his departure.367

When he learned of all this, Flanagan wrote instructions from Rome

358

Power to [Cogan], Alberton, Mar 7, 1916, CG, Hib (1906-21). 359

Resume, cit. 360

Magennis to Franco, SS Ormonde, Mar 11, £1920.7; same to same, Bronx, July 13, 1927, CG, General 2. 361

Ronayne to Barry, Rome, Sept 11, 1927, ANYP. 362

Definitory Minutes, Apr 13, Oct 13, Oct 27, 1927, ANYP. 363

F to Ronayne, Rome, May 31, 1928, ANYP; Magennis to Franco, SS Orama, Aug 10, [1928], CG, Generali 2. 364

Magennis to Franco, Lewisham, Sept 4, 1928, in ibid. 365

Power to Magennis, Middle Park, Mar 28, 1928, in ibid. 366

Ronayne to F, Bronx, June 22, 1928; "Statement of Financial Condition," n.d.; Definitory Minutes, Apr 13, 1927, ANYP. 367

F to Ronayne, Rome, June 23, 1928, ANYP.

57

how Ronayne should gather funds from the various accounts Flanagan had set up to finance

O'Connor Hall. He also suggested that he place an article in the Irish papers telling of the

construction and that the building would be dedicated to O'Connor. Many had already given

money in O'Connor's memory and this had decided Flanagan to name the building in his

honor.368

Flanagan was hoping this trend would continue.

Ronayne held a consultors meeting, assigned Vella as novice master replacing him at 28th Street

with Vincent Smyth and made a few other changes.369

He also arranged for Vincent Coffey to

return to Ireland,370

sought faculties for Kieran Hickey,371

tried to secure sisters for the domestic

work at St. Alberts, took care of the students’ expenses and their promotion of studies,372

hired

Joseph Roy, a layman, to teach math and French at St. Albert's,373

continued negotiations about a

mission in the Philipphines,374

and tried to secure a foundation in Detroit for the Maltese

province.375

Finally, he wired Elias Lynch to profess a student for the commissariate that the

Irish were leery about giving vows to because he was a convert.376

All this is mentioned because there is a well-founded story that Magennis took Flanagan to

Australia to interest him in being the superior there while Ronayne would take his place in New

York. Ronayne actually wrote this to Robert Power in Australia who passed the information on

to Magennis. He, since the story was out, told Flanagan who is supposed to have embarked on

the first available ship.377

368

Ronayne to F, [Bronx], July 3, 1928, ANYP. 369

Ronayne to Coffey, [Bronx], July 21, 1928, ANYP. 370

Ronayne to Carroll, [Bronx], July 28, 1928, ANYP. 371

Ronayne to Mother Clare, [Bronx], Aug 29, 1928. When the sisters were not able to take the position, Ronayne hired a manageress at $80 a month, Definitory Minutes, Oct 23, 1928, ANYP. 372

Ronayne to Colfer, [Bronx], Sept 5, 1928, ANYP. 373

Roy to Ronayne, No. Westport, Aug 31, 1928; Ronayne to Roy, [Bronx], Sept 18, 1928; Roy to Ronayne, No. Westport, Sept 20, 1928; Ronayne to Roy, Bronx, telegram, Sept 22, 1928, ANYP. 374

Ronayne to Jurgens, [Bronx], Sept 21, 1928, ANYP. 375

Ronayne to Gallagher, [Bronx], Sept 21, 1928; Doyle to Ronayne, Detroit, Oct 2, 1928, ANYP 376

E. Lynch to Ronayne, Ardavon, n.d.; Ronayne to Lynch, Bronx, Sept 27, 1928, cable, ANYP. 377

Paul Clery, "Father of the Province: Recollections of Father Robert Power," Nubecula 30 (1979), no 3, 175.

58

Ronayne made a list of the securities in the commissariate's safety deposit box and noted some

were missing.378

According to an account, Ronayne went to St. Simon's and gave two of

Flanagan's account books to one of the housekeepers with the instructions to burn them. In her

simplicity, she kept them thinking they were of some value to Flanagan. On his return from

Australia, the woman gave him the books. He urged her to silence about the matter. Ronayne

held a meeting of his supporters in a New York hotel and then believing the account books were

destroyed, accused Flanagan of misappropriation of funds, Flanagan whipped out the books,

refuted the charges and saved his position as commissary general.379

An assessment of Ronayne by Kilian Lynch who knew him well was that he was ambitious and

lacked common sense. He brought eleven novices to St. Albert's but they were so unsuited that

McGouran, the novice master, had to hide a sixty-five year old hired hand named Matt, when

Ronayne visited the place, lest he put him, too, into the novitiate.380

Flanagan's return was in November, 1928.381

To his surprise a new priory was being built at

28th Street and Vincent Smyth had been authorized to borrow $60,000 for its construction.

Flanagan then had to thank Cardinal Hayes for this permission to build.382

At a consultors

meeting, Ronayne gave a report of his stewardship. He cited how Smyth had contributed $10,000

to the Commissary Fund as a result of his retrenching in 28th Street. With Magennis present,

Ronayne asked that the commissariate be made a province. The group was divided on this and

Magennis felt that two years would be a good time for this. He also used the occasion to point

out that at least two consultors be heard by the commissary general before making changes. This

was a matter being pushed by Ronayne.383

Magennis urged Ronayne to accompany him back to

Rome.384

Flanagan, once he had cleared himself of all charges, assumed control again. He had to face the

loss in the Bronx of Elias Vella who was elected a prior in his province of Malta. He gave a

parishoner, Anna Hart, the Ford sedan Ronayne had purchased.385

He removed Kieran Hickey

378

Lists, Flanagan and Ronayne Papers, ANYP. 379

Interview with William S. Bradley, Terenure, Sept, 1976. 380

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976. 381

Ronayne to Doswald, [Bronx], Oct 26, 1928, ANYP; Magennis to Franco, Middle Park, Sept 16, 1928, CG, Generali 2. 382

F to Hayes, Bronx, Dec 4, 1928; Hayes to F, NY, Dec 6, 1928; Definitory Minutes, Oct 23, 1928, ANYP. 383

Definitory Minutes, Nov 29, 1928, ANYP. 384

Magennis to Antonio, Bronx, Nov 23, 1928, CG, Generali 2. 385

Definitory Minutes, May 30, 1929, ANYP.

59

from 28th Street and sent him to Tarrytown to finish his studies under Christopher Slattery. He

transferred Patrick Russell from the priorship of St. Albert's to the Middletown parish because he

was close to tuberculosis and unable "to deal sternly with some of the buccos." He looked

forward to the opening of St. Simon Stock High School that September of 1929 and then would

build additional classrooms and saw it as a source of vocations and a place "where we can give

our postulants from the city a High School education without having to support them for years in

Middletown," He felt he had been mild in his confrontation with Ronayne but would not allow

his return to New York. Saying that he advocated Ronayne for commissary general when

O'Farrell had died, he went on, "In return I got from him opposition instead of support before I

went away, an endeavor to shanghai me when I went away, and an effort to make my

government of the Commissariat impossible when I returned."386

Ronayne did not go to Rome with Magennis.387

He left the Carmelites and the priesthood. In

1930, Dominic Hastings heard another former priest, Boyd Barrett, allude to a former priest only

by his qualifications. Hastings thought it was Ronayne and learned this to be true when he went

to visit Barrett. Ronayne was seeking some financial assistance and Hastings offered through

Barrett the $11 he had in his pocket. Ronayne had been thinking in the range of $200 - $300.

Hastings offered Ronayne through Barrett a place in Tarrytown at the parish and offered to help

generally if Ronayne would see him. Nothing came of Hastings good intentioned gestures.388

Because of past practices, the property of the Carmelites in Ireland was registered in individual

names of the members of the province. Ronayne was one of the names used for Whitefriars

Street, Dublin. John Cogan's was the other. Flanagan at the request of the Irish Province arranged

a meeting with a lawyer and Ronayne at the Irish Consulate in New York to ask him to sign over

his “property.” When they met in December, 1934, Ronayne remarked that if Cogan died, he

would be the sole owner and his nuisance value quite considerable. After discussion, he signed

on the condition that Flanagan would be a witness. As a result of a long talk they had afterwards,

Flanagan was convinced that he had no intention of resolving his situation.389

Ronayne became the literary editor for the New York Sun, reviewed books for the American

Review, collaborated with Edward J. Edwards, SVD, on his first two books, translated two books

from French for Herder of St. Louis and worked as an outside editor for Sheed and Ward from

1934 to 1941, preparing for publication many of the popular Catholic books of that period.390

In

386

F to Magennis, Bronx, June 13, 1929, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 387

Ronayne was absent for the Feb 19, 1929 Definitory Meeting, Cf_,Minutes, ANYP. 388

Hastings to Magennis, Tarrytown, Apr 7, 1930, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 389

F to Doswald, Bronx, Dec 28, 1934, in ibid. 390

Resume, Ronayne Papers, ANYP.

60

1941, he secured a position at Benziger Brothers where he worked until 1949. During this time,

he worked on all their Latin liturgical books and edited the catechisms of both Fathers McGuire

and Connell.391

In 1950, Ronayne sought to return to the order and the priesthood. Patrick Russell accepted him

with kindness and engineered the process for his regularization. While this was in progress, he

lived at St. Albert's where he also completed his required retreat under the direction of Dominic

Devlin.392

His regularization was completed and he died six months later at a rest home in

Cranford, Rhode Island on September 11, 1950.393

Henri Simon Vital

Henri Simon Vital, a thirty-seven year old school teacher in Montreal, applied to the Carmelites

in 1924. He had been born in Saint Servan, France, spent five years with the Brothers of

Christian Instruction and another five in the British army during World War I serving in the

infantry and as an interpreter.394

He was decorated for this war service and pictures of him exist

wearing a number of decorations on the capuce of his white cloak.

Writing to Gerard O'Farrell in December, 1924, Vital said he had intended to report to St.

Albert's in October but could not get through immigration at Montreal.395

O'Farrell was not

convinced of the seriousness of his efforts but told him to report to St. Albert's.396

He entered

the novitiate and was professed on June 3, 1926.397

He then went on to Rome to study theology.

He made his solemn profession there398

and was ordained priest. He was stationed in 28th Street

but due to his inability to get along with the community, he was called to Rome by Hilary

Doswald who had the idea of using him as an archivist and a curate at Santa Maria

391

Ibid.; Resume, CG, Hib (1900-05). 392

Devlin to Russell, Middletown, July 4, 1950, ANYP. 393

Rescript, Santo Offizio, Mar 31, 1950, no 164/50; M.-L. Cougherty to Devlin, Cranford, Sept 11, 1950, ANYP. 394

Student Application, Catholic Church Extension Society, Vital, Personal File ANYP. 395

Vital to O'Farrell, North Lonsdale, Dec 26, 1924, ANYP. 396

O'Farrell to Vital, Bronx, Jan 16, 1925, ANYP. 397

"Novitiate Register, 1923-66," 8; "Liber Professorum, Irish- American Commissary, May 11, 1924 - Sept 8, 1967." 398

Doswald to F, Rome, June 7, 1929, ANYP; Registrant Professorum San Alberto, 1906-37.

61

Traspontina.399

Vital took a long time to travel to Rome going via Ireland with the proper

permission.400

Once in Rome, Doswald could not give him the intended positions and dallied

over sending him to Nablus. He sent him to Ireland where he thought Vital could be a

compensation for some of the Irish priests serving in New York.401

In 1935, Vital was working again in 28th Street and created an incident by refusing to preach or

read announcements during Mass.402

After being campused, he left the house and went to Mt.

Carmel, Niagara Falls, Canada, from where he wrote the general placing the whole matter before

him.403

Flanagan, at this time, was visiting Los Angeles and had left Kilian Lynch as his vicar.

Lynch, when informed of Vital's presence at Mt. Carmel, ordered him under penalty of

suspension to return. Vital argued that he could not due to immigration laws.404

The next step

was that Flanagan asked Richard Haag, the prior of Mt. Carmel, todiscontinue his hospitality to

Vital.405

The next we hear of Vital he is in Haiti seeking a position.406

He arrived there

directly from Canada using for his passage the funds Flanagan had sent him for his return to New

York.407

Vital returned to New York in the fall of 1936 via Puerto Rico whose Carmelites had sent him to

New York in a $130 stateroom. When Flanagan discovered that a first class ticket cost only $70,

he remarked, "I intend to send the check to Father Raphael [Banon] after a while, but just at

present I am a bit angry about our prodigal son traveling home in a millionaire's suite."408

In the summer of 1937, the Viatorians in Rigaud, Quebec, offered Vital a teaching position at

College Bourget.409

Flanagan readily gave his consent and a six month's leave of absence.410

399

Doswald to F, Rome, Nov 1, 1933; same to same, Rome, Nov 16, 1933, ANYP. 400

Same to same, Rome, Jan 18, 1934; F to Doswald, Los Angeles, Feb 10, 1934, ANYP. 401

Doswald to F, Rome, Feb 17, 1934, ANYP. 402

Vital to [F], NY, Nov 17, 1935, ANYP. 403

McGleenan to [F ], NY, Nov 25, 1935, ANYP; Vital to F, Niagara Falls, Dec 6, 1935, Vital to Doswald, Niagara Falls, Dec 6, 1935 with seven documents (copies), CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 404

Vital to [F], Niagara Falls, Nov 27, 1935; Vital to Lynch, Niagara Falls, Nov 28, 1935, ANYP. 405

F to Haag, Los Angeles, Dec 10, 1935, ANYP. 406

Collin to F, Port au Prince, Jan 10, 1936, ANYP. 407

F to Collin, Bronx, May 20, 1936, ANYP. 408

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 3, 1936, ANYP. 409

Senecal to F, Rigaud, July 8, 1937, ANYP.

62

In 1938 and 1941, Simon Vital was given permission for exclaustration.411

Nothing further was

done either towards incardination or return to the Carmelites until 1964, when Richard Nagle

wrote Vital offering an opportunity to return or be incardinated into some diocese.412

Vital

chose the latter and this was accomplished with his incardination into the diocese of Bathurst,

New Brunswick.413

William S, Bradley

William S. Bradley was pestered with a situation in Ireland whose solution was either a court

case or his removal from Ireland. The Irish Provincial, John Cogan, insisted on the latter. He

also recommended him as a fine person and priest who would be of good use to Flanagan.414

Bradley left Ireland on the SS Corinthia on April 23, 1938.415

Hilary Doswald casually heard of

his coming to America and wrote Flanagan that such an action without his permission could

create difficulties as happened in the past. He told Flanagan to come to some agreement with

Cogan and then Doswald would transfer Bradley to the New York Province.416

Doswald later

approved of the transfer but left Bradley a member of the Irish Province "and as such may

eventually return to it."417

Bradley was not well for his first years in New York but eventually

recovered.418

He was stationed at St. Simon Stock and 28th Street until he returned to Ireland in

1967. He was stationed at Terenure College until his death in 1978.419

410

F to Senecal, Bronx, July 17, 1937; F to Vital, Bronx, Aug 23, 1937, ANYP. 411

Rescript, SCR, Feb 7, 1938, no. 1969/38; Extension, La Puma, Mar 15, 1941, ANYP. 412

Nagle to Vital, NY, Mar 24, 1964, ANYP. 413

Rescript, SCR, Aug 6, 1964, no. 1234/64, ANYP. 414

Cogan to F, Dublin, Apr 25, 1938, ANYP. 415

Interview with William S. Bradley, Terenure, 1968. 416

Doswald to F, Rome, June 14, 1938, ANYP. 417

Cogan to F, Faversham, June 18, 1938, ANYP; Cogan to Doswald, Dublin, June 23, 1938; Doswald to Cogan, Rome, June 26, 1938, in CG, Hib (1922-38). 418

F to Dos, NY, Feb 21, 1940; same to same, NY, Mar 11, 1940, CG, Am Sti Ellae (1939-65); F to O'Shea, Bronx, July 22, 1942, PO. 419

Sr. Mary to Doswald, Sligo, Oct 19, 1937; Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 30, 1937, ANYP.

63

Columba Downey

Columba Downey was a member of the Chicago Province who was not satisfied with its level of

religious spirit. His sister, an Irish nun, wrote Doswald of the matter and he in turn sent the

correspondence to Flanagan.420

Surprised by this mail, Flanagan protested that he knew nothing

of the man especially since he did not belong to his province.421

At the time, Downey was in

Michel, British Columbia, working in a parish. In 1940, he asked Flanagan to allow him to

transfer to his province. To this Flanagan agreed sending Downey to Los Angeles for July and

August and then he would report to St. Simon Stock.422

It seems that he did not leave Michel on

this occasion. Later, Flanagan agreed, along with his definitory, to accept Downey into the

province.423

It was at this point that Downey did report to the New York Province where he

was assigned to vocation work, the first such man so designated in the province.424

Later, he

returned to British Columbia where he apparently was incardinated into the Diocese of

Nelson.425

Dominic Hastings

Dominic Hastings was assistant provincial, prior and pastor of Transfiguration, Tarrytown.

While pastor, a robbery took place. The time happened to be during prohibition and the only

loss to the thieves was Hasting’s cache of liquor stored in the basement.

426 One day in 1933, he

left for vacation taking with him a checkbook and all available cash from the parish and house.427

Without funds and in the absence of one priest, these were difficult days for the parish. The

collection each Sunday carried the place until the next week. Christopher Slattery had to assume

the functions of prior and Dominic Devlin those of pastor. One evening, Slattery made the

420

F to Doswald, Dublin, Nov 15, 1937, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 421

Same to same, NY, Feb 21, 1940, in ibid., (1939-65); F to Downey, Bronx, June 2, 1942, ANYP. 422

F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 17, 1941, ANYP. 423

Downey to Doswald, Michel, Oct 7, 1941; Doswald to Downey, (?), Oct 20, 1941, ANYP. 424

Doswald to Lynch, Bronx, May 7, 1944, ANYP. 425

Doswald to Lynch, Bronx, May 7, 1944, ANYP. 426

Interview with Berthold Forrester, 1980. 427

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976.

64

distinction perfectly clear telling Devlin, "In this house, I'm in charge and over there, you're in

charge.428

During the summer of 1933, Hastings had been located in Ireland and Mel Daly sent him $500

probably for passage home.429

When Hastings did not return, Flanagan began a search for him

through his family, the police and the Department of Immigration. Throughout this search,

Flanagan maintained there was poor keeping of accounts for a year in Tarrytown but that no

funds were missing.430

With a chapter coming in the summer of 1934, Flanagan was reluctant to appoint anyone as

assistant provincial or to the priorship of Tarrytown, both of which Hastings held. He feared he

would be accused of packing the forthcoming chapter.431

Through the efforts of Mother Butler of Marymount, Hastings was finally located.432

He

showed up at Sittingbourne in early 1935.433

Flanagan saw him at Faversham where he

explained that he took his trip with accumulated gifts. He admitted that he did return to New

York from Ireland at one point but went to Philadelphia seeking work. Then he went to France

where he was located by the sisters in Paris.434

Hastings went to a rest center for recuperation and then returned to work in the Irish

Province.435

He served until his death in 1959.

Kieran J. Hickey

Kieran J. Hickey was a member of the 28th Street parish who entered St. Albert's as one of its

first students in 1917.436

He did some schooling in Ireland and entered the novitiate there.

428

Ibid.; F to Doswald, Middletown, Dec 6, 1933, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); same to same, Bronx, Jan 12, 1934, ANYP. 429

Receipt, July 5, 1933, ANYP; B. Devlin to Doswald, Dublin, Jan 21, 1934, CG, Hib (1922-38). 430

Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 22, 1933; F to Doswald, Tarrytown, Nov 11, 1933; Doswald to F, Rome, Nov 14, 1933; F to Doswald, Bronx, Jan 12, 1934, ANYP, 431

F to Russell, Bronx, Mar 5, 1934; same to same, Middletown, Mar 13, 1934; F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 26, 1934, ANYP. 432

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976. 433

Definitory Minutes, Feb 23, 1935, ANYP. 434

F to Doswald, Dublin, Nov 7, 1934, ANYP. 435

Whitefriars 4 (May, 1938) 138.

65

Professed on October 18, 1922, he went to Rome to study philosophy and theology. He suffered

from tuberculosis during his theology years. Having made solemn vows on November 8,

1925,437

he was ordained at the end of his third year of theology on April 7, 1928 and returned

to the United States.

He had obtained his doctorate in philosophy from Academia S. Thomae in 1925-26.438

On his return to the United States in 1928 and until his death in Tarrytown on June 25, 1963 at

the age of fifty-nine, Kieran Hickey was a constant problem. Three successive provincials,

Dionysius Flanagan, Kilian Lynch and Patrick Russell, transferred him constantly, sent him to

the best places available at that time for treatment all with no success. Personality conflicts,

mental problems and alcoholism afflicted this priest. After each lapse, he would be sent to a

house where he would perform work well for a time and then lapse again. Perhaps his best

performance was at Whitefriars, Auburn, where he functioned beginning with the 1949-50

school year for about seven years teaching philosophy. His last post was at Transfiguration,

Tarrytown.439

Stephen A. Piskurich

Bishop John McCort of Altoona-Johnstown wrote Flanagan in 1933 to offer of St. Rochus in

Johnstown to Stephen Piskurich. The bishop feared giving another parish in Johnstown to a

religious community and asked Flanagan that Piskurich be released for a few years, dress as a

diocesan priest and run the parish.440

In reply, Flanagan stated the conditions as being

impossible and that he could not allow any of them.441

After McCort had received a petition

signed by over 500 members of the parish, he wrote again to Flanagan.442

He seems to have

withdrawn his original conditions and said that if Piskurich would rule the parish quietly, then

objections from the local clergy could not arise. He could not give the parish to the Carmelites

436

Isacsson, A History of St. Albert's Jr. Seminary (Maspeth, 1978) 10. 437

Registrum Professorum, San Alberto, 11. 438

Acta Facultatum, San Alberto, 11. 439

Hickey File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP; Lynch to Doswald, Tarrytown, Apr 14, 1947, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 440

McCort to F, Altoona, Sept 14, 1933, ANYP. 441

F to McCort, Bronx, Sept 18, 1933, ANYP. 442

Petition, Sept 28, 1933, ANYP.

66

without the permission of the Holy See but felt he could do this afterwards. McCort wanted

Piskurich as soon as possible and felt that he had removed any objection Flanagan had.443

Piskurich on his own, somewhere in these negotiations, had applied to be pastor of St. Rochus

but McCort had to turn him down unless he could obtain Flanagan's permission.444

After

hearing Piskurich at a definitory meeting, that body concluded the offer was unacceptable unless

provision for a community was provided.445

Flanagan, writing to McCort, would not

recommend Piskurich because of "his inexperience" and cited nationalism as the sole reason for

his application. He also had imposed a general order of silence on Piskurich.446

Stephen Piskurich apologized to the bishop for his "superfluous zeal." In his defense, he stated

that the general had promised permission.447

A Father J. Sostaric was appointed to the parish and this caused Piskurich to protest to the bishop

his handling of Croatian affairs as illustrated in the filling of the pastorate of St. Rochus.448

Leonard Potrykus

Leonard Potrykus was born in Danzig and did his novitiate at San Alberto in Rome.449

During

his theological studies, he was accepted by Flanagan for the newly founded New York

Province.450

He was ordained on July 15, 1934 and came to the United States to work after a visit

to Danzig, In this visit he failed to declare his funds on entry and so could not take them from

443

McCort to F, Altoona, Sept 28, 1933, ANYP. 444

McCort to Piskurich, Altoona, Oct 9, 1933, ANYP. 445

Definitory Minutes, Oct 6, 1933, ANYP. 446

F to McCort, Bronx, Oct 11, 1933, ANYP. 447

Piskurich to McCort, (?), Oct 16, 1934, ANYP. 448

F to Sostaric, Tarrytown, Dec 10, 1933; McCort to F, Altoona, Oct 22, 1934; F to McCort, Middletown, Dec 12, 1934, ANYP. 449

Registrum Professorum, San Alberto, 1906-37. 450

F to Potrykus, Dublin, Nov 5, 1931, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); Definitory Minutes, Jan 7, 1932, ANYP.

67

the country. Doswald and Flanagan both had to send him money and Doswald warned Flanagan

to have someone meet Potrykus at the pier in New York lest he "pull another boner."451

In the fall of 1938, serious and scandalous charges were made against Potrykus by a woman.

Potrykus became absent without leave and by lying obstructed Flanagan's investigation of the

charges. Flanagan suspended him and then, on Potrykus' request, sent him to Our Lady of Mt.

Carmel, Middletown. His arrival was two days after his departure from 28th Street. Flanagan

then asked the general to expel him from the order.452

After some consideration, Doswald wrote Flanagan telling him expulsion from the order had to

be eliminated because it would mean washing Carmelite laundry before the Congregation for

Religious.453

He proposed four possible solutions to the Potrykus problem after meeting with

the curia.454

Potrykus stayed in Middletown into the spring of 1939 when he left and was seen

about New York City in civilian attire.455

After this departure, Doswald mentioned to Flanagan

that it was too bad he had accepted him. Flanagan was quick to remind the general that he had

done so only on the general's recommendation and after he had checked out with him the details

of this recommendation.456

Throughout the remainder of 1939 and into the spring of 1940, Potrykus remained out of the

order.457

In March, 1940, he was the subject of the general's letter to Flanagan. He called for

unconditional surrender, two weeks in a religious house, a thirty day retreat and then assignment

in Puerto Rico. Doswald did think the best solution was secularization.458

That May, Potrykus

was in a hospital in St. Louis but intended to make a retreat on his release.459

451

Doswald to F, Rome, July 14, 1935; same to same, Rome, July 29, 1935, ANYP; Potrykus to F, Danzig-Langfuhr, July 26, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 452

F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 5, 1938; same to same, Bronx, Sept 14, 1938, ANYP; Potrykus documents, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 1, 1938; same to same, Washington, Oct 19, 1938; same to same, Bronx, Oct 25, 1938, ANYP. 453

Doswald to F, Merkelbeek, Nov 30, 1938, ANYP. 454

Same to same, Rome, Nov 18, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 455

F to Doswald, Bronx, Nov 30, 1938; same to same, Bronx, Mar 9, 1939, ANYP; same to same, Bronx, May 19, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 456

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 23, 1939, ANYP. 457

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 14, 1939, ANYP; same to same, NY, Feb 12, 1940; same to same, NY, Feb 21, 1940; same to same, NY, Mar 11, 1940, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 458

Doswald to F, Rome, Mar 14, 1940, ANYP. 459

F to Doswald, Bronx, May 9, 1940, ANYP.

68

The next news we have is that he was leaving for Pernambuco, an arrangement made by

Doswald.460

He did go there461

but in June, 1941, he was collecting funds for Pernambuco in

Milwaukee.462

From Milwaukee, he seems to have gone on to Corpus Christi, Texas.463

There Potrykus found a benevolent bishop and was finally incardinated into the diocese in

1946.464

He served there until 1950 when he was murdered.465

Albert Schwartz

Albert Schwartz was another native of Danzig accepted into the New York Province by

Flanagan. He made his solemn profession in Rome on December 28, 1926466

and was ordained

June 23 three years later. He spent at least two more years in Rome for he received his lectorate

on June 15, 1931 defending the thesis, De Vulneratione Naturae Humanae per Peccatum

Originale.467

He was allowed a year's trial in the province beginning in 1933 and went to Mt.

Carmel, Los Angeles, to teach in 1935.468

There is no documentation of any difficulties

concerning him but he did ask for incardination into the Diocese of San Diego.469

He was

granted a second three years in the diocese in 1945 and there any documentation of him ends.470

460

F to Doswald, ZTBronx ?J, Oct 16, 1940, ANYP. 461

Doswald to F, Chicago, Oct 30, 1940; same to same, Chicago, Nov 12, 1940, ANYP. 462

Doswald to F, Bronx, June 3, 1941, ANYP. 463

Potrykus to F, Rome, Nov 14, 1941; same to same, Skidmore, Jan 21, 1942; Doswald to F, Washington, Jan 10, 1942, ANYP. 464

Ledvina to Potrykus, /Corpus Christ£7, Dec 1, 1945; Doswald to Vicar General, Bronx, Jan 6, 1946; SCR to Doswald, Rome, Jan 28, 1946; Doswald to Vicar General, Bronx, Mar 20, 1946; Procurator General to SCR, Rome, Apr 16, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 465

Interview with Berthold Forrester, 1980. 466

Registrum Professorum, San Alberto, 1906-37. 467

Acta Facultatum, San Alberto, 24-5. 468

F to Cantwell, Bronx, June 18, 1935; Definitory Minutes, Mar 21, 1933, ANYP. 469

Petition, Schwartz, San Bernadino, June 27, 1945, ANYP. 470

Buddy to Doswald, San Diego, Sept 21, 1945; same to same, San Diego, Sept 22, 1945, ANYP.

69

Francis Bartolo

A member of the Maltese Province, Francis Bartolo had worked with the Carmelites in Australia

for six years, serving for a time as novice master. In return for his labor, the Australians sent

money to support his aged father in Malta. They felt in 1936 that they could not continue this

arrangement and so Bartolo sought to establish a similar arrangement with Flanagan.471

Flanagan

wrote the provincial in Australia, Paul Clery, for his approval of such a transfer and asked his

opinion of Bartolo. Probably this was done verbally at the suggestion of Flanagan during Clery's

trip to Rome in late, 1937.472

Flanagan asked Bartolo for the financial terms. These were stated

as £4 per month for his father.473

Nothing further was done despite a good recommendation

from Clery and the fact that Bartolo had made his way as far as Philadelphia.474

Gabriel Nalty

Gabriel Nalty of the Australian Province had a personal difficulty in which Doswald thought a

new environment would be of assistance. He asked Flanagan if he would accept him.475

Memebers of the New York Province who studied with Nalty in Rome testified to his

character.476

Flanagan agreed to accept Nalty as arrangements were being made in late 1941 for

him to come to the United States by ship.477

He did arrive in Los Angeles in late November or

early December, 1941 and worked with the Carmelites there for a while.478

He was then called

to the Bronx where he functioned at St. Simon's for a while.479

471

Bartolo to F, Melbourne, Oct 25, 1936, ANYP. 472

F to Clery, Bronx, Jan 8, 1937, ANYP. 473

F to Bartolo, Bronx, Jan 8, 1937, ANYP. 474

Bartolo to F, Melbourne, Feb 25, 1937, ANYP. 475

[Clery] to F, Middle Park, Mar 12, 1937, ANYP. 476

Doswald to F, Bronx, June 7, 1941, ANYP. 477

Clery to F, telegrams, Sept 24, 1941 to Nov 18, 1941, ANYP. 478

Nalty to F, Los Angeles, Dec 4, 1941, ANYP. 479

F to Nalty, Bronx, Dec 9, 1941; F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Jan 9, 1942; Gaffney to F, NY, Jan 15, 1942, ANYP.

70

John R. Galvin

John Richard Galvin was an Irishman who had completed his philosophy and theology at the

seminary in Waterford, Ireland, before he came to New York to join the Carmelites. He was

professed on August 30, 1925.480

Having completed his studies, he was ordained apparently

without solemn vows on March 28, 1926.481

In 1939, he was admitted to New York's St. Francis Hospital where he was diagnosed as an

active tubercular case.482

He was sent to the sanitarium at Gabriels, New York, where his

condition was always considered poor. He became worse in March, 1941 and died at Gabriels on

the 18th of that month.483

He had been the first ordained for the New York Carmelites.

Philip McGouran

Philip McGouran, a member of the Irish Province who intended to remain such,484

died in New

York on August 7, 1937.485

He had spent all his priesthood in the United States and was novice

master for some eight years. His poor health lead to his appointment as the chaplain on a liner

making the first direct crossing from New York to Dublin. It was only a few weeks after this

tour that he died.486

Elias F. Holland

Elias Francis Holland, an assistant at St, Simon Stock, was taken ill in the summer of 1941.

After an operation, his condition worsened because of internal infection. He died at the age of

thirty-seven on December 12, 1941. He had been stationed at 28th Street for eight years, was the

480

Novitiate Register, 1923-66, 5; Liber Professorum, Irish-American Commissary, 1924-67, 481

Isacsson, Carmel in New York, 1906-26 (Maspeth, 1982) 228-34. 482

Schweitzer to Daly, NY, Apr 6, 1939, ANYP. 483

F to Doswald, NY, Feb 21, 1940; same to same, NY, Mar 11, 1940, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65); McCauley to F, Gabriels, telegram, Mar 14, 1941, ANYP. 484

McGouran to F, Bronx, July 16, 1935, ANYP. 485

AOC 9, 146. 486

Whitefriars 3 (Sept, 1937) 270.

71

chaplain of the Tyrone Men's Society and had been named assistant provincial at the chapter of

1940.487

His untimely loss was felt throughout the province.

Ailbee McNamee

Ailbee McNamee, a member of the Irish Province, wrote Flanagan asking for a transfer to the

New York Province.488

Citing the fact that he had only recently worked in both American

provinces, Flanagan called it unfair to the New York Province, and to McNamee himself to have

him return.489

Surely a devious answer for Flanagan's own reasons. Another request of

McNamee remained unanswered.490

Kevin Morrissey

Kevin Morrissey, while stationed at 28th Street, had what was referred to as a "Monster Bingo"

at Manhattan Center. Due to the pressure of the preparation and the actual event itself, he was

given ten days vacation. He left for this on December 26, 1940 and did not return. He lived in

New York and worked on the docks. Through the efforts of his cousins, the Gallaghers of Paoli,

Pennsylvania, he returned to the Carmelites in August, 1941. After doing a retreat at Auriesville,

New York, that October, he was sent to Mt. Carmel in Los Angeles where he served for many

years achieving fame for his annual entertainment, Showboat, for the benefit of the school. When

the houses in California were joined to the Chicago Province, he chose to remain there and lived

in California until his death on January 11, 1975.491

Some Others

Celestine Gerard Fitzpatrick had served two years in Dublin and three in Faversham when he

came to work in the New York Province in 1936.492

487

New York Times, Dec 14, 1941, 69; Catholic News (New York) Dec 20, 1941. 488

McNamee to F, Knocktopher, Jan 14, 1936, ANYP. 489

F to McNamee, Bronx, Feb 18, 1936, ANYP. 490

McNamee to F, Knocktopher, Mar 10, 1936, ANYP. 491

Morrissey File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 492

Fitzpatrick File, ANYP.

72

An offer to have Louis Gerhard, a native Australian, back in the United States was flatly turned

down by Flanagan on the grounds that Gerhard did not have a high regard for authority.493

A great loss to Flanagan was the Maltese Carmelite, Elias Vella. He had been novice master and

one of the founders of St. Simon Stock Parish. On a visit to his native Malta, he was elected

prior of Notabile. Flanagan was distressed at this event calling it a "severe blow." His request

for Vella's return has no answer extant.494

493

F to Magennis, Bronx, June 13, 1929, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 494

F to Azzopardi, Bronx, May 29, 1929, ANYP.

73

Chapter 5

Student Education

From the school year of 1933-34 to the school year of 1937-38, the New York Province's college

students resided at the Carmelite College, also called St. Therese House of Studies at 1600

Michigan Avenue in Washington. Doswald even proposed a joint house for both provinces in

Washington, It was customary for the students on the completion of college to go to Rome for

theology. Flanagan delegated Hastings to investigate the Roman education and also check into

the possibility of doing their novitiate in Ireland, The 1934-35 school year saw Columba

Staunton, Emmanuel Hourihan and John Howe among those attending Catholic University, The

fall of 1936, Brendan Hourihan, having obtained his degree at the university, left for Rome and

the study of theology.495

Flanagan at the beginning of 1937 was thinking of some other arrangements for the students in

Washington. Matthew O'Neill wrote him saying he was trying to sell his excess land in

Washington and hoping to raise $250,000 to $300,000. He wrote Flanagan since Doswald had

told him he was interested and asked him such.496

Nothing was done but Flanagan did obtain

permission in January, 1938, to purchase a place in Washington provided he incurred no debt

and obtained the necessary ecclesiastical permissions.497

When he asked George Klasinski, the

prior of the Carmelite College, if he could send five for residence the next year, the reply was

that the college had room only for two.498

Flanagan knew something had to be done before the

school year.499

He determined to get a place in Washington because of the promise of the

students. He had no difficulty with the theologians as they would all go to Rome.500

James Sullivan, a Washington realtor and lawyer, located a house for him at 1225 Randolph

Street, NE, for the rent of $74 a month. By the end of August, arrangements were made.501

495

Washington File, Flanagan Papers; Definitory Minutes, May 23, 1933, Aug 6, 1933, ANYP. 496

O'Neill to F, Chicago, Feb 20, 1937, ANYP. 497

Doswald to F, Rome, Jan 3, 1938, ANYP 498

F to Klasinski, Bronx, June 24, 1938, ANYP. 499

O'Neill to F, Joliet, July 23, 1938; Klasinski to F, Washington, July 14, 1938, ANYP. 500

F to O'Neill, Bronx, July 28, 1938; F to Doswald, Bronx, Aug 11, 1938, ANYP. 501

Sullivan to F, Washington, Aug 10, 1938; F to Sullivan, Bronx, Aug 12, 1938; Sullivan to F, Washington, Aug 24, 1938; F to Sullivan, Bronx, Aug 27, 1938, ANYP.

74

Fortunately, he was able to obtain permission for the house from the Baltimore chancery.502

He

named Celestine Fitzpatrick as the prior.503

The story of the 1938-39 school year in this house

has been told elsewhere. The one thing that appears from this narration and the regimen of the

house is that it must have been a difficult year attending class and following a strict house

schedule.504

Flanagan realized that the Randolph Street house was a solution for an emergency and sought a

larger and more permanent place. Fitzpatrick located one near the university and the Michigan

Avenue bridge. The price was around $40,000.505

Flanagan went to Washington with William

Bradley and they saw the house Fitzpatrick had in mind. It belonged to Dr. Leo Stock, a history

teacher at the university. An apartment was built just next to him and he was in a sense prepared

to hold out for a good price as his real estate had become a good prospect. Meanwhile, Flanagan

was seeking permission from Doswald for the purchase, was making offers and looking for other

places.506

He obtained permission from the general507

and finally located a large house that

suited his purposes and purse. It was located at 1300 Newton Street, NE. Mr. and Mrs. Lorenzo

Di Guilian, the owners, accepted Flanagan's offer of $27,500 and procedures for purchase

started.508

In the title search, it was discovered that the title carried a covenant lasting until 1947 forbidding

the rental or sale to anyone of "negro blood or race.509

Between March and May, 1939, the

students gradually moved into the new residence.510

502

F to Nelligan, Bronx, Aug 30, 1938; Nelligan to F, Baltimore, Aug 31, 1938; F to Nelligan, Bronx, Sept 3, 1938, ANYP. 503

F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 5, 1938, ANYP. 504

Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, Sept 15, 1938, ANYP; Isacsson, "St. Elias House of Studies, Washington, DC, 1938-40," 0ccasional Papers, 3. 505

F to Doswald, Bronx, Nov 15, 1938; Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, Nov 9, 1938, ANYP. 506

F to Doswald, Bronx, Nov 30, 1938; Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, Dec 5, 1938, ANYP; Doswald to Padre (?), Paris, Dec 12, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); F to Doswald, Bronx, Dec 19, 1938; Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, Jan 4, 1939, ANYP. 507

Doswald to F, (?), Dec 21, 1938, telegram, ANYP. 508

Sullivan to F, Washington, Jan 27, 1939; F to Curley, Bronx, Jan 16, 1939; Nelligan to F, Baltimore, Jan 20, 1939; F to Fitzpatrick, Bronx, Jan 15, 1939, ANYP. 509

Sullivan to F, Wasington, Feb 17, 1939. Deed was signed Mar 2, 1939 and recorded Mar 8, 1939, DC, Lib 7322, p 394. 510

Washington File, Flanagan Papers, passim, ANYP; AOC 10, 408,

75

In an attempt to avoid paying taxes on the new house, documents were submitted to the district

government.511

This petition was turned down and the lawyer of the Carmelites, John Sullivan,

thought a letter to the proper Bronx congressman would be of some help but he wanted to see

Flanagan in person before he wrote such a letter.512

The Carmelite students proposed a procession on the campus of Catholic University for the Feast

of Our Lady Of Mt. Carmel. The idea was approved especially in conjunction with the fiftieth

anniversary of the university.513

Fitzpatrick, searching for a preacher for the occasion, suggested

John Maher.514

Flanagan apparently nominated William Bradley and he was approved for the

occasion.515

The procession took place on July 16 with over 800 participants followed by Mass

according to the Carmelites' Ancient Rite, benediction and enrollment in the Scapular. Hilary

Doswald was present and gave the Papal Benediction.516

Perhaps prompted by this cooperation,

Flanagan gave $250 to the university's Golden Jubilee Fund.

After attending summer school, the students went to St. Albert's for a period of vacation.517

John Matthias Haffert wanted to spend the school year of 1939-40 at St. Elias House of Studies

and give classes in scapularia. Flanagan thought it not prudent to allow him and thought his

presence, since he had been a professed student with the Chicago Province, might cause ill

feeling between the provinces.518

The year of 1939-40 began with seven students at the house519

. With war in Europe looming, it

was feared that the students there might have to return.520

Fitzpatrick began preparations for this

influx, making room at the house and alerting the university. He saw the possible difference in

the teaching cycle as a problem but borrowing a phrase from Flanagan, promised to do the best

511

Fay to F, Washington, June 24, 1939; affadavit, Fitzpatrick, [1939], ANYP. 512

Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, June 7, 1939, ANYP. 513

McCormick to Fitzpatrick, Washington, May 19, 1939, ANYP, 514

Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, June 7, 1939, ANYP. 515

Nelligan to Fitzpatrick, Baltimore, July 11, 1939, ANYP. 516

Norman G. Werling, "Scapular Feast Echoes," Sword 3(1939) 455-6, 517

Fitzpatrick to F, Washington. Aug 1, 1939; F to Fitzpatrick, Bronx, Aug 6, 1939, ANYP. 518

Same to same, NY, Sept 11, 1939, ANYP. 519

Report of Marks, Washington File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP, 520

Doswald to F, Rome, Sept, 20, 1939, ANYP.

76

he could.521

Doswald decided on their return without regret and was grateful that Flanagan was

prompt in depositing money in the New York account to provide for their transportation.522

The

Roman students arrived in New York on October 15 on the Rex and went to Washington to

resume their studies.523

Flanagan suggested to Fitzpatrick that he engage someone to teach elocution in the house. Not

only would this provide needed preachers but Flanagan thought that having class in the house

might assist in obtaining tax exemption.524

With the influx of the Roman students, building that had been planned by Flanagan for 1941 had

to be done in 1940.525

He told Fitzpatrick to see John Sullivan and get his ideas about an

addition to the house.526

Sullivan also began to look for a larger house and alerted Flanagan that

the Atonement Friars wanted to dispose of twenty of their thirty acres. It was located near the

university and he feared that competition for the land would be keen.527

A Mr. Parkhill came to

St. Elias to plan some remodeling. His plans were turned down by the district because they

included wood.528

He then came up with a plan that would enclose a porch for an estimated

$978.529

Meanwhile, Flanagan learned that the Atonements were asking $10,600 an acre, a figure he felt

rather high and he planned to let the matter go. It was a chapter year and he wanted to leave the

matter to the new administration, at least that's what he told the Atonements.530

The Atonement

general, Bernard Foley, agreed the price was too high but that was what their board had

established and was reluctant to sell for less. He would meet after the Carmelite chapter and try

to reduce the price. As he said, "It seems that we ought to do business. In Washington you have

521

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 2, 1939, CG, Am, Sti Eliae (1939-65); Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, Sept 27, 1939; same to same, Washington, [Sept, 1932], ANYP. 522

Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 5, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 523

F to Doswald, NY, Oct 14, 1939, ANYP. 524

F to Fitzpatrick, NY, Oct 17, 1939, ANYP. 525

F to Russell, Bronx, Dec 15, 1939;, ANYP. 526

F to Fitzpatrick, Bronx, Oct 25, 1939, ANYP. 527

Fitzpatrick to F, Washington, May 8, 1940, ANYP. 528

Same to same, Washington, June 3, 1940, ANYP. 529

Same to same, Washington, June 14, 1940; Parkhill to Fitzpatrick, Washington, June 12, 1940, ANYP. 530

F to Foley, NY, June 11, 1940, ANYP.

77

not enough land and we have too much, and when all is said and done we are all Religious and a

few thousand dollars should not concern us too much."531

In July, Flanagan wrote Fitzpatrick that an addition would not be required as he was going to

place some students in the newly opened Whitefriars Hall. He would not even enlarge the

chapel. He told him Berthold Forrester was appointed prior of St. Elias and to remain there until

he arrived.532

That August, Parkhill asked what he should do with his plans especially since he

would soon have a building permit.533

Flanagan told him to go ahead with the chapel

enlargement.534

Preparing for school in September, 1940, turned out to be quite a problem. In conversation with

Doswald, Flanagan told him he was sending the students to Whitefriars Hall and Doswald in turn

told Matthew O'Neill, the Chicago provincial.535

Flanagan then told Klasinski at Whitefriars that

six would be staying with him.536

Doswald then told Flanagan that there was limited room at Mt,

Carmel in Niagara Falls and so he should send his college students to live at Whitefriars and

attend Catholic University.537

Flanagan wrote O'Neill that if he had known this in advance, he

could have rented the Newton Street house. So he would leave six theologians there and send his

seventeen other students to reside at Whitefriars. Then he announced his intention to sell the

Newton Street house by the end of the school year and have all his students reside at

Whitefriars.538

This was agreeable to O'Neill and he said he would relay the information on to

George Klasinski. It seems that eventually, fifteen did reside at Whitefriars that year.539

This

resulted in some additional costs, as Flanagan, seeing his students, thought some looked shabby

in their habits. So he wanted them to get new habits and also ordered outer cloaks for walking to

the university in the winter.540

531

Foley to F, Garrison, June 15, 1940, ANYP. 532

F to Fitzpatrick, NY, July 8, 1940, ANYP. 533

Parkhill to F, Washington, Aug 14, 1940, ANYP.

534 F to Parkhill, Bronx, Aug 16, 1940, ANYP.

535

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Aug 9, 1940, ANYP. 536

F to Klasinski, Bronx, Aug 20, 1940, ANYP. 537

Doswald to F, Chicago, Aug 27, 1940, ANYP. 538

F to O'Neill, Bronx, Sept 1, 1940, ANYP. 539

O'Neill to F, Chicago, Sept 5, 1940; Klasinski to F, Washington, Sept 22, 1940; bill, Catholic University, Oct 15, 1940, ANYP. 540

F to Daly, Bronx, Oct 15, 1940, ANYP.

78

Worried because he had never paid any taxes on the Newton Street house, Flanagan told

Berthold Forrester to investigate the matter.541

He learned that $855.72 was due.542

This he

paid under protest.543

Early that fall, the renovation of the chapel was completed.544

With the students taken care of for the immediate future, Flanagan turned to establishing a

permanent foundation in Washington. His feeling was that the province should have its own

house in Washington where the students would feel more at home.545

Gabriel Pausback

suggested to him that he buy land near Whitefriars where the price was $3000 to $3500 an

acre.546

The Atonements modified their price to $9000 an acre for four acres with an option to

buy two or three more within the next three years, Bernard Foley, the general, defended the

price by saying they had paid $5750 an acre for thirty-three acres. As a selling point, he

suggested to Flanagan that he make an offer of $35,000 for four acres and that this would

probably be accepted.547

This, however, was turned down by Flanagan and his definitory.548

The Paulists were interested in selling land and Flanagan went to look it over. They were willing

to sell two acres and possibly more. An appraisal was suggested so that an offer could be made.

The Atonements appeared not very anxious to sell since they merely accepted Flanagan's refusal

and stated their reluctance to sell for a price Flanagan offered to them verbally.549

Flanagan

promised to consult his definitory indicating that negotiations had not broken down.550

The Paulists asked for $30,000 an acre for land between Fourth and Hamlin Streets.551

This was

rejected by Flanagan.552

Perhaps prompted by the Paulists' high price, Flanagan offered the

541

F to Forrester, Bronx, Oct 21, 1940, ANYP. 542

Forrester to F, Washington, Oct 23, 1940, ANYP. 543

Tax bill, Washington, Nov 11, 1940, ANYP 544

Bill, Oct 23, 1940, ANYP. 545

Definitory Minutes, Sept 21, 1942, ANYP. 546

Pausback to F, Washington, Aug 31, 1940, ANYP. 547

Foley to F, Garrison, Sept 16, 1940, ANYP. 548

F to Foley, Bronx (?), Oct 1, 1940, ANYP. 549

F to Doswald, Bronx (?), Oct 16, 1940, ANYP. 550

Foley to F, Garrison, Oct 18, 1940, ANYP. 551

F to Foley, Bronx (?), Oct 21, 1940; same to same, Bronx (?), Nov 13, 1940, ANYP. 552

Forrester to F, Washington, Nov 20, 1940; plot plan enclosed, ANYP.

79

Atonements $7000 an acre with a total expendiure of $35,000.553

The offer was accepted and

Flanagan took five acres.554

Flanagan's lawyer would allow payment only on the transfer of the

deed and at that time, he promised to pay in cash the entire amount.555

He then set about to

gather his funds tapping John Maher, for one, for assistance.556

The ordination class of 1941 - John Howe, Columba Staunton, Emmanuel Hourihan and

Alphonsus Galligan - realizing that 175 were to be ordained at the crypt of the National Shrine,

asked Flanagan if they could be ordained at St. Patrick's Cathedral with the Dunwoodie group.

Their reason was that there was little room at the shrine and not much chance for their relatives

and friends to view the ceremony. Flanagan did not reply by mail but simply noted at the bottom

of the letter, "No! Told Berthold Forrester."557

Forrester then had to request $60 for the printer for ordination invitations. Advanced payment

was required.558

Flanagan was reluctant to send the needed money. Writing back, Forrester

assured the provincial that he had obtained the lowest possible price and would not have asked

for the money if the price was not reasonable. He confessed that he had never heard of deacons

paying for their invitations. Concluding, he stated that if he did not have the money, then the

friends of the ordinandi would have to pay.559

Flanagan eventually did give the funds but added

an instruction:

For your information and instruction, I wish to call your attention to the

fact that the parents of these boys have contributed very little to their

education and up-keep during the past eight or ten years that they have

been with us, and now after the Order expending approximately $5000 for

their education, we are expected to go to the further expense of inviting

their parents and friends to their ordination and first Mass. I believe this is

the least the parents should do if they want to attend. A little common

553

F to Renton, Bronx (?), Dec 16, 1940, ANYP. 554

F to Foley, Bronx (?), Nov 25, 1940, ANYP. 555

F to Forrester, Bronx, Dec 2, 1940, ANYP. 556

Same to same, Bronx (?), Dec 5, 1940, ANYP, 557

F to Maher, Bronx, Dec 4, 1940, ANYP. 558

Ordinandi to F, Washington, Mar 4, 1941, ANYP. 559

Forrester to F, Washington, Apr 26, 1941, ANYP.

80

sense would be a valuable asset when considering the demands of the

young men with whom you have to deal.560

With the prospect of the students all being in residence at Whitefriars Hall the following year,

Flanagan sought and obtained permission to sell the Newton Street house.561

Benignus

Gallagher of the Third Order Regular of St. Francis of Hollidaysburg, PA, came to see the house,

was pleased with it and offered to buy. When told the price was $35,000, he stated that this was

a large sum for his order and asked the lowest price.562

In reply, Flanagan said he wanted to

dispose of the property because of the larger accommodations at Whitefriars. Saying that the

house was a good building and that he had spent much in improvements, he cited $30,000 as his

lowest price. He confessed that he would be making no profit at that figure.563

After he had all

ready for the purchase, including his deposit check, Gallagher was turned down for permission

by the Archbishop of Baltimore. He asked Flanagan not to mention this denial to save him

embarrassment.564

The Franciscans offered later $27,500 and because this would be a loss, Flanagan refused.565

He

did this despite the fact that Gallagher had sent a contract for $27,500 and a deposit of $500. He

also felt that most of the furnishings would be left in the house.566

The Franciscans increased

the offer to $30,000 which Flanagan quickly accepted.567

The terms were $10,000 cash with the

balance to be paid within three years at 4% interest. Sullivan had set up the terms and offered to

take the mortgage himself if Flanagan was not interested.568

Correspondence ensued between Flanagan, Gallagher and Forester concerning the furnishings.

Gallagher sought these and Forester was agreeable but with the understanding that Flanagan

560

A moderate rending of Flanagan's letter in possession of B. Forrester and seen by author. 561

Forrester to F, Washington, Apr 30, 1941, ANYP. 562

F to Forrester, Bronx (?), May 1, 1941, ANYP. 563

F to Gallagher, Los Angeles, May 20, 1941, ANYP. 564

Gallagher to Forrester, Hollidaysburg, May 19, 1941, ANYP. 565

F to Forrester, Los Angeles, May 23, 1941; Sullivan to F, Washington, May 23, 1941; F to Sullivan, Los Angeles, May 23, 1941, ANYP. 566

Gallagher to F, Hollidaysburg, May 23, 1941, ANYP. 567

Forrester to F, Washington, May 26, 1941, telegram; F to Forrester, Los Angeles, May 26, 1941, ANYP 568

Sullivan to F, Washington, May 28, 1941, ANYP.

81

approved.569

Gallagher then denied that he had asked for the furnishings and would not consider

buying them. He told Flanagan to remove all he wanted.570

Flanagan, saying that he had

consulted his definitory, agreed to leave all there except the bed clothing and vestments.571

He

arranged for the students to go to Whitefriars572

and agreed to take back the mortgage.573

On

July 8, 1941, the Franciscans took over the premises.574

Throughout July and August, the

signing of the deed was completed by mail. There was a delay due to the fact that the

Franciscans owed Sullivan fees for the transfer and he would not send them the deed until these

were paid.575

The Franciscans were able to make the final payment for the Newton Street house in early

January, 1942. Sending the money to Flanagan, Sullivan expressed the regret they had made

payment so soon as the deal arranged was a good investment.576

A difficulty arose over the property purchased from the Atonements. Flanagan had paid taxes for

1943 and half of 1944 but had not paid the taxes for 1942. When any yearly tax was not paid,

the land could be bought for the taxes owed. This was a regulation of the district, C. B. Rout

bought up the Carmelite property and would actually take possession of it on January 19, 1945.

With this loss in sight, Flanagan sent the $727.02 due and the problem was solved. It was no

oversight on his part as the Atonements had promised to pay the taxes for the period of 1942.

With the payment, the problem was solved.577

569

F to Gallagher, [Bronx], June 18, 1941; F to Forrester, Bronx, June 20, 1941; Forrester to F, Washington, June 22, 1941, ANYP. 570

Gallagher to F, Hollidaysburg, June 23, 1941, ANYP. 571

F to Gallagher, [Bronx], June 26, 1941; same to same, Bronx, July 3, 1941, ANYP. 572

F to O'Neill, [Bronx], June 25, 1941; O'Neill to F, Chicago, June 28, 1941, telegram, ANYP. 573

F to Sullivan, [Bronx], July 7, 1941, ANYP. 574

F to Sullivan, [Bronx], July 7, 1941, ANYP. 575

Sullivan to F, Washington, July 22, 1941; F to Sullivan, [Bronx], July 25, 1941; Sullivan to F, Washington, Aug 23, 1941, ANYP. 576

Sullivan to F, Washington, Jan 19, 1942, ANYP. 577

O'Callaghan to F, Washington, Jan 4, 1944; Wray to F, Washington, Dec 30, 1943, ANYP.

82

Beginning with the 1941-42 school year, tuition at Catholic University for theologians rose from

$150 to $300 and in an attempt at economy, theology classes were begun that September at

Whitefriars Hall. Some of the New York students did continue their studies at the university.578

Exaggerating somewhat the costs, Flanagan wrote to the pastors of each of his parishes telling

them of the definitory's decision to take up a collection at each parish for the support of the

students.579

The returns recorded were far from satisfactory.580

That same year, there was some discontent on the part of the students at Whitefriars but the prior,

George Klasinski, faced a provincial visitation with confidence and equanimity.581

The Chicago chapter of 1939 had agreed to accommodate New York students for a period of

three years. Since that time was drawing to a close, Flanagan was anxious to know if the

arrangement would continue. He was pleased with the past three years and sought a renewal.582

O'Neill promised his support at the forthcoming chapter in June, 1942, but had to confess, "I can

not say at this time just what policies or regulations will be introduced.”583

Apparently, the

proposal to continue the arrangement carried and the Hall was set to receive the students for

1942-43.584

There were two students doing college at Niagara Falls in 1941-42, Maurice Hogan and James

Reilly.585

Getting the tuition payments from Flanagan required a bit of correspondence but

eventually, all was paid.586

The next year, he had five to send to Niagara Falls and this was

agreeable to the community there. That September, he would have six theologians and nine

college men at Whitefriars.587

One of the 1942-43 students, Raphael Webster, was found to be

deficient in Latin and the faculty at Niagara Falls thought it better he return to St. Albert's for the

578

Flanagan Papers, Washington File, passim, ANYP. 579

F to pastors, Bronx, Jan 15, 1942, ANYP. 580

O'Dowd to F, NY, Feb 24, 1942; Lynn to F, Los Angeles, Feb 19, 1942, ANYP. 581

Klasinski to F, Washington, Feb 17, 1942, ANYP. 582

F to O'Neill, Bronx, May 13, 1942, ANYP. 583

O'Neill to F, Joliet, June 4, 1942, ANYP. 584

Same to same, Joliet, Aug 6, 1942, ANYP. 585

Hogan to F, Niagara Falls, Jan 18, 1942; Haag to F, Niagara Falls, Jan 22, 1942, ANYP. 586

F to Haag, Bronx, Jan 17, 1942; same to same, Bronx, May 19, 1942; Haag to F, Niagara Falls, May 29, 1942; Cahill to F, Niagara Falls, June 15, 1942, ANYP. 587

F to Haag, Bronx, Aug 20, 1942; Haag to F, Leavenworth, Aug 25, 1942; F to O'Neill, Bronx, Aug 28, 1942, ANYP.

83

completion of his high school Latin.588

Flanagan wired, "Fr. Albert Daly is writing you

concerning studies of Raphael Webster."589

Apparently, the student remained.

One of the students had an uncle being married in Transfiguration in Tarrytown. His permission

to attend was denied by Flanagan despite the offer of his father to pay the fare.590

The petition

of another student to visit his brother, whom he had not seen in four years and was now entering

the service, received the reply, "It is altogether contrary to our customs."591

Looking forward to the summer, Emmanuel Hourihan visited the students and told them of the

vast amount of work to be done at St. Albert's. So in a rather veiled fashion they asked Flanagan

for summer plans mentioning this possibility.592

He ordered them to report to St. Albert's as

soon as they could after exams.593

Flanagan had to send the fare as American funds were not

obtainable because of currency regulations.594

From the time of the first vocations among the New York Carmelites, the students were sent to

Rome for their philosophy and theology studies. The schedule at San Alberto began with

meditation at 5:30 AM. There were three hours of class each day, an hour siesta and about three

hours of study. Silence was always observed in certain parts of the house. There was a required

walk of about two hours each day except Friday when there was choir practice.595

In those days there was no actual vocation recruitment but certain friends of the New York

Carmelites were on the lookout for likely prospects. The Carmelites in Moate, Ireland, and a

friend of Patrick Russell in Inverness, Quebec, were two such prospectors.596

During his 1927 vacation, Stephen Piskurich was allowed to go from Rome to Croatia to visit

relatives. While there, he was robbed of his funds and sent an urgent appeal to Ellas Magennis in

588

Cahill to F, Niagara Falls, Sept 6, 1942, ANYP. 589

F to Cahill, Bronx, Sept 9, 1942, telegram, ANYP. 590

Le Blanc to F, Niagara Falls, Feb 9, 1943; F to Le Blanc, Bronx, Feb 12, 1943, ANYP. 591

Hogan to F, Niagara Falls, Nov 22, 1942; F to Hogan, Bronx, Nov 30, 1942, ANYP. 592

Fratres to F, Niagara Falls, Easter Tuesday, 1943; F to Fratres, Bronx, Apr 29, 1943, ANYP. 593

Haag to F, Niagara Falls, May 16, 1943, ANYP. 594

F to Haag, Los Angeles, May 24, 1943, ANYP. 595

Schedule, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 596

Doohan to F, Moate, Nov 30, 1930; Egan to F, Moate, July 2, 1932; Beaudoin, to Russell, Inverness, Jan 20, 1932, ANYP.

84

Rome. He described his situation, "la mia condizione e desperata," Through a friend at the Irish

College, Ivor O'Hare, Magennis was able to get the necessary funds to Piskurich.597

Kevin Morrissey, Albert Schwartz and Joseph Larsen spent some time studying theology under

Simon Schmitt at Nablus, Palestine. Morrissey and Larsen were ordained there with one of the

Chicago Province's men on May 21, 1932. They both wondered if they were to go to the United

States.598

Both Larsen and Morrissey seem to have been sent to Rome for their final year of

theology. Disappointed at this prospect, Larsen wrote Flanagan saying he thought he was to visit

his mother in Denmark and return to the United States. He told how each was given only $37,50

from the $100 Flanagan had sent each. On complaint to Schmitt, Larsen was told to keep quiet.

He told Flanagan how horrible the two years before ordination were at Nablus and he did not

view the prospect of going to Rome and Doswald with any pleasure. As he put it, "I was not

glad when I learned that another year is in store for me under men who - salve reverentia -

sanctioned this."599

Life in Nablus was not pleasant and was complicated by the warfare of the

Moslems and Jews that kept the students indoors for periods of time.600

On their return from Rome, Sean Reid, Albert Daly, Bernard Daly and Kevin Morrissey seemed

to have been able to secure permission to visit Ireland, something not to be granted in the

future.601

Richard Nagle did his novitiate at Kinsale (1932-33).602

At his profession on October 19, 1933,

he was sent to Rome to do his philosophy at San Martino also known as Pio Undecimo.603

In the fall of 1934, Flanagan sent Hilary Grahame to Rome stating that he had had five years of

philosophy. The reason for the delay seems to have been the objections of John Maher to him.

But as Flanagan noted, "Vehemence of his accusations destroyed their effectiveness,"604

When

he had made his solemn profession in Rome, Grahame wrote Flanagan that he was trying to be

good to prove himself. Admitting his wrongs of the past, he stated he was the victim of

circumstances in Middletown. He recalled with some obvious fondness Flanagan's last words to

597

Magennis to Antonio, Rome, Sept 18, 1927, CG, General! 2. 598

Morrissey to F, Nablus, July 21, 1932; Schmitt to F, Nablus, Apr 12, 1932, Larsen File, ANYP. 599

Larsen to F, Rome, Aug 21, 1932, ANYP. 600

Morrissey to F, Nablus, n.d., ANYP. 601

Daly to F, Rome, Apr 27, 1933; Reid to F, Rome, May 4, 1933; Daly to F, Rome, May 11, 1933, ANYP. 602

Nagle, Personal File, ANYP. 603

Nagle to F, Kinsale, Oct 18, 1933, ANYP. 604

F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 14, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

85

him, "I will save you in spite of yourself."605

Ordained in December, 1937,606

Grahame wrote

Flanagan, as he was about to return to the United States, asking that because he had been away

from home for seven years, could he visit his family as long as possible so that he might try his

utmost to convert his brothers to the true faith.607

Flanagan replied that the best he could do

was give five weeks.608

Returning at the same time and asking for the same Irish visit was

Richard Nagle. He was told to come home directly,609

The manly and religious attitude with

which he accepted this order was observed and complimented.610

There were problems with the students in Rome. Louis Ulzheimer was suffering from a stomach

ailment and the suggestion was that he return to the United States.611

Flanagan suggested that

he be sent to Germany or Holland to continue his studies.612

Instead, he was sent back to

America and in the course of this negotiation, Flanagan invited John Brenninger to visit the

United States. He replied simply, "But there will never be the possibility."613

John McGrath was sent home from Rome for smoking and not doing as well as he could in his

studies. His appetite was seen as an expression of his materialism.614

McGrath spent some time

in Middletown but eventually was sent to Chicago to finish theology with the Chicago Province's

students and was ordained before Christmas, 1937.615

Gerard McCarthy tried to visit Ireland on his return from Rome but was told to return directly so

he could register for summer school at Fordham.616

605

Grahame to F, Rome, Apr 8, 1936, ANYP. 606

Whitefriars 4(Jan, 1938) 19. 607

Grahame to F, Rome, May 2, 1938, ANYP. 608

F to Grahame, Bronx, June 1, 1938, ANYP. 609

F to Pausback, Bronx, June 1, 1938, ANYP. 610

Pausback to F, Rome, June 18, 1938, ANYP. 611

Brenninger to F, Rome, Mar 11, 1935, ANYP. 612

F to Brenninger, Bronx, Apr 16, 1935, ANYP. 613

Brenninger to F, Rome, May 4, 1935, ANYP. 614

Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 15, 1935; Driessen to F, Rome, Nov 16, 1935, ANYP. 615

McGrath to Doswald, Middletown, Feb 12, 1936, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); McGrath, Personal File, ANYP. 616

McCarthy to F, Rome, May 9, 1935, ANYP; F to McCarthy, Bronx, May 28, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

86

Stating that he had enough dead wood, Flanagan instructed the general in Rome not to advance

any of his students unless they improve in studies and observance. He called one student home

and asked that another repeat a year, so firm was he in his resolve.617

On his return to the United States, Albert Ward was given permission to visit his family in

England and then stop in Ireland. It was only after repeated requests that he was able to get the

funds to carry out his plans.618

He left on his tour June 30, 1937.619

Dionysius Murphy was ordained in Rome, July 10, 1938. During his fourth year, he became ill

but continued on through the year.620

He left Rome for Ireland where he rested until coming to

the United States.621

Brendan Hourihan was afflicted in Rome with some stomach trouble. During his first two years,

he was frequently ill but felt all right after that period. He had hopes of completing his course in

Rome.622

He did and was ordained there on July 9, 1939.623

John Howe and Columba Staunton also suffered from illness in Rome and sought to return to the

United States, To Howe, Flanagan wrote saying he was unduly worried and would write his

superiors to get him another doctor.624

To Staunton, he sent another type of letter. He blasted

him for obtaining permission from the general to visit his family in Ireland and overstaying his

time. Flanagan wondered why the illnesses he had did not appear when he was visiting Ireland.

He even attributed his doleful descriptions of his illness to his poor exam marks.625

Staunton

replied with a detailed defense of himself and his Ireland visit. He told Flanagan he would obey

his order to remain but resented his lack of trust.626

The end of the episode was that Flanagan

wrote Gabriel Pausback, assistant general, that he obtain a doctor to examine the two students

617

F to Brenninger, Bronx, Aug 8, 1936; F to Doswald, Bronx, Aug 29, 1935, ANYP. 618

Ward to F, Rome, Apr 15, 1937; same to same, Rome, May 25, 1937; same to same, Rome, June 21, 1937, ANYP. 619

Chronica Coll., 19. 620

Whitefriars 4(July, 1938) 218; (Aug, 1938) 254; AOC 10, 107; Hourihan to F, Rome, June 22, 1939, ANYP. 621

Murphy to F, Moate, July 11, 1939; Brenninger to F, Rome, June 19, 1939, ANYP. 622

Hourihan to F, Rome, June 22, 1939, ANYP. 623

AOC 10, 336. 624

Howe to F, Rome, July 20, 1939; F to Howe, Bronx, Aug 8, 1939, ANYP. 625

Staunton to F, Rome, July 20, 1939; F to Staunton, Bronx, Aug 8, 1939, ANYP, 626

Staunton to F, Vico Equesne, Aug 21, 1939, ANYP.

87

and then keep them there. As he said, he could not be paying for trips back and forth across the

Atlantic.627

As the fall of 1939 approached, conditions in Europe grew more and more ominous. Assurances

were given by the Vatican that in case of war, those foreigners who wanted to leave would be

allowed to go. As September began, there were some doubts whether school would start at San

Alberto.628

That October, Doswald sent all the students to their home countries.629

In 1936, a report was made to Rome on the vocation situation and the education of students in

the province. Four students were doing theology in Rome, one in Chicago; five were doing

college at Catholic University, one in Middletown and one at Niagara Falls. Maher, who made

up the list, stated that there were two other theologians in Rome and perhaps as an indication of

his anti-Irish attitude, stated that he knew nothing about them. They were Eugene McCallen and

Denis Murphy. Dionysius McCarthy, having finished third theology, was listed as domiciled in

Middletown,

St. Albert's had a faculty of seven and fifteen students not counting first year of high school.

They had five periods each morning and a half hour of religion each afternoon. Music and

Physical Training helped fill out the rest of the afternoon. The curriculum was strictly college

preparatory.630

As a result of encouragement from one of his professors, Donald O'Callaghan undertook the task

of writing the history of the Carmelites in the United States. Flanagan allowed him-to spend the

summer at St. Simon Stock and do research. That same summer, Alphonsus Galligan asked to

attend summer school rather than go to St. Albert's. Openly, this was his ploy to avoid the

regime of John Maher at the seminary. When he learned that Maher was going to Europe that

summer, he gladly went to St. Albert's for the vacation period.631

When quieried by Thomas Ingrisano about the province's efforts towards establishing a mission

overseas, Flanagan replied that he had spoken to Archbishop O'Doherty [sic] of Manila in 1930

627

F to Pausback, Bronx, Aug 17, 1939, ANYP.

628

Pausback to F, Rome, Sept 5, 1939, ANYP. 629

Chronica Coll., 28. 630

[Maher] to Lynch, Middletown, Nov 29, 1936, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1931-64). 631

Klasinski to F, Washington, May 20, 1938; F to Klasinski, Bronx, May 30, 1938; O'Callaghan to F, Washington, May 30, 1938, ANYP.

88

and corresponded with Bishop Jurgens of Tuguegarao. Not willing to admit failure, Flanagan

said that Los Angeles was a halfway house to the Philippines.632

1944 saw Gregory Smith, Thomas Ingrisano and Gabriel Kearney ordained.633

A doubt about

third year ordination was fortunately dispelled634

and 1946 saw Philip Dolan and Leonard Love

ordained.635

The next year, they were followed by Jerome Bauer, Vincent McDonald, Francis

Donohue, James Reilly and Lawrence Mooney.636

The number of priests ordained these years

allowed the province to improve its manpower situation, Especially were they an aid, with their

degrees from Catholic University, in staffing the training facilities of the province.

In the commissariate days, there was no person actually working on vocations. All applications

came to the commissary general who with his advisors made the decision on admission,

Jeremiah O'Mahoney, on his apostolate work with the Catholic Church Extension Society, was a

valuable source of prospects.637

Padraig Quinn of East 19th Street did many of the medical

exams required in the application process, A number of men from St. Simon Stockwere among

those interested and accepted. In the time that he was Flanagan’s vicar, Francis Ronayne seems

to have literally hustled around for vocations.638

The war did cause a decrease in the number of prospects due to conscription but no student had

to serve and in this sense, the war did not injure the vocation picture.639

It was not until 1943, that Flanagan sent Alphonsus Galligan traveling through New England and

upstate New York to talk in schools and recruit students. He also tried to raise funds for the

missions where he was able to get in on the Mission Cooperative Plan, In the spring of 1943, he

was taken from this work and Albert Daly did some of the bookings he had made. In late 1943,

Galligan entered the service as a chaplain and his vocation work ended.640

632

F to Ingrisano, Bronx, Nov 24, 1938, ANYP. 633

Sword 8(1944) 223-4. 634

Doswald to Brenninger, Chicago, May 22, 1945, CG, General. 2. 635

Sword 10 (1946) 207-8, 216. 636

Ibid., 11(1947) 180-3. 637

Isacsson, "Msgr. Jeremiah P. O'Mahoney," Occasional Papers. 638

Ronayne Papers, ANYP, 639

Vinculum 1, 68. 640

Vocation File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP.

89

In that same year, Columba Downey was stationed at Tarrytown and did vocation work. He

advertised and spoke in schools. He received many favorable responses and his efforts

accounted for the rise in enrollment at St. Albert's. In 1945 and 1946, Donald O'Callaghan and

Gregory Smith spoke in schools recruiting for St. Albert's. They assisted Finbar Lynn who had

been assigned as vocation director for the province.641

641

Vocation File, ANYP; Vinculum 1, 69.

90

Chapter 6

The Scapular Militia

In 1938, Donald O'Callaghan, as a student, wrote an article for the Sword called, "A Scapular

Bureau." The article was concerned with establishing in each country a bureau that would collate

Scapular miracles and publish them as a means of fostering Scapular devotion. The second

recommendation of the article was that each parish should publicize each week the indulgences

that could be obtained by Scapular wearers on various feasts.642

This idea took the form of reality but not for the above purposes. A scapular bureau, called the

Scapular Militia, was established at the 28th

Street parish in the spring of 1941. There is no

documentation to establish the exact date or the people who originated the idea. Hilary Doswald

said four years after the foundation that "Pausback and I" conceived the idea of giving a Scapular

or Scapular medal to every Catholic in the armed forces. The venture was approved by

Archbishop Spellman and the Militia achieved its goal and reawakened Scapular devotion in the

United States. He further said that John Matthias Haffert became the head of the Scapular

Militia after the departure of Gabriel Pausback to Australia.643

John Matthias Haffert had been a student with the Chicago Province and after leaving the order

when he was not promoted to solemn vows, he was hired by Dionysius Flanagan to teach French

at St. Albert's. He was grateful to Flanagan for this position and dedicated an issue of the

students' publication, La Presse de St. Albert to Flanagan.644

While at St. Albert's, Haffert taught

a course on the Scapular. From his notes for this course, he intended to write a book. He sent an

outline to Doswald for his approval.645

The book, Mary in Her Scapular Promise, was published

in 1940 and went through a number of editions and printings. That same year, Haffert began

lecturing on the Scapulr to various groups.646

In that spring of 1941, Gabriel Pausback began the Scapular Militia with $400 by publucizing its

institution and purpose. He sought letters of support and approval from the bishops of the

country and received these from at least fifteen bishops. That July 16, the Scapular shrine at the

642

Sword 2 (1938) 441. 643

Doswald to Brenninger, Bronx, Apr 29, 1945, CG, General! 2; Norbert Piper, "The Scapular Militia," Sword 6 (1942) 46-7. 644

Haffert to F, Middletown, June 5, 1939, ANYP. 645

Haffert to Doswald, Middletown, Feb 9, 1940, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 646

Haffert to F, Sea Isle City, Sept 30, 1940; F to Haffert, Bronx, Oct 7, 1940, ANYP.

91

28th Street church was rededicated and the then Monsignor Fulton Sheen preached for the

occasion. Volunteers were sought to make Scapulars, purchasing the panels, cloth, strings ans

sewing instructions from the Militia. The finished Scapulars were sent to the Militia who offered

them gratis to chaplains. Each Scapular was inserted into a printed leaflet. John M. Haffert

began working for the Militia and also promoted his book through the organization.647

Flanagan

obtained approval for a new translation of the Flos Carmeli for use by the Militia.648

April 7, 1941, Haffert wrote Flanagan to say that he had been working on the idea of a magazine,

getting ideas, training and planning. He intended to see both Flanagan and Pausback to explain

the venture to them. He was also appreciative of Flanagan's encouragement in the venture.649

Within a few days, he sent Flanagan an outline of the editorial plan of the publication. He

planned a circulation of 5000 with expenses estimated at $8000 and income at $9500. His salary

would be $25 a week and he had already solicited articles. He also had the personnel he planned

to sign up.650

Flanagan held a meeting of his definitory and they were so opposed to the

magazine idea, expressed by their negative votes, that Flanagan could do nothing.651

Haffert then proposed a Marian magazine that would be published by a number of orders. Each

order would have four pages for itself and 4000 subscriptions would easily pay the costs. The

Scapular Press, founded by Haffert for his book, would be the publisher. In presenting this

proposal to Flanagan, he recalled to him that he had brought him to New York to begin a

magazine.652

Though the Marian Fathers were interested in the venture, Flanagan said he could

do nothing because only he on the definitory was in favor of the proposal.653

Pausback was

opposed to the joint magazine apparently on the grounds that without territorial division among

the orders, the different editions would conflict in distribution.654

Though Haffert at one time seems to have abandoned the idea of the cooperative magazine, he

was still working on it. He also found time to deliver a mixed complaint. He expressed to

647

Whitefriars 3(Sept-Oct, 1941) 187; New York Times, July 17, 1942; Scapular Militia Scrapbooks; Definitory Minutes, Apr 15, 1941, ANYP. 648

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Apr 1, 1941; Mclntyre to F, NY, Apr 12, 1941, ANYP. 649

Haffert to F, Sea Isle City, Apr 7, 1941, ANYP. 650

Same to same, Sea Isle City, Apr 10, 1941, ANYP. 651

F to Haffert, Bronx, Apr 15, 1941, ANYP. 652

Haffert to F, [Sea Isle Citv], Apr 17, 1941, ANYP. 653

Same to same, [Sea Isle City], Apr 19, 1941; F to Haffert, [Bronx]. , May 2, 1941; Definitory Minutes, Apr 15, 1941, ANYP. 654

Haffert to F, Sea Isle City, May 4, 1941, ANYP.

92

Flanagan that the Scapular Militia was going ahead like an express train without "the greatest

possible care about track-laying.655

Kilian Lynch was opposed to the magazine because he felt a religious ought to be in charge.

Haffert had the Montfort Fathers interested and was still working on other orders.656

Within a

few weeks, he had to abandon the magazine idea because of his work at the Scapular Militia.657

While working at the Militia, Pausback also was involved in Third Order work. On one occasion

in 1942, he received 500 at Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Church in Brooklyn raising the chapter's

enrollment to 1183.658

The May, 1941, issue of Ecclesiastical Review had an article by John M. Haffert entitled,

"Scapular or Scapular-Medal." In the article Haffert stated that a grave reason was needed to

substitute the medal for the cloth Scapular.659

That fall, Pausback sent a Scapular medal to Rome asking for an opinion on its validity. It was

being distributed by a non-Carmelite group to the military.660

No reply is extant but this request

shows the concern of the Militia over such matters and a desire to control the Scapular business.

A press release sent out by Gabriel Pausback covered an interview with Hilary Doswald on the

material needed to make a valid Scapular. Doswald called the sale of invalid felt Scapulars a

"grave injustice to millions of Scapular wearers throughout the United States."661

The Militia

also sent out a general letter citing, but not giving the specific source - the Ecclesiastical Review

to the effect that Scapulars must be made of wool. Felt Scapulars, especially those in some First

Communion sets, were classed as invalid.662

Francis Mclntyre, vicar general, sent a handwritten

memo to Flanagan suggesting it would be better to see the makers of such invalid Scapulars

rather than injuring the good faith of so many.663

Flanagan pointed out to Mclntyre that the

companies making such invalid Scapulars had been seen but they persisted in their course and

655

Same to same, [Sea Isle City], May 6, 1941, ANYP. 656

Same to same, Sea Isle City, May 8, 1941, ANYP. 657

Same to same, NY", May 27, 1941, ANYP. 658

Vinculum 3, 198. 659

Ecclesiastical Review (May, 1941) 104. 660

Pausback to Couto, NY, Oct 22, 1941, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 661

Press release, Scapular Militia, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 662

General letter, Scapular Militia, Apr 13, 1942, ANYP. 663

Mclntyre to F, NY, n.d., memo, ANYP.

93

hence the interview with Doswald as an attempt to correct the problem. He then rather boldly

told Mclntyre that he could have phrased his comments a little more delicately.664

The conflict over the Scapular material seems to have ended at this point but there was a

continuing debate over the Scapular versus the Scapular medal though the course of the war.

The Militia, it would seem, did distribute the medals for use especially in warm climates like the

Pacific area. The curia was slow in deciding whether the medal could replace the Scapular but a

statement was finally issued by Doswald and Pausback on December 25, 1946. This reprinted an

article by Bartholomew Xiberta from II Monte Carmelo. The decree of Pius X allowing the

medal extended the indulgences and favors of the cloth Scapular to the medal but expressed the

wish to maintain the traditional use of Scapulars. The medal substituted for the cloth but only the

latter embodied perfectly the spirit of the devotion. To say the medal is only tolerated was cited

as an error; it substitutes for the Scapular. Xiberta's article was cited as the sensus communis of

the order. "Consequently, it is the duty, the sacred duty, of a Carmelite to stress and preach the

cloth Scapular. It is also the duty of a Carmelite to give the medal freely to whosoever asks for

it." Provincials were then made responsible for any article on the Scapular and medal published

under their jurisdiction. Articles on the Scapular and medal, presumably by Carmelites, must be

sent first to the curia for approval.665

So with this, the position of the order on the Scapular and

medal was clearly stated.

Haffert in his work was the principal catalyst for such a statement. By his language and

emphasis, he presented the medal as something less than the Scapular. His statements in the early

days of the Militia were very strong and really not in accord with the decree of Pius X.

The Scapular Militia, beginning in the spring of 1941, composed a series of leaflets stating the

purpose and goals of the organization. "A Scapular and Medal for Every Catholic Service Man,"

was the motto.666

Degrees of membership in the Militia were according to the number of

Scapulars made. Instructions on making Scapulars and an explanation of the devotion were

also made up.667

Into that fall, the work went on to the point where in October, 50,000

Scapulars were completed with another 100,000 in process. Pausback also tried to preach in

every Carmelite parish to raise funds for the Militia.668

From St. Raphael's, where he did not

preach, $25 was sent as a contribution.669

664

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Nov 29, 1941,(third version) ANYP. 665

"The Scapular and the Medal," (Rome, 1947), CG, Generali 2. 666

O'Hara to F, NY, May 2, 1941; Scapular Militia Scrapbooks, ANYP. 667

Pausback to F, NY, July 11, 1941, ANYP. 668

F to pastors, [Bronx], Oct 16, 1941, ANYP. 669

F to Russell, £Eronx7, Oct 29, 1942, ANYP.

94

Haffert wrote Flanagan a potentially dangerous letter. He stated that he had heard a rumor

Flanagan wanted to make the Scapular Press, the organization Haffert had created as the

publisher of his Scapular book, the official organ of the province to distribute the work Haffert

was doing.670

Flanagan seemingly did not reply.

The fact that Haffert, a layman, was giving lectures on the Scapular was a problem for the vicar

general of New York, Francis McIntyre. One lecture at the Assisium was supposed to have been

attended by McIntyre but he had to leave before the lecture. Haffert regretted this absence

saying that if McIntyre had heard this simple essay on the Scapular, he would have urged Haffert

to repeat it as "frequently and ubiquitously" as possible.671

This letter, sent to McIntyre and a

similar one sent to Archbishop Spellman, were forwarded to Flanagan for his comments.672

Flanagan regretted that Haffert was persisting in his Scapular lectures and that these were a

source of annoyance to the archbishop. Flanagan also saw McIntyre and mentioned in his

comments that he had told Haffert the Carmelites would not sponsor or approve any lectures in

New York. Flanagan had known nothing of the Assisium lecture which Haffert had arranged on

his own though he did use the Militia's stationery. He then assured McIntyre that as long as

Haffert was associated with the Carmelites, he would not lecture in New York on any subject.673

Haffert also went to see Mclntyre and reported that he was at first antagonistic but did give him

permission to lecture in New York.674

His version, if true, was never put into practice. Haffert

would give many Scapular lectures outside of New York, but it seems he never gave any more in

New York during Flanagan's time.

The Scapular appeared first under the date of January-February, 1942 as an 8 1/2" by 11" four

page publication. It was totally concerned with the work of the Scapular Militia and contained a

list of "Unit Builders."675

Augustine Carter, then the student body president at Mt. Carmel in Los Angeles, sent the Militia

a donation of $100 that had been raised by a St. Patrick's Day dance.676

670

Haffert to F, NY, Sept 1, 1947, ANYP. 671

Haffert to McIntyre, NY, Dec 17, 1941, ANYP. 672

Mclntyre to F, NY, Dec 18, 1941, ANYP. 673

F to Mclntyre, [Bronx], Dec 23, 1941, ANYP. 674

Pausback to F, NY, Dec 31, 1941, ANYP. 675

Scapular Militia Scrapbooks, ANYP. 676

Carter to F, Los Angeles, Mar 18, 1942; F to Carter, [Bronx], Mar 23, 1942, ANYP.

95

As the Scapular Militia grew in its work, a number of problems developed concerning personnel

and living arrangements. Pausback, for instance, was living at 28th Street but was not offering

the house intention. He appealed that curia funds are separate and that he did a lot of supply

work in the parish. The community, however, was going to bring the matter to the general's

attention.677

John Haffert conceived a plan by which the organization would be divided into the Scapular

Bureau and the Scapular Militia. The Bureau and the Militia would each have separate accounts

and functions. Pausback would direct the Bureau; Haffert would be its co-director. Haffert would

be the director of the Militia and Pausback the Religious Director. He thought the time ripe for

such a division as Pausback would be returning to Rome after the war. Another reason was that

both divisions were in their infancy and could be corrected and amended in their operations.

Haffert also enclosed a contract for himself.678

The day after he wrote this letter to Flanagan, Haffert issued a press release stating that Pausback

would take care of all problems relating to the Scapular brought up by the clergy and would care

for the shrine. Haffert would take charge of the Militia. The announcement made an

accomplished fact what he had proposed to Flanagan. Pausback sent this release to Flanagan

with the request that the two of them talk before the forthcoming definitory meeting.679

Almost a month later, nothing had been done about the proposal sent Flanagan by Haffert.

Pausback wrote telling how much work the Militia was doing, what the assets were and how

much the organization had done for the parish. He then got down to the real business by saying

that because he was not in charge, Haffert was going to work for the Militia only three days a

week for $20 a week. Pausback feared this amount of time would not be sufficient to defer him

from the draft as an essential worker. Pausback approved the plan submitted by Haffert for the

division saying that character and temperment inclined him to the position where he had to be in

charge. He suggested a trial period for this division when he would be absent from the office,

August 15 to September 12.680

Flanagan was not moved and insisted that he would do nothing

about Haffert's place in the Militia until he had spoken with Pausback. He told Pausback he

would be meeting with the definitory around the end of August.681

677

Pausback to F, NY, May 11, 1942, ANYP. 678

Haffert to F, NY, July 8, 1942, ANYP. 679

Pausback to F, NY, July 9, 1942, ANYP. 680

Same to same, NY, Aug 3, 1942, ANYP. 681

F to Pausback, /Bronx/, Aug 4, 1942, ANYP.

96

Meanwhile, the Chicago Province, in order to cooperate more fully with the Scapular Militia,

asked that one of their members be on the Board of Directors.682

Doswald nominated Silverius

Quigley for the post. To this Flanagan agreed.683

The definitory meeting was held on September 21, 1942. It approved of a board composed of

Pausback, Quigley, Sean Reid, Mel Daly and, of course, Flanagan. The plan advanced by

Pausback and Haffert was approved but the provincial and the board of directors were to write

the job descriptions. Haffert was to be paid $35 a week and would receive ten percent of the

gross above $15,000 and also ten percent of the net profit.684

Pausback passed these decisions on to Haffert who was not pleased by them. He saw as the

problem that power was not in the hands of guiding director - himself - but in the hands of the

on-looking co-director, Pausback. Haffert said he earned the Militia's money but had no say in

spending it. He wanted to build up a working capital of several thousand to organize self-

supporting units. He also wanted to be able to spend the funds he amassed with the co-agreement

of another but not at the total disposition of another. The Bureau funds were separated from

those of the Militia and he had started a separate fund for the shrine to further conserve the

Militia's funds. Haffert would take care of the Militia fund and he said Pausback could have the

other two for his "general hobbies." He also said that he loved Pausback so much that he would

limp along with a debt rather than hurt him. That, he said, was the reason he sought a new

course through the definitory.685

Haffert was not satisfied with the way things were going under

the direction of Pausback's leadership and sought more control to develop the Militia in the

direction he wanted.

Daly, Reid and Flanagan, members of the board of directors of the Militia, met on October 6. A

suggestion by Mel Daly that Haffert be on the board was tabled until Flanagan could get the

definitory's consent. The bank accounts and the signatures required on checks were also

discussed. The agreement with Haffert was reviewed and it was agreed that he could be

dismissed only for incompetence. The financial arrangements were also restated.686

Two days

later, another meeting of the board was held with the same three members present along with

Haffert himself. Previous decisions of the definitory on the separation of functions at the office

were approved, Haffert's salary was reviewed and the basis for dismissal was gone over. To this,

however, six months notice was added. One new item established was board membership. It

682

Doswald to F, New Baltimore, Aug 20, 1942, ANYP. 683

F to Doswald, Bronx, Aug 24, 1942, ANYP. 684

Definitory Minutes, Sept 21, 1942; F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 22, 1942, ANYP. 685

Haffert to F, NY, Sept 24, 1942, ANYP. 686

Minutes, Oct 6, 1942, ANYP.

97

was to be composed of the provincial, the religious and lay directors of the Scapular Apostolate -

a new term, one appointee of the Chicago Province and two by the New York definitory. The

religious director was to be appointed by the definitory. The vote, should it occur for Haffert's

incompetency, had to be two thirds. Two signatures were required on each bank account. The

activities of the Bureau and the Militia were listed.687

The ownership of the Scapular Press was

later transferred to the Carmelites in 1943.688

The work of the Militia continued on during the war. Haffert also promoted Mary in Her

Scapular Promise through his work and Flanagan sent many copies to various sisters and

convents.689

A new in-house organ, Scapular Militia Leader's Bulletin, was begun to effect

better organization and communication.690

As Donald O'Callaghan was finishing his theological studies in 1944, it was apparent that he was

to become the replacement for Pausback at the Scapular Apostolate. Pausback had left in 1944

to visitate the Australian Province. A misunderstanding had arisen between Flanagan and

Haffert earlier that year.691

Pausback also wrote from Australia to impress upon Flanagan the

need for O'Callaghan to work full time at the Scapular Apostolate in order to keep John Haffert

in line and the whole movement within the confines of Catholic theology and philosophy. As a

Marian movement, it was important to have a Carmelite involved.692

In replying to Pausback,

Flanagan mentioned that it would be that May, 1944, that Donald O'Callaghan would take over.

Flanagan saw difficulties but he and Kilian Lynch were going to talk with Haffert about them

before O’Callaghan would take over.

693

The Scapular had begun as a newsletter for the Scapular Militia. Haffert expanded and

developed it until it became a bi-monthly magazine. All of this was done without any

authorization by the definitory and in a period when the province was committed to publishing a

co-operative edition of The Carmelite Review. After 0'Callaghan was assigned to the Militia

office, he asked that The Scapular be the province's official publication. No answer was apparent

687

Minutes, Oct 8, 1942, ANYP. 688

Definitory Minutes, Sept 20, 1943, ANYP. 689

Haffert File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 690

Scapular Militia File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP.

691 Haffert to Haffert (Fr. J), NY, Mar 20, [1944], ANYP.

692

Pausback to F, Melbourne, Mar 28, 1944, ANYP. 693

F to Pausback, Bronx, May 11, 1944, ANYP.

98

at that definitory meeting but the magazine did become this in actuality. At the time, the

Militia's financial report showed it with a $14,000 profit but this was mostly assets.694

Two years later, it was acknowledged that The Scapular had become the official publication of

the province when the arrangements with The Carmelite Review ceased.695

With the war ended and the demand for Scapulars declined, the income of the Scapular Militia

just about ceased. A meeting of what seems to be a few more than the board of directors was

held on January 28, 1946, to discuss this problem of income. No conclusion was reached at the

meeting but another session was scheduled for the end of February.696

With the arrival of Donald 0*Callaghan on the scene, the days of John M. Haffert at the Scapular

Apostolate were numbered. The reason for bringing Donald into this work seems to have been

to control Haffert. So from the very reason for his presence, forgetting the two personalities, a

conflict was inevitable. The actual conflict and its culmination cannot be gone into at this time.

Some beginnings can be seen in a letter of Haffert to Flanagan in which he states that he had

been offered a house in the Bronx for a year, rent free.697

Then in another to 0'Callaghan, he

complained of office inefficiency and pointed out three areas that three men should be

promoting: Christmas cards, Scapular manufacturing and the Pilgrim Virgin.698

It would seem

that Haffert had already decided to expand into these areas and this was his way of informing

O'Callaghan. This was the beginning of a great war.

694

Definitory Minutes, July 5, 1944, ANYP. 695

Ibid., Jan 28, 1946, ANYP. 696

Minutes, Jan 28, 1946, ANYP. 697

Haffert to F, (?), Aug 16, 1947, ANYP. 698

Haffert to O’Callaghan(?). Aug 16, 1947, ANYP.

99

Chapter 7

Finances

Records of the finances of the commissariate and the province are quite complete. From them,

we have a good idea of how hard the Carmelites worked in this period and how much they

contributed to the general welfare of the order. The system followed in the early days of the

commissariate was that the surplus of each house was sent to the Commissary Fund. In some

years, there was a quota for each community. Gradually, this formalized system faded and the

surplus simply was sent or requested for this commissary/provincial fund,

A twenty year statement made in 1946 gives us a view of the major sources of income and the

expenses of the group.

Income from the Little Flower Society: $232,035,69

Purchase of four parcels at St. Albert's: $26,250.00

O'Connor Hall: $228,996.08

Contributions to Rome (San Alberto, San Martino, General): $34,197.88

Mt. Carmel High School construction, Los Angeles: $101,249.00

New kitchen facilities at St. Albert's:

$29,831.26 Renovation of The Thistles, St. Albert's: $45,603,03

Purchase and repair of Whitefriars, Auburn: $34,864,65

St. Raphaels' Los Angeles, made a contribution of $2500 in 1936 and Mt. Carmel a total

contribution of $8730.26 in 1943 and 1945.699

In 1926 there was a quota for each house and the surplus from the fathers' account was sent to

the Commissary Fund. Even though $11,000 was spent on maintenance at St. Albert's, there was

a surplus of $20,000 that year.

With the Little Flower Society contributing $45,000 in 1927 and a donation of $14,500 to San

Martino, that year ended with a surplus of $72,160 plus $24,850 in securities. 1928 ended with a

surplus of a little over $25,000.

1.

699 Twenty Year Statement, 1926-46, P.S.E., N.Y., CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65).

100

The Little Flower Society contributed almost $57,000 in 1929 and this was fortunate because

$102,643.17 was spent on O'Connor Hall in addition to $18,705.72 for seminary maintenance.

The surplus that year was only $9000 but $17,000 was paid off a construction loan of $19,754.

The contributions of the houses in 1930 were as follows:

St. Simon Stock: almost $12,000 Transfiguration: $3450

28th Street: $10,000 Our Lady of Mt. Carmel: $3200

That year, $23,000 was paid off on loans and the Little Flower Society brought in $45,000

leaving $43,197.34 in savings remaining that year.

The savings in 1931 grew to almost $63,000 despite a contribution of $10,000 to San Martino.

$19,042.22 was loaned to Tarrytown in 1932. In this year, the accounts are difficult to follow

because the surplus is placed among the expenses as a "bank deposit." Despite the Tarrytown

loan, the savings seem about the same as at the end of the previous year.

The general received $5000 in 1933 and there was almost $30,000 in savings at the end of that

year.

The expenses for 1931-34 were $137,711.89 with an income of $161,606.59 for the same period.

The surplus of $23,894.70 combined with the savings of $43,197.34 at the start of the period

gave a total surplus of $67,092.04 for the three years.

$91,000 was spent for Mt. Carmel, Los Angeles, from July, 1934 to June, 1935. July, 1935 to

June, 1936 saw a loan of $20,000 to St. Raphael's and in the following year, $7109 was spent for

building at Mt. Carmel. Despite these expenses, there was a balance of $32,044.50 for this three

year period plus over $42,000 in loans made by the province.

In 1937-38, $8000 was loaned to Tarrytown. From 1937 to 1940, $42,267.55 was spent to

purchase property in Washington and at St. Albert's. Despite these major outlays, the balance at

the end of the fiscal year in 1940 was $41,353.17.

The period of 1940-43 ended with $138,038.35 in cash, securities and loans outstanding in Los

Angeles and the Bronx.

Quotas for the parishes disappeared from reports in 1943-46 and despite this, $157,268.26 was

the reserve fund at the close of this time.

The first time that buildings and property are figured into assets is in 1949. The total then was

$1,933,422.80 and of this amount, $135,797.80 was in liquid assets.

In 1947, at the beginning of the provincialate of Patrick Russell, the province was in good

financial condition. The Auburn purchase and renovations, the purchase of Mt. Carmel,

101

Williamstown and the subsequent building there, the purchase of Tamaqua and subsequent

expenditures, the building program at St. Albert's all reduced the savings of the province and

created large debts that placed the finances of the province in a precarious position.700

700 All financial reports cited can be found in Financial Reports, Houses and Province, ANYP and CG, Am Sti Eliae

(1922-38).

102

Chapter 8

To the Other Sea

Bishop John Cantwell of Los Angeles and his superintendent of schools, Monsignor McNichols,

were friends of the Carmelites. They were acquainted with Elias Magennis, his successor as

general, Hilary Doswald and, of course, Dionysius Flanagan. Cantwell was desirous of

obtaining religious priests for his diocese especially for the work of education. Magennis visited

him in Los Angeles in the fall of 1933 and shortly afterwards, Cantwell visited Flanagan at St.

Simon Stock and offered him a high school in Los Angeles.701

Flanagan was interested and

intended to visit Los Angeles early in 1934 to look over prospects. At this point Rome was

encouraging. Flanagan's definitory was ambivalent. McGleenan thought it should be left to the

chapter in case there was a new superior and Magennis advised caution.702

Before he left for the

west, Flanagan wrote Cardinal Hayes seeking an interview with the purpose of seeking his

view.703

Flanagan left with Patrick Russell by train for Los Angeles around the middle of January.

Reading what Flanagan wrote Doswald before he left New York, it would seem that he had

already made up his mind to accept the new foundation. Cantwell was to give the Carmelites a

piece of property he had paid $42,000 for and the order would build and staff the school.704

Flanagan and Russell met with eleven priests and Bishop Cantwell at Holy Cross Rectory in Los

Angeles on January 30. The need for the school to develop leadership and counteract communist

meetings for youth were the reasons for the school. It was brought out that Elias Magennis had

asked to start a college for men. This was changed to a high school on the advice of the bishop

who assured Magennis of their cooperation though they could not render financial assistance.

The bishop would give the Carmelites the property, tuition would be collected by the Carmelites,

the school would begin with the ninth and tenth grades and the diocese would give the

Carmelites $3000 a year for the upkeep of their residence.705

This last condition was changed to

a period of three years in the contract. Flanagan and Russell had met with Bishop Cantwell on

January 25 and Flanagan had learned the price of the property had been $57,000 and Cantwell

701

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Dec 16, 1933; Definitory Minutes, Oct 6, 1933, ANYP. 702

McNichols to Doswald, Los Angeles, Jan 3, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); Doswald to Flanagan, Rome, Jan, 1934, ANYP. 703

Definitory Minutes, Dec 12, 1933, ANYP. 704

Flanagan to Hayes, Bronx, Jan 11, 1934, DA. 705

F to Doswald, Bronx, Jan 12, 1934, ANYP.

103

promised to buy two more lots. Flanagan insisted on meeting with the neighboring pastors and it

was at a dinner with them that the bishop announced the high school. In a moment of weakness

that he would later regret, Flanagan let out that he could allot $80,000 to $90,000 for the school

without burdening the province too much.706

February must have been spent by Flanagan and Russell looking for builders. Around the

middle of the month a firm had been chosen and its estimate for the school was $85,000 against

an appropriation of $75,000 that Flanagan had given. Russell and Flanagan were staying at the

Savoy Hotel but towards the end of that month, Flanagan returned east and Russell moved to St.

Mary Magdalen Rectory, He also requested power from Flanagan to act in the name of the

corporation should it be decided to begin construction immediately.707

Flanagan's efficiency in keeping Rome informed of his plans was a bit of his own undoing. It

did at least cause him a problem, Doswald wrote Flanagan that he was in favor of expansion and

realized the province needed places outside of New York but he questioned this first expansion

being so far away. He was aware it would be a pity to lose this opportunity for the order. He

had two principal objections: "Man power" and "Money power," Because the school would have

to be run according to the educational system of California, men qualified for that state would

have to be available. If not, a bad reputation would result and such was almost impossible to

remove. Doswald thought much money would be needed to go beyond the initial period. The

school must become self-supporting and this was not true generally of educational institutions.

Another source of income should be present to supplement the school. He suggested a parish but

Flanagan, he noted, did not mention such. Doswald suggested that Flanagan study these two

points carefully and then investigate how much school $100,000 would build. Hold the province

chapter and let them make the decision was his advice. The responsibility would then be shared

by many and there would be enthusiastic cooperation in the province.708

With Flanagan back in the east and Russell alone on the coast, the stage was set, principally due

to the lack of today's speed in communication, for a number of problems and misunderstandings.

Russell sent the school's blueprints east709

and at a meeting in Tarrytown on March 6, they were

approved.710

Meanwhile Russell had to sign a contract on the west coast without the proper

706

Minutes, Jan 30, 1934, ANYP. 707

Agreement, Bishop of Los Angeles and San Diego and the Missionary Society of Our Lady of Mount Carmel of the State of New York, Feb 14, 1934; F to Doswald, Los Angeles, Feb 10, 1934, ANYP. 708

Doswald to F, Rome, Feb 27, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 709

F to Russell, Bronx, Mar 5, 1934, ANYP. 710

Same to same, NY, Mar 7, 1934, telegram, ANYP.

104

authorization because Flanagan had not sent it. He also made minor changes on the first floor of

the school.711

It was only on March 13 that Flanagan sent Russell a copy of Doswald’s "manpower and money

power" letter. He called it a cold shower that would do no harm but cautioned Russell not to go

beyond the plans.712

That same day there was

a meeting in Middletown about the whole Los Angeles project. Flanagan wrote that very day to

say the plans and contract were approved and that the cost should be kept to $75,000 or less and

that it could not go over $80,000. Magennis was present at the meeting and Flanagan described

him as being more enthused than he had recently seen him.713

Then Russell's letters began to

arrive in the east. He wrote Flanagan to say that he agreed with Doswald's "manpower and

money power" letter but wanted to know why he waited so long to send it. Now he, Russell, had

to face the clergy and laity to whom immediate progress had been promised.714

Writing

Flanagan again the next day, Russell pointed out that if the general's letter got out, he would be

seen as having no authority and representing nothing. This situation Russell saw as of their own

making as Flanagan acted without authority.715

Russell also wrote Doswald saying that he had

signed the contract, the plans were approved by Flanagan and his definitory and that he had the

sad duty of facing the bishop and priests and telling them that there would not be a September

opening because of Doswald's letter. He then answered each of Dosald's objections. Unknown to

Russell, Flanagan wrote in the same vein to the general.716

Flanagan in the east seems to have become aware of the terrible situation in which Russell saw

himself. He and Magennis wrote and telegraphed Russell to encourage him to continue on, that

all needed approval had been given and that the letter of the general changed nothing.717

In

reponse to this small barrage, Russell rejoined that he had taken caution from Flanagan's own

letter to him curtailing expenses. If Doswald's idea of getting chapter approval was accepted,

then the promised September opening would not be possible. He also let on to Flanagan that he

711

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 10, 1934, ANYP. 712

F to Russell, Bronx, Mar 13, 1934, ANYP. 713

Same to same, Middletown, Mar 13, 1934, ANYP. 714

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 19, 1934, ANYP. 715

Same to same, Los Angles, Mar 20, 1934, ANYP. 716

Russell to Doswald, Los Angles, Mar 19, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 26, 1934, ANYP. 717

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 21, 1934; F to Russell, Bronx, Mar 23, 1934; Magennis to Russell, Tarrytown, Mar 23, 1934, ANYP.

105

had written Magennis for advice because it was through his influence that the foundation became

possible.718

He seemed to be trying to explain the source of his upset.

In early April, the approval of Rome was given and sent on to both Flanagan and Russell. In his

covering letter, Doswald just about apologized for his "manpower and money power" letter. He

said it was meant as a help and not to stop the school. He repeated the place must have another

source of income besides the school's tuition.719

Russell in his own gentlemanly way thanked

both Flanagan and Doswald and expressed his own happiness. He expected construction to begin

May 1.720

Baker and Low, architects for the school, received and opened the bids. All came in over

$100,000 because of soil conditions and the fact that a basement was being built. The architects

revised the specifications. Theycalled for deeper footings and a wooden structure to serve in

place of the basement cafeteria, hoping to keep the construction within the range of $75,000.721

The new bids were opened and the best price was $78,500. Patrick Russell telegraphed Flanagan

to ask if he should accept.722

In a reply telegram, the provincial told Russell, "Don't hurry."

Then he went on to write Russell if he had checked out a hot water system that a man named

Dixon had come to see Flanagan in the Bronx about.723

It is easy to imagine Russell on the

receipt of this telegram. With a September opening confronting him, he is given a caution flag

by the provincial. Flanagan seemed to place all kinds of obstacles in the way of achieving a goal

he himself had told Russell to achieve. Russell explained that the lowest bid was by Petley of

Santa Monica and that heating was separate. He did see Dixon about the new method of hot

water heat and the matter was being taken up by the chancellor and the bishop. He confessed

that he had so many disappointments in the past months that he was set for the worst but he did

need a decision from Flanagan.724

His fears materialized. Flanagan telegraphed on May 4 that

he should not sign a contract as the definitory was not happy with the elimination of the

cafeteria.725

Around the time of the arrival of the telegram, Flanagan's letter of May 2 must have

718

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 26, 1934, ANYP. 719

Doswald to F, Rome, Apr 5, 1934, two letters, Doswald to Russell, Rome, Apr 5, 1934, cable and letter, ANYP. 720

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Apr 9, 1934, ANYP; Russell to Doswald, Los Angeles, Apr 11, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 721

Report, Barker & Low, Los Angeles, n.d.; Barker to F, Los Angeles, Apr 18, 1934; Russell to F, Los Angeles, Apr 30, 1934, ANYP. 722

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 3, 1934, telegram, ANYP. 723

F to Russell, Bronx, May 3, 1934, telegram; same to same, Bronx, May 3, 1934, ANYP. 724

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 4, 1934; same to same, Beverly Hills, May 4, 1934, ANYP. 725

F to Russell, Tarrytown, May 4, 1934, telegram, ANYP.

106

arrived. In it, he told Russell how Magennis was sailing that day for Ireland and would try to get

two Irish Carmelites to come and teach in the school. That day, he was further promoting the

school by sending Russell the needed authorization to act in the name of the Carmelite

corporation despite the fact that Hastings had disappeared and Smyth was resting in a sanitarium,

both being trustees.726

At this point Russell must have wondered what he was supposed to do in

view of receiving such conflicting signals.

Flanagan wrote that the problem, as he saw it, was that he and the definitory both wanted the

cafeteria not only as an eating site but also for use as a hall. Putting in the cafeteria would mean

going over the estimated cost, contracting a debt and having mortgage payments to make. He

blamed the architect, Ott, whom he accused of misleading the Carmelites on the cost. He then

instructed Russell to see Ott and tell him to solve the difficulty or Flanagan would get an

architect in New York.727

While this letter was in transit, telegrams were exchanged. Russell

wanted definite news in what he called an embarrassing situation. Flanagan told him the plans

would have to be referred to the chapter and that Philip McGouran was coming out to take his

place for the chapter.728

The architect, meanwhile, stalled the builder with the lowest bid.729

Russell was very discouraged at this time and wrote Flanagan. The Los Angeles clergy wanted

to know what was to happen, the builder with the lowest bid, Petley, had taken a thirty day

option on materials and finally, he was depressed that McGouran was the one sent to take his

place.730

While this missile was on its way, Russell sent another denying that the architect had

deceived the Carmelites citing a new building code as the reason for the change in plans. He also

did not appreciate the criticism of a wooden structure he had proposed as a cafeteria. It was what

others were doing and suited to the good weather of the west coast. He had cleared McGouran to

take his place despite his own personal feelings and then wrote a little sermon on confidence and

trust to Flanagan. He told him that if things were actually the way Flanagan had depicted them,

then the Carmelites should not have come out to Los Angeles. He then asked for a definite

course of action.731

Once again, while Russell's letter was in transit, Flanagan wrote on May 12 with his

recapitulation of the whole situation. He commented that each seemed to not have been reading

726

Same to same, Bronx, May 2, 1934, ANYP. 727

Same to same, Bronx, May 6, 1934, ANYP. 728

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 8, 1934, telegram; F to Russell, Bronx, May 9, 1934, telegram, ANYP. 729

Barker to Petley, Los Angeles, May 9, 1934, ANYP. 730

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 9, 1934, ANYP. 731

Same to same, Los Angeles, May 11, 1934, ANYP.

107

the other's letters. This makes it imperative to bring the matter before the chapter. When all of

the gremiales sat down and discussed the matter, all difficulties would disappear. Los Angeles

was composed of reasonable people and they would understand. Russell also knew about

McGouran coming and Flanagan took him to task for objecting to him as his replacement.732

Russell replied apologizing for all his importunities and stated his willingness to accept

instructions.733

Flanagan then wrote Bishop Cantwell to bring him up to date on matters and

explained that the chapter would decide on the extent of construction.734

On May 27, Russell left

for the east and the chapter.735

The chapter opened June 4 at St. Simon Stock. Patrick Russell spoke to the delegates on the Los

Angeles foundation. Six others also spoke on this matter indicating some were opposed to the

concept. Doswald spoke of the need for a house outside of New York but his idea of it being so

far away had to be in the minds of those present. Citing how the foundation was already

approved by the definitory, the chapter gave its approval and allotted $84,000 for the high school

with an additional $1000 being sent immediately for a temporary structure so the school could

open that September.

While Russell was east for the chapter, the architect sent revised plans utilizing the second floor

of one wing as a cafeteria, planning later to convert the space into classrooms.736

Returning

with the backing of the chapter, Russell set about with McGouran and Father Noel Dillon, a

diocesan priest, to organize the Carmelites legally in the state of California.737

Then he

proceeded, probably at the start of July, to sign the contract for the school. He wrote Flanagan

this good news and told him he was going to inspect a heating plant at a closed Catholic school

in Fresno. This, if good, could be bought and used in the Carmelite school. Father Dillon, pastor

of St. Raphael's, spoke to Russell who was then residing there of the transfer of that parish to the

Carmelites. Dillon mentioned that such was not a problem to him.738

This seems to be the first

mention of the transfer of a parish to the Carmelites, something that was not in the original

contract with the diocese.

732

F to Russell, Bronx, May 12, 1934, ANYP. 733

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 15, 1934, ANYP. 734

F to Cantwell, Bronx, May 20, 1934, ANYP. 735

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 26, 1934, ANYP. 736

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Bronx, June 4-8, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64). 737

Articles of Incorporation, Fathers of the Order of Mount Carmel, June 25, 1934, filed on June 30, 1934, ANYP. 738

Russell to F, Los Angeles, July 3, 1934, ANYP.

108

As the construction of the school began, Hilary Doswald arrived unexpectedly in California.

Bringing him to his various visits took a lot of Patrick Russell's time. Russell also had a bill

from the contractor and began a process that would continue throughout the school's

construction. When a bill was presented, he gave the amount to Flanagan who sent him that sum

for bank deposit. Then the same amount was sent to the contractor.739

As summer turned into August, no directions were sent west to Russell, He still had McGouran

with him but he was to return to New York around the middle of the month. What troubled

Russell most was whether or not the school would open that fall. The Jesuits were to begin the

year in their school on August 28 and the public schools on September 11. He had no place for

classes but Father Dillon had offered him the use of his hall until the construction of the high

school was completed. He had run into union troubles in the construction. He had no personnel.

He did have a letter saying that George Klasinski was coming for reasons of health but Russell

wondered what use he would be if sick. He had asked for Bernard Daly but had no word whether

or not he was coming.740

A week later, he had Flanagan replace McGouran as a trustee of the

California corporation. This was done before McGouran returned to New York via the Panama

Canal. He still waited word from New York on personnel and whether there would be a

September opening.741

Finally, Flanagan sent a wire instructing Russell to open in September with one class. Russell

set an opening date of September 10 and asked for a decision on two matters. The cafeteria:

would it be a separate building or above the library? Equipment for September: should the cost

be taken out of construction funds or would separate money be sent for it?742

Meanwhile, Doswald called the foundation the most promising of all the foundations of the order

in the United States.743

Bernard Daly arrived in Los Angeles on September 8, 1934 and spent his first night in the

rectory of St. Raphael's where Patrick Russell had been staying. The next evening, the two

Carmelites moved two blocks to their new home, a white cottage on 71st Street near Hoover. As

planned, Mt, Carmel High School opened on September 10 with sixty freshmen divided into two

739

Same to same, Los Angeles, July 17, 1934, ANYP. 740

Same to same, Los Angeles, Aug 11, 1934, ANYP. 741

Same to same, Los Angeles, Aug 16, 1934, ANYP. 742

Same to same, Los Angeles, Aug 23, 1934, ANYP. 41.

743 Definitory Minutes, Aug 2, 1934, ANYP.

109

classes. The site was the hall of St. Raphael's which had been divided into temporary

classrooms.744

That October, the community was formally established.745

Construction of the school went along at a pace that allowed moving to the new structure on

November 19. Russell, writing a week before that date, told Flanagan of the recent expenses he

had incurred. $21,000 was due the builder. School desks, furniture for the cottage as well as

$600 in taxes were the main ones.746

After moving into the school, more bills were incurred,

Russell and Daly, sensing the need of a football team, hired a coach on their own incentive. Boys

supplied their own equipment and managed to win one of their first four games. A chapel was on

Flanagan's mind but Russell cited the lack of need as he and Daly went to a church and convent

for Mass each day, a supply that paid for their cook and the school janitor.747

Flanagan decided

to build a chapel with a planned cost of $2000.748

While the two Carmelites were working each day in the school, there was interest in the school

in high places. McNichols, the superintendent of schools, was a friend of Hilary Doswald.

Writing him after the move to the newly constructed building, he told the general that he thought

the school would be the biggest in the diocese. Doswald had recently entertained Cantwell in

Rome and McNichols realyed the information that he had had a good time. He wrote Doswald to

have Russell drop in to see the bishop from time to time. He said he did this because Russell

seemed timid.749

Russell also wrote the general to request a letter, a papal blessing and a picture

of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel, all for the dedication. He used the occasion to bring the general up

to date on all that had gone on.750

The dedication of the high school took place on January 6, 1935. Bishop Cantwell, nearly all the

monsignors of the diocese and a "big number" of priests were present. The bishop spoke

enthusiastically and complimentarily of the Carmelites for which Dionysius Flanagan thanked

744 Mt. Carmel High School, Los Angeles, Silver Jubilee, 1934-1959, n.p.; Matthew Sprouffske, "Carmel in California," Vox Eliae (1949) 16.

This latter was written while Sprouffske was a student at Whitefriars, Auburn, NY, and seems from internal evidence to depend heavily on

the recollections of P. Russell. Thus is is a primary source. Vincent McDonald, "New York Province Is Diamond Jubilarian," Sword 24

(June, 1964) 19 cites a basement as the site of classrooms. St. Raphael's does not have below ground space or rooms.

745

Rescript, SCR, Oct 5, 1934, no. 6857/34; decree, Doswald and Xiberta, Rome, Oct 10, 1934, Reg. Fol. 202, ANYP; AOC 8, 243. 746

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Nov 12, 1934, ANYP. 747

Same to same, Los Angeles, Nov 24, 1934, ANYP. 748

Same to same, Los Angeles, Dec 8, 1934, ANYP. 749

McNichols to Doswald, Los Angeles, Nov 28, 1934, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 750

Russell to Doswald, Los Angeles, Nov 29, 1934, in ibid.

110

him. The bishop had previously said the first Mass in the chapel. Joseph Scott, a prominent

lawyer, was the speaker of the occasion. Taking the opportunity to rub the general the right way,

Flanagan told Doswald of the great impression he had made in California. Flanagan hoped he

could uphold the Carmelite name like Doswald "but as God did not make me that way I can only

carry on as best as I am able."751

When present for the dedication, Flanagan deputed Russell to see Mother Butler about a school

in the area of Mt. Carmel. She would open a girls high school there but not a grammar school.

She was no longer interested in the latter.54

As that first year went on, a card party profiting $206, the first monthly First Friday communion

breakfast and the reception of $2000 from Bishop Cantwell with a promise of the remaining

$1000 were events notable enough for Russell to write his provincial. He also searched and

negotiated for another house across the street so that, in Flanagan's plan, the current priests'

residence could be turned into a cafeteria. Albert Schwartz arrived in Los Angeles in June and

Russell put him to work assisting with the finances. Expenses were high that year and he had to

use some money from the building fund.752

That first year of Mt. Carmel saw an income of only

$2908 with $1400 of this coming from tuition and book rentals. With no teachers to pay and a

staff of only a janitor, coach and music teacher, the year ended with a credit of $143.72 showing

how the subsidy from the diocese was needed to provide some salary for the Carmelites.753

When he was about to send Albert Schwartz and Albert Daly to the coast, Flanagan wrote

Cantwell describing their fitness. He told how Daly had a MA from Catholic University and a Ph

D from Rome; Schwartz a Doctor of Theology from Rome.754

During the summer, Russell had not received a decision about the house he had searched and

negotiated for, so he wrote Flanagan that he presumed the deal was off and had gone ahead and

furnished two rooms in the school to accommodate the two Alberts. He did have the good news

that taxes had been reduced through the efforts of Cantwell.755

Writing in reply, Flanagan gave

a little sermon to Russell. He told him that though he had not written, Los Angeles was in his

mind and prayers every day. He preached to him about strict observance and told him to divide

751

F to Doswald, Los Angeles, Jan 16, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); AOC 8, 337-8; Whitefriars (Dublin) 1 (Apr, 1935) 21. 752

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 2, 1934 £Tsic is 193^7; Apr 27, 1935; May 25, 1935; June 10, 1935; June 25, 1935; 5 letters, ANYP. 753

General Statement, Sept, 1934 to May, 1935, ANYP. 754

F to Cantwell, Bronx, June 18, 1935, ANYP. 755

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Aug 24, 1935, ANYP.

111

the duties of the school. Finally, he had him resign from the Carmelites' corporation of New

York State.756

Perhaps in response to the sermon-like letter, Russell told Flanagan that the morning rise was at

5:45 and that the men were in chapel until almost 7:30. He had also divided the offices as

Flanagan had requested. The school enrollment was 130 with sixty-seven in ninth grade and

sixty-three in tenth. He also reported a local rumor that the nearby parish of St. Raphael was

without a pastor and would be turned over to the Carmelites.757

Shortly after the report of this rumor, Bishop Cantwell came to see Russell and offered the

Carmelites St. Raphael's immediately if they would accept it. The parish had a debt of $85,000

and Cantwell wanted Flanagan to raise or borrow $20,000 in New York towards the reduction of

the debt. This would be repaid by the parish. The school faculty would also reside in the parish

house.758

Telephone or telegraph must have been used by Flanagan because ten days later,

Russell was able to telegraph him that the conditions were accepted and the transfer was public

knowledge.759

That same day Cantwell wrote Flanagan spelling out the conditions. His council

had made the decision, not an easy one as this left one less place for priests waiting for

promotion. The Carmelites were to pay $20,000 of the indebtedness which Flanagan could

liquidate anyway he wanted. Because of the parish transfer, Cantwell would no longer give the

yearly subsidy to the school. Cantwell stated that he had never promised Doswald a parish but

felt that a request for such would come sooner or later from the order.760

Russell wrote the following day with his version. The debt was $76,000 with a monthly interest

payment of $360. This plus approximately $500 towards the principal had been paid regularly.

Weekly collections were $130 and the Christmas and Easter collections about $600. Flanagan

had telegraphed Russell that he was the acting pastor but Russell relayed the opinion of the

community on the situation. The suggestion was that the pastor be a different person from the

school principal, that an assistant be named and the Carmelites presently be one community and

be divided into school and parish communities later on.761

756

F to Russell, Bronx, Sept 15, 1935, ANYP. 757

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 1, 1935, ANYP. 758

Same to same, Los Angeles, Oct 7, 1935, ANYP. 759

Same to same, Los Angeles, telegram, Oct 17, 1935, ANYP. 760

Cantwell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 17, 1935, ANYP. 761

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 18, 1935, ANYP.

112

Flanagan reported the good news to Doswald in Rome giving the debt as $85,000 but added "we

can take care of that all right." He also stated the property would be transferred to the Carmelites

and cited the benefit to the Carmelites from being able to live together.762

Russell was able to correct Flanagan's understanding of the conditions by informing him that no

property would be transferred to the Carmelites except the rectory. The advice given Russell by

local priests was that the Carmelites should accept the parish now and once in possession, make

a stand and try to have the property and buildings turned over.763

In writing Cantwell to thank

him for the parish, Flanagan seems to have taken this advice. He merely recalled to Cantwell

that he had promised a parish but Flanagan never realized it would come so soon.764

He told the

bishop he was making Russell the pastor and would name an assistant soon.

Soon after the transfer, Albert Schwartz wrote Flanagan on the very first day of the Carmelites'

actual possession of the facilities, October 24, 1935. He cited the presence of many Germans in

the parish and their happiness at having himself, a German priest there. He called good the news

that Flanagan was sending a pastor as the men were tied up in school all day. He suggested that

there be two communities.765

It is hard to figure the motive behind this letter as Schwartz did

not promote himself as pastor or as prior of either suggested community.

With the parish of St. Raphael's added to the burden of the high school, it is understandable that

manpower was stretched a bit thin. Flanagan planned to go to Los Angeles that fall and would

bring Eliseus Duffy with him to be stationed as Russell saw fit. Then when he returned home, he

was going to send Carmel Lynn.766

To the provincial of the Irish Province, John Cogan, Flanagan

said he was going to send three or four men, perhaps a bit of braggadocio.767

Russell,

meanwhile, was changing as little as possible in the parish until Flanagan's arrival. He and

Schwartz were living at the school while Bernard and Albert Daly lived in the rectory. He was

able to report that the Sunday attendance was 500, about the usual number.768

Once Flanagan

arrived and was present for a Sunday, he calculated 72 the attendance as between 1200 and

762

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 19, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 763

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 20, 1935, ANYP. 764

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Oct 20, 1935, ANYP. 765

Schwartz to F, Los Angeles, Oct 24, 1935, ANYP; Golden Jubilee, St. Raphael (1925-75) Los Angeles, $9757, 8; Shane Tahney, "Carmelite Parishes in the Province," Sword 38 (Feb, 1978) 3-4. 766

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Oct 26, 1935, ANYP; F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 29, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 767

F to Cogan, Bronx, Nov 2, 1935, PO. 768

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Nov 5, 1935, ANYP.

113

1300.769

Perhaps the inflated figure was prompted by the fact that he had to obtain curia

approval of his contract with Cantwell. Doswald reminded him piously that only with the curia's

approval would the contract be valid. He also warned him that he must show the parish could

carry the debt; else he would not get approval for the loan. Doswald was still under the

impression that the property would be given to the order, something he was surprised at.770

After he had been at St. Raphael's three weeks, Flanagan wrote Doswald that he had a good idea

of the parish. He saw the rectory as accomodating both the school and parish staffs. He would

then not have to build or buy a house. The next church was a twenty-five minute walk away.

The parish had a debt of $75,000 at five percent interest. He repeated the Sunday attendance

figure of 1300. The bishop wanted Flanagan to borrow $20,000 in New York at three and a half

or four percent. This would be a parish loan aimed at making the large debt more bearable.

Flanagan felt that if he insisted on parish boundaries, Cantwell would have cut down the parish's

size. His successor might even want to put in more parishes so he was in a quandry. Finally, he

informed the general the property could not be deeded to the Carmelites.771

Once he returned to New York, Flanagan reported to Bishop Cantwell he could not obtain a four

percent loan from Central Hanover Bank. He was sending Robert Murphy to Los Angeles and

would send Carmel Lynn in about a month when he finished writing his master's thesis at

Fordham. He had more good news in that he was able to use on the Union Pacific a pass that

Cantwell had given him for his return trip.772

In Los Angeles, a Miss Feen approached Russell with an offer. She would give a lot and three

small houses to the Carmelites with the intention that their proceeds be used for the education of

a boy to the priesthood. The houses would go to the order at the time of her death.773

Flanagan

told him to proceed with the deal and also advised him to take a parish census. He imagined

Schwartz would be a help with the Germans in the parish, "He might be able to rally them

around St. Raphael's. They are a good people and would be a big help to your work."774

Russell

was able to ascertain that the Feen houses were worth a total of $4000 to $5000 but that Miss

Feen and her sister did not show up at an appointment with the Carmelite's lawyer.775

The

769

F to Canary, Los Angeles, Nov 26, 1935, ANYP. 770

Doswald to F, Nov 10, 1935, ANYP. 771

F to Doswald, Los Angeles, Dec 5, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 772

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Jan 11, 1935, ANYP. 773

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Jan 11, 1935, ANYP. 774

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Feb 14, 1936, ANYP. 775

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Feb 14, 1936, ANYP.

114

reason was they had obtained a lawyer who wanted the Carmelites to pay their taxes and their

hospital bills should they be taken sick. Russell thought it best not to sign under these

circumstances.776

The matter seems to have been abandoned.

In the midst of all his problems in Los Angeles, Russell was asked for his opinion by Flanagan

on the offer of Price Memorial College by Bishop Lucey of Amarillo, Texas. The school had

been built by Katherine B. Price in memory of her husband and she provided the funds for its

maintenance and operation. Flanagan had to turn down the offer because of the lack of

manpower. Russell had conveyed to him the status of the school was poor because of the lack of

decent teachers. Some local clergy advised Russell it could be developed; others disagreed.777

With only two years in the school in that year of 1935-36, work would have to be done before

the next school year to accommodate an additional class. An estimate was sent Flanagan by the

builder. Finishing the corridor and six classes 1 rooms on the first floor would cost $8140.778

Flanagan told Russell to complete the classrooms he would need and seems to have lost interest

in the project for he says he got an estimate "something in the neighborhood of $9000." Along

with this important news for the men in Los Angeles, he was able to relate a more humorous

event. Brocard Whelan had gone to Ireland on vacation and had been reported as being too ill to

return. Then he wrote he was returning and did indeed show up a few days later. Between the

two reports Brocard had allowed his name to be used in an ad by a quack doctor endorsing his

remedy for bad legs. The Irish Carmelites were disturbed by his actions. As Flanagan related it,

"Once he made the bunogue they discovered he could travel.779

Work proceeded with the classrooms during the latter part of the school year but Russell was

worried about hiring a science teacher. When the general made his visitation, Russell asked him

if the Chicago Province could send him one. Doswald said he would ask and Russell sought

Flanagan's advice.780

The answer came, hire a layman. He did say that Carmel Lynn would

come in a few weeks. It was then early August.781

In the midst of looking for a science teacher and trying to finish the classrooms, Russell had

another difficulty to face. Flanagan was unhappy with the financial return from Los Angeles.

776

Same to same, Los Angeles, Mar 30, 1936, ANYP. 777

Isacsson, "A college in Amarillo, Texas," Occasional Papers 9; Russell to F, Los Angeles, July 13, 1936, ANYP. 778

Barker to F, Los Angeles, Dec 20, 1935; Barker and Ott to F, Los Angeles, May 4, 1936, ANYP, gives the bid as $7744. 779

F to Russell, Tarrytown, Feb 25, 1936, ANYP. 780

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 24, June 30, 1936, two letters, ANYP. 781

F to Russell, Bronx, Aug 3, 1936, ANYP.

115

Citing his need for $1000 to set up a laboratory, Russell said he was trying to contribute as much

as possible to the provincial fund. He was not happy that it was so little, only $1213 so far that

year, but he had difficulties he wanted to discuss with Flanagan.782

He did find a science teacher

for the start of school and was happy to report that the 1936-37 year started with 205 students,

larger than anticipated.783

In the wake of these financial problems, Flanagan wrote that the Carmelite Fathers of St.

Raphael's should give Bishop Cantwell $500 on his elevation to an archbishop. This was

announced in July, 1936 but he would not be installed until that December 3. Flanagan thought

the high school should give nothing since "It is well known that it is quite the reverse of being a

gold mine." He then went on to list the province's contributions: $100,359 for the school and a

loan of $20,000 to St. Raphael's.784

When the bank had turned him down, Flanagan loaned the

$20,000 from the province's funds.

Flanagan went out to Los Angeles for Cantwell's installation on the archbishop s insistence.785

It would seem that St. Raphael's was also not a "gold mine." The parish had an income of

$15,625.26 in 1936 and after expenses, the parish ended the year with a surplus of $643.26.786

One indication of the cause of the financial difficulty can be seen in the fact that Monsignor

McNichols asked the Carmelites to supply in his parish. Just for Sunday Masses, he would pay

$400 a year. In relaying this information to Flanagan, Russell mentioned that the usual fee was

$10 including confessions on Saturday.787

Hardly a sum to sustain expenses and pay off a debt.

Cantwell told Russell that Flanagan insisted on tuition payments, a position that had some of the

clergy upset. Cantwell was understanding saying that if priests wanted to send poor boys to the

school, then let them pay for them. Russell felt insistence on tuition was the cause of the

enrollment being only 251.788

782

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Aug 27, 1936, ANYP. 783

Same to same, Los Angeles, Sept 17, 1936, ANYP. 784

F to Russell, Bronx, Oct 24, 1936, invitation, ANYP, 785

F to Doswald, Los Angeles, Dec 8, 1936, ANYP. 786

Financial Report, St. Raphael's, 1936, ANYP. 787

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 14, 1937, ANYP. 788

Same to same, Los Angeles, Sept 9, 1937, ANYP.

116

By error, the community in Los Angeles elected its socius to the provincial chapter in advance of

the sixty permitted days. Questioning the election's validity, Flanagan placed the problem before

the general who advised electing again eight days before the chapter.789

Robert Murphy had been in Los Angeles a short time when he received a letter from Flanagan to

go to Chicago for one year as the replacement for John Haffert, a member of the Chicago

Province who was serving as novice master in the New York Province. He had no problem with

the obedience but desired to see his relatives in the east before going to Chicago. Flanagan

replied that as of September 1, he was under the jurisdiction of Matthew O'Neill, the Chicago

provincial, and advised asking for his trip east later on.790

The Chicago Carmelites wanted to send Father Herman, afflicted with a heart condition, to Los

Angeles for a year.791

Russell seemingly agreed but once he arrived, found the priest unable to

be of any assistance. This was not a problem but the attitude of Matthew O'Neill leaving all the

responsibility on the Los Angeles men bothered him.792

Herman had arrived in January but left

sometime in March to live with an ill Carmelite lay brother in Phoenix.793

Richard Nagle came to Los Angeles to begin teaching in September, 1938. Albert Ward went

back east from St. Raphael's to Tarrytown and Peter Thomas Liebeau came west to take his

place.794

As the 1937-38 school year came to a close, Russell asked Flanagan for a picture of himself

along with a letter to be placed in the first yearbook. Despite Russell sending a telegram, the

letter did not arrive in time. Carmel Lynn then had to put a picture of the school opposite

Flanagan to fill out the yearbook.795

What is surprising is that Russell related all of this to

Flanagan in an obviously peevish letter.

The school showed a net of $1431.51 that year but taxes had necessitated the Carmelites loaning

the school $2350 so there was a deficit. The fathers earned $2100 in supply work including

789

F to Doswald, Bronx, May 6, 1937, cablegram; Doswald to F, Rome, May 10, 1937, cablegram, ANYP. 790

Murphy to F, Los Angeles, Aug 5, 1937, ANYP, Answer is written on letter. 791

F to Russell, Bronx, Dec 29, 1937, ANYP. 792

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Jan 28, 1938, ANYP. 793

Same to same, Los Angeles, Mar 13, 1938, ANYP. 794

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Sept 5, 1938; F to Russell, Bronx, Sept 5, 1938, ANYP. 795

Russell to F, Los Angeles, May 21, 1938, ANYP.

117

retreats, conferences and novenas.796

This figure, because of the low pay scale, represented a

great amount of work.

June, 1938 was the first graduation of the high school. Kilian Lynch gave the address at the

ceremony.797

Archbishop Cantwell was not happy with the service being given at St. Raphael's, He

complained to Flanagan the parish was not keeping abreast with its neighbors because no priest

was devoting full time to ministerial work. He wanted one priest to be in charge and work full

time in the parish.798

Flanagan's remedy was to have Peter Thomas Liebeau work full time in

the parish.799

Russell was not enthused about this assignment for Liebeau. Father Herman had

returned and Russell, thinking the man was in need of medical care and a proper diet, was

disturbed at the laissez faire attitude of the man's superiors. These problems plus the fact that

almost all the Carmelites were teaching eight periods a day for the enrollment of 305 removed

his usual placid mood.800

A month later, Russell sent Flanagan a list of the debt payments from the school and the parish

for the past three years. The total was $8707.70 but he was not sure whether this was towards the

$20,000 loaned to St. Raphael's or just repaying the province for the school's construction.801

A

month later, Russell's question was not answered but the contribution from Los Angeles was

addressed. Flanagan complained he had received only $1400 that year and figured there must be

$7000 in the fathers' account.802

Russell was understandably hurt by these remarks. He was

anguished by the low pastor's salary of $500 which he then did not have. He blamed himself for

not producing the expected revenue. He also cited the primitiveness of their situation, the need

for a gym, a locker room and a large room to be used for fund raisers.803

To no surprise, there

was no answer from the east.

To add to the problems of Los Angeles, John Cogan wrote from Ireland saying he had met

Cantwell who told him he wanted a grammar school at St. Raphael's. This reminded Cogan of a

796

Financial Report, Sept, 1937 - June, 1938, ANYP. 797

Russell to F, Los Angeles, July 1, 1938, ANYP. 798

F to Russell, Bronx, Oct 14, 1938, ANYP. 799

Cantwell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 9, 1938, ANYP. 800

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 20, 1938, ANYP. 801

Same to same, Los Angeles, Oct 22, 1938, ANYP. 802

F to Russell, Bronx, Nov 24, 1938, ANYP. 803

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Nov 26, 1938, ANYP.

118

similar situation in Tarrytown when Farrelly [sic] was the archbishop of New York.804

Flanagan did not reply but he did tell Doswald some seven months later that Cantwell wanted

Russell to build a grammar school but did not say where the money would come from. Flanagan

stated his opinion, "I believe that the Carmelites have done enough in the archdiocese for the

present."805

In March, 1939, the debt of St. Raphael's stood as follows: Carmelites - $20,000; archdiocese -

$10,844; to two banks - $38,704.806

Flanagan visitated Los Angeles in the spring of 1939. As he described it, "All this was done

within the space of four weeks." He was edified by the observance and the extraordinary amount

of work being done. He reported that the high school was not yet on a paying basis but there was

an improvement in the financial picture and expected a fair return on the investment that year.807

At his visitation, the community must have presented Flanagan with a strong case for a gym for

that July, 1939, he wrote Russell that the definitory gave preliminary approval for a $30,000 gym

with the reservation that they would see plans and a description before final approval would be

given. Flanagan told him to obtain plans and bids.808

The same day that Flanagan wrote,

Russell sent him measurements and descriptions of the gym and cafeteria which also included a

pool. He explained the latter by saying that it could be done cheaply, for $3000 to $4000, and

would be an attraction for recruiting.809

Flanagan in reply said that his last letter authorized

borrowing $30,000 which was $2500 more than Russell's estimate for his designs. So he saw no

reason why the pool should not be included. He instructed Russell to borrow the money in

California as it could not be gotten in New York for a project in California.810

Rome,

meanwhile, gave permission for incurring a debt of $40,000.811

As school opened for 1939-40 with an enrollment of 355, Russell told Flanagan he was turned

down by banks in Los Angeles for the loan. Cantwell sent him to the Hibernian Savings and

Loan Society in San Francisco where he was able to obtain $30,000 at four and a half percent.

804

Cogan to F, Dublin, Aug 17, 1938, ANYP. 805

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 9, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 806

List in Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 807

F to Doswald, Bronx, May 19, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 808

F to Russell, Bronx, July 25, 1939; Definitory Minutes, July 23, 1939, ANYP. 809

Russell to F, Los Angeles, July 25, 1939, ANYP. 810

F to Russell, Bronx, Aug 8, 1939, ANYP. 811

Franco to F, Rome, Aug 18, 1939 including rescript SCR no. 3665/39 of same date.

119

He had tried for four percent but R. M. Tobin turned him down on the excuse that he charged the

sisters four and a half. The lowest bid for the gym was $36,887 exclusive of the architect's fee.

He urged Flanagan to prompt action which was the architect's request.812

The bid news caused

Flanagan to calculate the final bill coming in around $43,000. He felt he would have to consult

the definitory again but at the same time, he told Russell to proceed asking also if he could cut

costs.813

Russell obtained $30,000 from Hibernian on September 5, 1939 and on February 7, 1940 another

$12,000 was borrowed. Both these debts were paid off in 1944.814

To build the gym, a cottage had to be transported to one edge of the property so construction

could begin in September, 1939.815

As the work proceeded, Russell tried to curtail the cost but

was unable and had to use the additional $12,000 from the Hibernian.816

The structures were

finished in February, 1940 at a total cost of $36,887.817

Archbishop Cantwell dedicated the

gym and cafeteria along with the swimming pool on February 29, 1940.818

Flanagan sent Stephen McGleenan west when he resigned from the 28th Street parish. Flanagan

gave him a fine recommendation to Cantwell and said he was about 122 to return to Ireland but

could not get a passport from the United States government819

When he was in California about

a year, McGleenan asked permission through Russell to go east for his brother's wedding. The

brother would pay the fare.820

Flanagan was surprised at this request and commented that the distance was so great that people

in ordinary circumstances would not even think of traveling that far for a wedding but since his

brother was paying, Flanagan gave permission on the condition that he stay in Tarrytown.821

812

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 19, 1939, ANYP. 813

F to Russell, NY, Sept 21, 1939, ANYP. 814

Mortgage Certificate with Debt Cancellation, Sept 5, 1939 and Feb 7, 1940, ANYP. 815

Sprouffske, op. cit., 16. 816

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 14, 1939, ANYP. 817

Same to same, Los Angeles, Feb 3, 1940, ANYP. 818

Same to same, Los Angeles, Apr 6, 1940, ANYP. 819

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Oct 4, 1939, ANYP. 820

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 10, 1940, ANYP. 821

F to Russell, Bronx, Oct 19, 1940, ANYP.

120

McGleenan planned on staying with his brother and Russell had to convey this message.822

Flanagan approved but wanted to see McGleenan before he returned.823

In spring, 1940, Archbishop Cantwell came to St. Raphael's for confirmation. He used the

occasion to appeal to the people to reduce the debt and spoke of the need for a parish school. He

told of the difficulty of finding priests to do the work needed but said he would soon be looking

for a regular pastor.824

In August of that year, Flanagan proposed Carmel Lynn as the pastor.

He was taking Albert Daly to be the prior of St. Albert's but was sending Brendan Hourihan and

Eugene McCallen to teach at Mt. Carmel.825

Cantwell approved of all the changes, perhaps

with a sigh of relief that now he had a fulltime pastor.826

Hilary Doswald visitated Los Angeles as school began in September, 1940. Russell was happy

that he had an additional priest and also Brother Lawrence Brown for the registration of 440-450

was the highest so far. He hoped he would have more time for supervision but this was not

possible with his load of six classes.827

With the general's approval, five were staying at the

rectory and seven at the school.

That year saw Russell and Bernard Daly going to school,828

a fact that received the approval of

Flanagan. Flanagan also wanted $448 reimbursement for transportation for the new staff

members. Stating that he was looking for a student house in Washington, Flanagan mentioned

the need for extra income and said that California was somewhat backward in its support to the

province.829

Russell passed this message on to Albert Schwartz, the treasurer, and also expressed his resolve

that California would contribute to the province as well as it could. He also brought up a

problem that was to plague the province for some years. Schwartz and Nagle would join himself

and Bernard Daly in attending school the following semester. Nagle and Daly had the problem

of having attended in-house colleges and ending up without an undergraduate degree. Russell

822

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 26, 1940, ANYP. 823

F to Russell, Bronx, Oct 29, 1940, ANYP. 824

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Apr 6, 1940, ANYP. 825

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Aug 3, 1940, ANYP. 826

Cantwell to F, Los Angeles, Aug 6, 1940, ANYP. 827

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 19, 1940, ANYP. 828

Same to same, Los Angeles, Oct 10, 1940, ANYP. 829

F to Russell, Bronx, Oct 19, 1940, ANYP.

121

thought that if he made up a list of their courses and sent it on to Flanagan for certification, some

university might take this in lieu of a BA and admit them to graduate school.830

Keeping his aim on finances, Flanagan wrote Schwartz hoping that he would collect more tuition

from the higher enrollment. He could not continue to furnish men without more return for the

student houses. Mentioning that he had received only $1000 so far that year, he opinioned that

Mass stipends alone should be $3000. There were also two salaries from the parish as well as

supply money.831

He also wrote Russell saying that he had written Carmel Lynn, St. Raphael's

pastor, and Schwartz concerning the financial contribution to the province. He classed financial

help from California as imperative for the $36,000 house he was purchasing in Washington.

Impossible to conduct the business of the province without it was the way he classified the need

for financial contribution.832

Within a few days of each other, Russell and Schwartz both replied. Russell cited his failure to

insist that Schwartz take him into his confidence and blamed himself for the failure of the houses

to contribute more. One solution would be to change both himself and Schwartz. Calling

himself weak in finances, he offered to serve the province anywhere.833

Schwartz cited his own

zeal in collecting tuition but mentioned the indifference of others. Some, he said, had not paid

the previous year and were still in school. He suggested Flanagan ask for a complete report and

he would send a list of those not paying.834

In 1940, Carmel Lynn, director of athletics, and Jack Bouchard, coach, inaugurated the

Southwest Catholic High School Basketball Tournament using the Mt. Carmel gym. In

September of that year, Richard Nagle took over the directorship of the tournament and later was

to be succeeded by John Howe. The tournament outgrew the Mt. Carmel gym and became the

stellar event of Catholic schools in lower California.

When Eugene McCallen, Brendan Hourihan and Lawrence Brown had arrived in Los Angeles in

September, 1940, the community's number became thirteen. They lived in four buildings, one of

which was two blocks from the others. This difficult living situation would exist until the parish

and school communities became separate in 1946. The high school community would not have a

decent residence until 1950 when a new priory was completed.835

830

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Oct 26, 1940, ANYP. 831

F to Schwartz, Bronx, Nov 6, 1940, ANYP. 832

F to Russell, Bronx, Dec 4, 1940, ANYP. 833

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Dec 9, 1940, ANYP. 834

Schwartz to F, Los Angeles, Dec 11, 1940, ANYP. 835

Sprouffske, op. cit., 16-7.

122

Within a few months of assuming the pastorate of St. Raphael's, Carmel Lynn wrote Flanagan to

say that a parish census indicated people attended the church where their children went to school.

118 St. Raphael's children attended school in other parishes. Carmel wanted a parish school and

the chancellor, Monsignor Cawley, told him he should build one.836

Flanagan replied that

Carmel should tell Cawley the Carmelites have put $20,000 into the parish and had been returned

little in interest and principal. He was not against the school but stood for responsibility to the

province and the education of its own students. Promising to visit in May, he planned to settle

the matter then.837

Carmel checked his books and discovered that salaries and interest on the province loan had been

paid every year. Russell had informed Carmel that Flanagan did not want the principal on the

loan paid but Carmel was willing to do this. Carmel also pointed out that the parish afforded a

residence for some of the school fathers. He also wanted to talk to the archbishop about a school

but would wait until after Flanagan's visit if he so wished.838

Sending three Gregorian Mass Series to Russell, Flanagan told him to keep Mass money separate

and send it to the province at regular intervals. In May, he would straighten out all finances in a

satisfactory manner.839

Flanagan was not finished with finances. He made up a seven page list of all the province's

money spent in California as well as the Los Angeles contributions to the province going back to

September, 1933. He even listed Elias Magennis' fare for his trip to see Cantwell. The expense

was $124,339.50 and $12,744.17 the income. In his covering letter, Flanagan pointed out that

the Carmelites had also given a large amount of their own income to the school. The parish had

not paid its interest in 1939 and 1940. The $800 Carmel had recently sent seemed too small to

him for two parish salaries. However, he told Carmel to proceed with plans and obtain estimates

for the parish school but also stated that Los Angeles must do more for the province.840

Carmel went to see the archbishop and learned that the parish debt had to be reduced before a

school could be built but told him to start a building fund. Carmel pointed out to Flanagan that

for every year the Carmelites had St. Raphael's, $1500 in salaries had been paid to the fathers

836 Lynn to F, Los Angeles, Jan 29, 1941, ANYP.

837

F to Lynn, Bronx, Feb 1, 1941, ANYP. 838

Lynn to F, Los Angeles, Feb 5, 1941, ANYP. 839

F to Russell, Bronx, Jan 29, 1941, ANYP. 840

F to Lynn, Bronx, Feb 7, 1941, list and letter, ANYP.

123

account in Los Angeles and $800 in interest was sent to Flanagan.841

Flanagan acknowledged

the correctness of Carmel's calculations.842

He then took another tack on finances. He wrote

Albert Schwartz asking for a list of tuition delinquents.843

After his spring visit to Los Angeles, Flanagan was able to report to the general that the

community was in good shape. He attributed their financial problems to the fact that thirty-seven

percent of the students did not pay full tuition or were delinquent in payments. This loss was

$5000 and much of it would not be collected by the end of the year. He said he had given rules

to prevent a repetition844

but was still working on these rules the following month.845

In that summer of 1941, Russell wrote Flanagan that unpaid bills and uncollected tuition made

their financial situation very precarious. Carmel Lynn, soon to come east, would fill in the

details. Russell cited the need for a person to run the business part of the school. He had let two

teachers go in an economy move and Eliseus Duffy would be teaching business that coming

year. The archbishop gave his hopes to the whole problem.846

An increase in tuition that

September would cut the enrollment by 100.847

After seeing Carmel, Flanagan wrote Russell

expressing the appreciation of the province for what the Los Angeles men were doing despite the

smallness of their financial contributions.848

This is the first such recorded expression.

Stephen McGleenan, working in St. Raphael's, suffered hemorrhages and subsequently had an

ulcer operation.849

Letters flew back and forth across the country testing the waters for a

replacement. Kevin Morrissey eventually came to the coast but Russell put him to work in the

school. Gabriel Nalty from Australia came to work in the parish. Amidst all this, Flanagan was

able to ask that the "dead list" money be sent as well as any "loose money" from the parish.

841

Lynn to F, Los Angeles, Mar 5, 1941, ANYP. 842

F to Lynn, Bronx, Mar 10, 1941, ANYP. 843

F to Schwartz, Bronx, Mar 5, 1941, ANYP. 844

F to Doswald, Los Angeles, May 25, 1941, ANYP. 845

F to Russell, Bronx, June 25, 1941, ANYP. 846

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Aug 18, 1941, ANYP. 847

Definitory Minutes, Sept 16, 1941, ANYP. 848

F to Russell, Bronx, Sept 8, 1941, ANYP. 849

Russell to F, Los Angeles, June 21, 1941, ANYP.

124

Cantwell was also asked for another foundation so there could be an exchange of priests in an

emergency. Flanagan considered it too expensive to be sending men from the east.850

In February, 1942, Russell wrote Flanagan that according to his decree made at the last

visitation, he would have to transfer from the school ninety-four students who had not made all

their tuition payments. He was simply checking with Flanagan before he went ahead.

Mentioning his growing consciousness of his own shortcomings and weaknesses, Russell cited

the loss of Albert Daly. He felt he would have made a splendid principal.851

Not really helping

Russell in his soul searching, Flanagan told him to write the parents of the delinquent students

threatening transfer if they did not pay. Then he simply said that with such a strong stand, results

would come but some may be lost. Then he delegated Russell to see Monsignor Cawley telling

him of the inconvenience resulting from having only one community on the west coast and to ask

for another foundation.852

After seeing Cawley, Russell was able to report that the best chance for a new foundation was to

take a Mexican mission. There was a problem in supporting priests in this work but Russell

learned that if the Carmelites undertook such a mission, then there would probably be the offer

of a self-supporting foundation.853

Doswald, residing for the war at St. Patrick's Home in the

Bronx, heard of Flanagan's move for another foundation in Los Angeles. He cautioned him and

recalled that many of 28th Street's problems were due to the lack of manpower.854

After a visit

that May to Los Angeles and Cantwell, Flanagan wrote the archbishop but mentioned nothing

about a new foundation.855

Columba Downey, a member of the Chicago Province, was sent by Flanagan to Los Angeles for

the summer of 1942. In the course of the summer, he decided to have him remain there working

in the school. That same summer, Downey asked to join the New York Province.856

Of fifty-six in the 1942 graduating class, only two had not completed all their tuition payments.

These received blank diplomas. The previous year had ended with $5000 in unpaid bills but

850

F to Russell, [Bronx], Oct 29, 1941; same to same, Bronx, Nov 15, 1941; F to Cantwell, Bronx, Nov 24, 1941; Russell to F, Los Angeles, Nov 25, 1941; F to Russell, Bronx, Dec 9, 1941, ANYP. 851

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Feb, 1942, ANYP. 852

F to Russell, Bronx, Feb 13, 1942, ANYP. 853

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Mar 12, 1942, ANYP. 854

Doswald to F, Bronx, Apr 11, 1942, ANYP. 855

F to Cantwell, Bronx, May 1, 1942, ANYP. 856

F to Russell, Bronx, June 8, 1942; Downey to F, Los Angeles, July 25, 1942; F to Russell, Bronx, July 29, 1942; Russell to F, Los Angeles, Aug 9, 1942; same to same, Los Angeles, Aug 21, 1942, ANYP.

125

1942 resulted in a balance of $600 and $1400 in tuition outstanding. Those owing could not

receive report cards or transcripts so the sum was felt to be collectible.857

That summer, the cafeteria cook resigned. Her profit of $60 a month and the need to hire an

assistant prompted her decision. Russell thought that if he had a lay brother to run the cafeteria

and sell candy, there would be a large profit. He asked Flanagan's advice.858

Flanagan was a bit

upset at being consulted about the cafeteria. He told Russell the community should be able to

decide this and that he had no brother to send them.859

Summer, 1942, Russell went into the hospital for a checkup. Heart problems were feared.860

Nothing beyond nervous tension was discovered and he was ready for the opening of school that

September. Schwartz graciously surrendered his charge of finances to Eliseus Duffy and Russell

assured the provincial that promises about finances would be kept. Science teachers were

difficult to hire and Russell asked for Patrick Murray, repeating at the same time Duffy's

suggestion that the school send an extra $1000 a year to the province if Murray did come.861

With Duffy controlling the finances and Brendan Hourihan serving as sacristan, that 1942-43

school year, money came regularly to Flanagan. Besides the contributions, all the bills were

paid.862

Flanagan was grateful and complimented Duffy on his good will and efficiency.863

When school opened in September, 1943, two teachers failed to report. The registration was 429.

One of the missing teachers taught science. Until they were able to enlist a chaplain at a local

convent to teach science, Lawrence Brown and Columba Downey took over the classes. The

priest was transferred that February and Russell had to ask Bernard Daly be returned from his

studies at Notre Dame University.864

Bernard had gone there for summer school and remained

for the fall semester. The plan was to have him obtain a degree in science. That February,

857

Schwartz to F, Los Angeles, June 25, 1942, ANYP. 858

Russell to F, Los Angeles, July, 19427, ANYP. 859

F to Russell, Bronx, July 29, 1942, ANYP. 860

Same to same, Bronx, Aug 28, 1942; F to Doswald, Bronx, Sept 22, 1942, ANYP. 861

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 3, 1942, ANYP. 862

F to Russell, Bronx, Oct 5, 1942; same to same, Bronx, Jan 8, 1943; Russell to F, Los Angeles, Apr 12, 1943, ANYP. 863

F to Duffy, Bronx, Apr 20, 1943, ANYP. 864

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 23, 1942; same to same, [Jan, 1943], ANYP.

126

Flanagan contacted Daly who understood the situation and expressed his willingness to return to

Los Angeles.865

Just before he went out of office as provincial, Flanagan paid a last visit to California. While

there, he proposed by mail to Kilian Lynch and the rest of the definitory that he purchase a house

across the street from the school for $5250. This would afford housing for the men living in the

school and would permit more men to be sent to teach.866

Prostrate trouble, causing Flanagan

to be hospitalized and operated on, interfered with this plan.867

A hospital recuperation of about

three weeks followed.868

The house, it seems, was purchased but not until a year later.869

At the chapter of 1943, Kilian Lynch was elected provincial because, as Lynch said, Flanagan

resigned. Lynch wrote Cantwell to inform him and thanked him for the offer of a new

foundation in his archdiocese, Rancho San Antonio, a boarding school run by the Catholic Big

Brothers.870

Lynch had decided to keep Carmel Lynn in New York since he was elected a

definitor at the chapter and was replacing him as pastor of St. Raphael's with Kevin Flanagan.

Albert Daly he was returning to Mt. Carmel as prior.871

Russell told how three monsignors had visited Rancho San Antonio and thought $50,000 would

be needed to put it into shape. They felt a layman should be in charge as religious usually turned

such places into private boarding schools. A parish in Chatsworth seems also to have been

involved as Russell reported that it was dropped as a parish site due to the scarcity of Catholics

in the area. Cantwell insisted he would give the Carmelites another parish elsewhere.872

Saying

that he could release no one from the school because of the high enrollment of 530, Russell

mentioned that Cantwell had cited the need to proceed carefully with Rancho.873

865

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Dec 15, 1942; F to Daly, Bronx, Feb 22, 1943; Daly to F, Notre Dame, Feb 24, 1943; F to Russell, Bronx, Mar 3, 1943; B. Hourihan to F, Los Angeles, Mar 12, 1943, ANYP. 866

F to Lynch, Los Angeles, May 22, 1943, ANYP. 867

F to Fitzpatrick, /Los AngelesJ, May 27, 1943, ANYP. 868

F to Clohessy, Los Angeles, June 23, 1943, ANYP. 869

Duffy to F, Los Angeles, Apr 25, 1944, ANYP; Sprouffske, op. cit., 17. 870

Lynch to Cantwell, Tarrytown, July 24, 1943; Cantwell to Lynch, Los Angeles, July 27, 1943, ANYP. 871

Lynch to Cantwell, Tarrytown, July 27, 1943, ANYP. 872

Russell to Lynch, Los Angeles, Aug 6, 1943, ANYP. 873

Russell to F, Los Angeles, Sept 19, 1943, ANYP.

127

Rancho San Antonio was a tract of thirty-five acres located in the San Fernando Valley near

Chatsworth. Adequate buildings were on the property but more were needed to fufill the main

purpose of the institution. A correctional facility for first offenders, forty-two were housed there,

three-fourths were of Mexican descent. Running espenses came from the county of Los Angeles

and charitable institutions. The parish of twenty-five to thirty families in nearby Chatsworth was

involved in the original offer. The matter was discussed at the chapter of 1943. There,

questions about its benefits and expenses were asked and the idea in genere was approved

provided it was not to be a financial burden to the province.874

Flanagan went to see the property. The matter was not mentioned again in definitory notes and it

seems to have quietly faded away.

Kilian Lynch as provincial was concerned with reducing the Los Angeles debts and running the

school and parish on a sound financial basis.

Albert Daly thanked Lynch for leaving Richard Nagle in the west as he was running many

activities that would have to be taken over by others should he be moved. There was the

opportunity to buy the Church of the Nazarene. The asking price was $15,000 but a community

friend had appraised it at $12,000. Its acquisition would square out the property, give more land

to the school and prevent a contractor from crowding the school by erecting houses.875

Nothing

further is extant about this and the church still stands.

During 1943 and 1944, Kevin Flanagan paid off the entire debt of St. Raphael's to the province

along with interest. The principal alone was $7500.876

Eliseus Duffy, treasurer of the community, was anxious to clear the debts incurred with the

Hibernian Savings and Loan Society. He tried a bond house in St. Louis but this was not

feasible.877

Then a plan was conceived whereby the province would pay off the debt and the

school would repay this at a rate of three percent. $12,000 was paid in February, 1944 leaving a

remainder of $28,000. Between money from the community and the province, this remainder

was paid during that school year of 1943-44 and the following summer.878

Duffy was still able

to make payments to Flanagan lamenting it could be more but they had to turn away Freshmen

874

Rancho San Antonio File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 875

Acta Capituli Provincialis, Middletown, June 18-23, 1943, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64); F to Cantwell, Bronx, July 15, 1943; Cantwell to F, Los Angeles, July 19, 1943, ANYP. 876

Daly to Lynch, Los Angeles, Dec 13, 1943, ANYP. 877

K. Flanagan to Lynch, Los Angeles, Dec 30, 1943; same to same, Los Angeles, Sept 19, 1944, ANYP. 878

Duffy to F, Los Angeles, Jan 21, 1944, ANYP.

128

for September, 1944, due to the lack of teachers.879

After this grueling task, Duffy was relieved

of the treasurer's job, a fact he was glad of except that he missed the importance the post carried

with it.880

In the spring of 1946, Lynch wrote Archbishop Cantwell asking that the Carmelites be given

charge of a small parish outside the city.881

Cantwell offered the Carmelites an area in which a

high school as well as a parish was needed. Judging from previous conversations with Lynch,

Cantwell thought the school could be opened in September, 1947. He wanted Lynch to see the

area and suggested that he appoint one of the fathers at Mt. Carmel to work with the chancery

office on the project.882

Lynch had to reply that the school could not open in 1947 and that it would take from five to

eight years before priests or capital would be available. He clarified his original request by

saying that he had a small parish in mind that would develop to the point where in the future a

high school would be needed. 883 Bishop McGucken seemed anxious to have the school for he

proposed to Lynch that he would explore financing if Lynch could furnish the staff for the

school. The area named was Pasadena but McGucken cautioned that a religious community

would not get the parish except according to the proposal the archdiocese was making.884

Hedging a bit, Lynch said staffing was the problem because of opening the new novitiate in

Auburn, NY. He mentioned the possibility of getting staff from Ireland and proposed placing the

matter before that June's chapter.885

In the midst of these negotiations, McGucken was sent to Fresno as the apostolic administrator

and Timothy Manning, soon to be named a bishop, took his place as chancellor. This was not

seen as affecting the venture.886

879

F to Duffy, Bronx, Jan 26, 1944; same to same, Bronx, Feb 2, 1944; Duffy to F, Los Angeles, Feb 23, 1944; Release of Mortgage, Hibernia Savings and Loan Society, Feb 14, 1944, Los Angeles County, Lib 17313, p 207; F to Duffy, Bronx, Feb 28, 1944, ANYP. 880

Duffy to F, Los Angeles, May 11, 1944; F to Duffy, Bronx, June 15, 1944; same to same, June 24, 1944; Duffy to F, Los Angeles, July 12, 1944 enclosing Release of Mortgage, Hibernia Savings and Loan Society, July 3, 1944, Los Angeles County, Lib 16942, p 123, ANYP. 881

Duffy to F, Los Angeles, Aug 31, 1944, ANYP. 882

McGucken to Lynch, Los Angeles, Apr 26, 1946, ANYP. 883

Lynch to McGucken, Tarrytown, May 2, 1946, ANYP. 884

McGucken to Lynch, Los Angeles, May 7, 1946, ANYP. 885

Lynch to McGucken, Tarrytown, May 18, 1946, ANYP. 886

B. Hourihan to F, Los Angeles, n.d., ANYP.

129

Lynch sent Flanagan to California that summer after the chapter had supported the proposal of a

new California foundation. 887 His initial report was that the foundation looked promising. The

Carmelites in California were anxious about the size of the land but Flanagan thought twenty

acres would be large enough.888

Negotiations proceeded to the point that Flanagan signed a preliminary agreement with Cantwell

in which the Carmelites were given the parish. He asked Lynch for his ideas on the final draft.889

Within a few days, Flanagan met with the archbishop again and signed a document giving the

Carmelites the parish in Pasadena and a site for a high school which the Carmelites would build

and staff. The parish would be conveyed immediately and the school would open in September,

1948.890

Lynch wanted Flanagan to remain in California to care for the new parish and plan for the

school. Then the following summer, 1947, a permanent pastor would be appointed. Since it was

Lynch's idea to separate the parish and school men in Los Angeles, he also asked Flanagan to

obtain from Cantwell a nihil obstat for the second community.891

Flanagan did not remain in California to await the new parish. He returned east and discussed

the whole proposal with Lynch. Flanagan then wrote Cantwell that since there was trouble

finding a good site for the school, he proposed using the parish site for the school and then

finding a more central location for the church. He pledged to open the school no later than

September, 1950, provided Cantwell accepted this proposal and a beginning could be made in

the near future.892

Both of Flanagan's proposals ran into trouble. Cantwell could not change the parish site until his

council had redrawn parish boundaries and he wanted the school open before 1950.893

Sensing

the deal was in trouble, Flanagan said he realized the urgency and could open the school in

September, 1949.894

Cantwell, meanwhile, had appointed a committee to work on the parish

boundaries of Pasadena and was glad to hear that the school would open in 1949.895

887

Acta Capltuli Provincialis, Middletown, June 30 - July 3, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae, Cap et Cong (1931-64). 888

Lynch to F, Tarrytown, n.d., ANYP. 889

F to Lynch, Los Angeles, Aug 14, 1946, ANYP. 890

Same to same, Los Angeles, Aug 19, 1946, ANYP. 891

Lynch to F, Auburn, Aug 23, f\94£/, ANYP. 892

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Oct 24, 1946, ANYP. 893

Cantwell to F, Los Angeles, Nov 7, 1946, ANYP. 894

F to Cantwell, Bronx, Nov 21, 1946, ANYP.

130

Here all correspondence on Pasadena ends. There is also no further mention of the matter in the

definitory accounts. Faced with the impossibility of providing the manpower, it would seem that

the matter of the Pasadena foundation died from careful neglect.

Cantwell gave his approval to the idea of two communities in Los Angeles.896

The separation

became final later that year.897

At the same time, a proposal was made to enlarge the size of the

school and also build a monastery. Purchase of lots for this was approved and the funds were

being gathered. This priory was completed in 1950.898

The addition of a second story to an

existing building and a new building of two stories with basement were proposed at an estimated

cost of $104,800.899

As a summary, it might be well here to list the officials of the Los Angeles communities:

1934-46 Principal, Patrick Russell 1943-46 Prior, Albert Daly

1934-43 Prior, Patrick Russell 1946-49 Prior, Albert Daly

(Mt. Carmel only)

1935-40 Pastor, Patrick Russell 1946-49 Principal, Albert Daly

1940-43 Pastor, Carmel Lynn 1946-52 Prior, St. Raphael's Brendan Hourihan.900

1943-50 Pastor, Kevin Flanagan

As we have seen, there was talk of a grammar school at St. Raphael's for some time. Kevin

Flanagan had plans drawn up and sent them to the Arch-diocesan Building Committee. Changes

were suggested and the plans were returned to him. He did not send the plans back, consult the

chancery about estimates or have his financing approved of. He simply went ahead with

construction which Cantwell estimated would cost $400,000, an amount he felt the parish could

not afford. He estimated Flanagan had put the parish into serious trouble and wanted Lynch to

look into the matter.901

When Lynch received this information in April, 1947, he was preparing

895

Manning to F, Los Angeles, Nov 23, 1946, ANYP. 896

Cantwell to Lynch, Los Angeles, Sept 9, 1946, ANYP. 897

Rescript, SCR, no. 10227/46, signed by Doswald, Dec 28, 1946, ANYP. 898

Definitory Minutes, Jan 3, 1945, Jan 28, 1946, ANYP; B. Hourihan to author, NY, Aug, 1983. 899

McNeill to Mount Carmel, Los Angeles, Sept 20, 1946, ANYP. 900

Mt. Carmel High School. Los Angeles, Silver Jubilee, 1934-59; B. Hourihan to author, NY, Aug, 1983. 901

Cantwell to Lynch, Los Angeles, Apr 26, 1947, ANYP.

131

to go to Rome for the chapter that would elect him general. Saying that he was under the

impression that matters had been conducted in the proper manner, he decided to send Dionysius

Flanagan out to investigate. Lynch also expressed his readiness to follow any suggestion

Cantwell would make to Flanagan.902

Bishop McGucken wrote Dionysius Flanagan at St. Raphael's suggesting various ways of

reducing the cost of the school already in progress. They included a less expensive roof and the

leaving of some sections "in the rough.903

After meeting with Cantwell and McGucken and doing his own investigation, Dionysius

Flanagan wrote Lynch in Rome that the prelates were emphatic in stating that the parish could

not bear even a scaled down version of a school. Kevin Flanagan had estimated the school at

$150,000 but when this rose to $400,000, he never told the chancery. McGucken scaled the

construction costs down to $361,000 but even this was too much for the parish. Despite

McGucken telling him to postpone an auditorium, Kevin went ahead with its construction.

McGucken did not seek the removal of Kevin but wanted another in charge of construction. He

called for talks with the builder and the architect to reduce costs further. Loans had to be

arranged from the chancery but Kevin had obtained one from a bank, with Manning's

permission, an indication of some lack of uniformity in the chancery itself.

Dionysius Flanagan had seen the architect and told him to reduce costs. He also appointed the

two priors, Albert Daly and Brendan Hourihan, as well as Bernard Daly as a committee to

oversee the construction. Brendan was to be the contact man with the chancery, builder and

architect. Dionysius Flanagan wanted to return east but remained until the architect and builder

had given him figures. Additionally, Kevin had obtained no sisters for the school. Dionysius

Flanagan then enumerated all figures and hope that the parish would begin 1948 with a debt not

exceeding $260,000.904

He also sent these results to McGucken.905

The parish school was finished and opened in September, 1947. The Adrian Dominican Sisters

were obtained to staff the school.906

902

Cantwell to Lynch, Los Angeles, Apr 26, 1947, ANYP. 903

Lynch to Cantwell, Tarrytown, Apr 30, 1947, ANYP. 904

F to Lynch, Los Angeles, May 9, 1947, ANYP. 905

F to McGucken, Los Angeles, May 10, 1947, ANYP. 906

Golden Jubilee, _S_t. Raphael (1925-75), (Los Angeles, 1975) 9, 14; Vinculum 1, 188; Shane Tahney, "Carmelite Parishes in the Province," Sword 38 (Feb, 1978) 3-4.

132

Chapter 9

The Houses of the Province

In dealing with the houses of the province, it must be remembered that especially under the

administration of Dionysius Flanagan, life went on as usual. There was meditation, the recitation

of the breviary, the performance of work and the absence of any great scandals. Unfortunately,

what are recorded are the problems, the extraordinary events and matters of an unusual nature.

Reading about these matters, we must realize they take place against a background of regular

observance.

The 28th Street Parish

As a start, it might be well to list the pastors of the mother parish:

1926-28 Philip McGouran D. Flanagan served the interregnum

1928-34 Vincent Smyth 1940-43 Kevin Flanagan

1934-37 Elias Holland 1943-64 Sean Reid.907

1937-39 Stephen McGleenan

In many of these cases, the pastor was not always also the prior.

The Little Flower Society was situated in 28th Street. Its contribtions to the province are found

in the chapter, "Finances." When Francis Ronayne was in charge during Flanagan's trip to the

Eucharistic Congress in 1928, he negotiated with the same society of the Chicago Province. He

felt advertising in New York papers by the Englewood Carmelites created confusion among

people, infringed on the rights and income of New York, created rivalry and prevented the

devotion from growing at the pace it could. The outcome of the negotiations was that both

provinces were equal in this work, Chicago was to handle all paper work and New York would

have exclusive rights to both New York and Brooklyn.908

When this amalgamation had taken place, the Chicago office discovered the duplication of

names, shoddy paper work and poor office management. All of this cost the Chicago office

money. The careless packing of material and the return of the same was also an expense.909

907

Harold Dempsey, conversation with author, 1981; Appreciation, 50th

Anniversary Souvenir, 28th Street (New York, 1939); Elias Holland, "The First Carmelite Foundation in New York," Sword 3(1939) 205-6. 908

"Advantages of Amalgamation with the Society of the Little Flower," Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 909

Untitled report in ibid.

133

Chicago prepared a report after the amalgamation and the discovery of the above. It was stated

that no further financial concessions could be made to New York. Three financial plans were

proposed and the first of these was presented as favored. In it, 40c would be given to New York

for the present Greater New York members with a retention of an old formula for the split on

renewals. New members would be sold to New York for 60c each and there would be a fifty-fifty

split on bulletin mailings.910

An agreement was signed to take effect on April 1, 1928. New York was sold 19,741 members

held in Englewood for $9879.50 and for each new member New York received, it would retain

35cents and send 15 cents to Chicago. The money owed Chicago was asked for immediately.911

After the departure of Ronayne, Flanagan was made head of the society.912

He drew up a list of

matters that he thought unfair to New York. He sought new office procedures, addition of more

territory like Middletown and Tarrytown and a larger share of membership funds.913

Flanagan

received the territory he asked for and a new split of membership funds. Fifty-five percent was to

go to Chicago and forty-five percent to New York for all memberships and fees.914

In June,

1931, Hugh Devlin was appointed the head of the society.915

In a rather strange note written by Robert Green, himself, he left his assets to many including the

Carmelite Church. The will was composed in such complicated way and with so many

conditions, it was litigated through the 1920's. None of the benefactors benefitted from the will.

Lawyers were the only gainers.916

John McCarthy, a member of the 28th Street parish, died and left his house at 315 East 30th

Street to the parish for a convent for the school's sisters. It would take effect, however, only after

the death of his nephew, a man whom Flanagan called amazingly healthy.917

The nephew,

James A. Roach, died in 1933 without natural heirs but had assumed the relations of his late wife

910

Another untitled report in ibid. 911

Dolan to Ronayne, Rome (NY), Feb 6, 1928, ANYP. 912

Agreement, Consultors Meeting, Feb 19, 1929, ANYP. 913

F to Diether, Bronx, Nov 3, 1930, ANYP. 914

Agreement, New York Shrine and the Society of the Little Flower, Chicago, Anderson and Flanagan, Feb 12, 1931, ANYP. 915

F to Anderson, Bronx, June 19, 1931, ANYP. 916

Will of Robert Green, Wills, Flanagan Papers, ANYP; Hennessy to author, Bronx, July 15, 1981, ANYP. 917

F to Magennis, Bronx, Nov 14, 1930, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38).

134

as heirs. Flanagan's lawyer gave the opinion that the house would not be marketable because the

title was clouded. The lawyer felt the title was the church's, such as it was.918

Flanagan tried to have the house occupied by the Corpus Christi Carmelite Sisters as a center

from which they could work.919

No apostolate was forthcoming from the archdiocese so without

a means of support, the idea was abandoned by the sisters.920

The house remained under the complications created by the will and Roach. In 1941, Flanagan

said he needed the sisters' convent on 29th Street to house the overflow from the priory. He

wanted the McCarthy house for the sisters.921

Flanagan's lawyer recommended that he use

another lawyer, James Duross, to have the house vacated and then obtain tax exemption since it

would be used as a convent.922

Flanagan wrote Francis Mclntyre explaining the whole case and asking that the house be used for

the sisters so he could use their convent for a provincial residence.923

Bishop Joseph Donohue

was to inspect the house as a step towards making a decision.924

Duross was of the opinion that the house had to be used as a convent. He had previously tried all

sorts of solutions and had to take title in 1939 from the estate to the Carmelite Church. He had

also been managing the property, collecting rents and paying out all expenses. He now had an

excess of $2428.95 in the account which he could turn over the Flanagan when he took

possession of the house. Rather than use it as a convent, he suggested a fast move in disposing

of the property as it was rapidly deteriorating.925

Later that year, Duross conferred with the New York Title Company. They were willing to

guarantee the title and would furnish a policy to anyone who bought the premises. This would

effectively clear the title.926

918

Canary to F, [Brooklyn] July 21, 1934, ANYP. 919

F to Hayes, Bronx, Sept 4, 1934, ANYP. 920

Mclntyre to F, NY, Oct 4, 1934, ANYP. 921

F to Canary, Bronx, Sept 26, 1941; Definitory Minutes, Sept 16, 1941, ANYP. 922

Canary to F, Brooklyn, Oct 4, 1941, ANYP. 923

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Jan 22, 1942, ANYP. 924

F to Duress, Bronx, Jan 29, 1942, ANYP. 925

Duross to F, NY, Jan 30, 1942, ANYP. 926

Same to same, NY, June 26, 1942, ANYP.

135

Then, after he had become provincial in 1943, Kilian Lynch wanted to have the house occupied

by a group of sisters who would do parish work from there. He saw Archbishop Spellman who

was not willing to give the sisters any work in New York.927

Another attempt to clear up the

McCarthy problem had failed.

The house, it seems, was sold by the parish at a later date. 1939 was the fiftieth anniversary of

the parish and Flanagan planned a celebration worthy of the event. In preparation, he wrote to

Eamon De Valera inviting him to the celebration.928

Before the event, he received a letter of

congratulations from the general, Hilary Doswald. The letter recalled the occasion and said it

looked to the past, to those pioneers "worthy of a niche in the hall of Carmelite progress in New

York." He recalled the many obstacles overcome in present days and said that the Carmelites had

developed in Bellevue a standard for priests in hospital work. Then Doswald expressed the wish

this work would be such that in the future, Carmelites would look back on it as a solid

foundation.929

Also before the event, Flanagan was anxious and wrote to Washington for a copy of the rubrics

for the Ancient Rite. He also allowed the students to come to New York the day before the event

but only allowed to come those singing for or serving the Mass.930

Archbishop Spellman cast a damper on the celebration by not being able to attend the clergy

luncheon at the Hotel Commodore afterwards.931

The new vicar general, Monsignor Lavelie,

spoke at the luncheon and was "wonderful" in his talk.932

The Mass for the anniversary was held on Sunday, November 12. Spellman presided. Students

from St. Albert's joined those from Washington in singing the Mass. Flanagan was the celebrant

with John Maher and Kieran Hickey as deacon and subdeacon. Monsignor Courtney, pastor of

St. Stephen's, spoke. The archbishop talked at the end of the Mass. A souvenir program with

pictures of the ceremony and a history of the Carmelites in the parish was published later.933

927 Lynch to F, Tarrytown, n.d.; Definitory Minutes, July 22, 1943, ANYP. The latter states that the chancery office rejected the

McCarthy house as a suitable convent. 928

F to De Valera, Bronx, Feb 1, 1939, ANYP. 929

Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 31, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 930

F to Fitzpatrick, Bronx, Oct 25, 1939, ANYP. 931

Casey to McGleenan, NY, Nov 3, 1939, ANYP. 932

F to Doswald, NY, Dec 28, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 933

Appreciation, 50th Anniversary Souvenir, 28th Street (New York, 1939).

136

The Franciscans from 24th Street were notable for their absence but Epiphany parish had a

dinner for the community.934

The church had also been embellished for the occasion. Eamon De

Valera sent a telegram recalling the place of the parish in the Irish freedom movement, the

hospitality given him and the many Irish meetings held there.935

A gala dinner dance was held in the spring subsequent to the religious celebration. Flanagan was

able to use the Irish Press mailing list for the affair.936

Held on May 3, 1940 at the Riverside

Plaza Hotel, the dance was also promoted by radio announcements. Stars of stage and vaudeville

entertained with Morton Downey acting as the master of ceremonies. Judge Owen Bohan was

the chairman of this event and Flanagan spoke giving thanks to all who brought about this

event.937

The occasion was also noted in print.938

Sean Reid, as pastor, achieved some note when the parish basketball team, coached by himself a

hurling expert, won the East Side CYO championship.939

This fame became more noted when

William O'Dwyer was running for mayor. Reid said to the Daily News that if anyone doubted

the moral fitness of O'Dwyer to be mayor, the person could get in touch with him. Many did,

some abusively but some in favor of the candidate. This furor came about because the American

Labor Party, acknowledged communists, backed O'Dwyer who also had attended the wedding of

Adam Clayton Powell and Hazel Scott. At a Mass for the VFW on September 5, 1945, Reid

spoke in a veiled manner against slandering politicians. This was reported in the press and

Francis Mclntyre got in touch with Flanagan over the matter.940

Reid sent a copy of the talk to Mclntyre, stated that he did not know in advance O'Dwyer would

be there and said his talk was not written for publication. He stated that he had Alfred E. Smith

in mind and spoke only for the VFW. He then apologized for any problems caused.941

Reid was very active in civic and Irish groups. He frequently had Gaelic services at the parish.

He was present at the Normandie fire to aid the victims.942

At the O'Dwyer inauguration, he

934

F to Russell, Bronx, Dec 15, 1939, ANYP. 935

De Valera to F, Dublin, Nov 23, 1939, telegram, ANYP. 936

Healy to O'Rourke, Washington, Mar 27, 1940, ANYP. 937

50th Anniversary File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 938

Donald O'Callaghan, " Ad Multos Annos," Sword 3(1939) 312-3; 4(1940) 27-8. 939

Irish World (NY) May 11, 1942. 940

Reid Papers, ANYP. 941

Reid to Mclntyre, NY, Sept 11, 1945, ANYP. 942

Reid Papers, ANYP.

137

spoke of improving life in the city. He specifically mentioned equal rights for blacks and more

welfare for the needy.943

This drew the ire of Mclntyre again and Reid sent him a copy of a talk

he gave on station WMCA that was very much like the inaugural speech. Even though he quoted

the popes, Reid asked if he could have his talks cleared in the future to avoid any problems.944

When the IRA resorted to violence in Dublin, De Valera, apparently at Reid's request, sent a

telegram whose contents Reid was obviously expected to disseminate. De Valera stated that he

could not permit a hunger strike or the murder of citizens by their fellows.945

The Irish efforts of the Carmelite parish had continued along through the twenties. When Eamon

De Valera, for example, was returing to Ireland in 1928, a meeting was held at the Carmelite

School to plan a farewell reception for him at the Mecca Temple that February 5.946

In a meeting of the 28th Street community on August 11, 1928, after approving of Benedict

Short for solemn vows, the matter of renovating the priory was brought forward for discussion.

Vincent Smyth considered any renovation work a waste of money and proposed gutting and

remodeling the priory or building a new one on 28th Street next to the church. He estimated the

first at $40,000 and the second at $50,000. The community vote for a new priory carried and

they instructed Smyth to proceed with the work. Ronayne, vicar general in Flanagan's absence,

approved of the project as did the commissariate's consultors when Smyth explained it to

them.947

Smyth wrote to the consultors of the New York archdiocese explaining the poor living conditions

at 28th Street and the need for sufficient bathrooms. He said renovation would cost $40,000 and

require rented space while the work was in progress. He doubted that such a rented facility could

be found and stated that renovation would still leave the parish with an old structure. The

architect and builder he consulted recommended a new building and its construction would mean

the erection of a suitable ecclesiastical building on a line with the church. The new building, he

argued, would cost only $10,000 more and would allow the older priory to be used for other

purposes. He also asked for an interview to present the plans. As a final persuader, he recalled

943

Catholic Interracial Review (Jan, 1946) 10-1. 944

Reid to Mclntyre, NY, Feb 6, 1946, ANYP. 945

De Valera to Reid, Dublin, May 6, 1946, telegram, ANYP. 946

Post card, ANYP. 947

28th Street Meeting Book, Box 25, ANYP.

138

the thirty-five years of work in Bellevue and the unsatisfactory conditions the fathers had lived

under for that time.948

As Smyth described the meeting with the consultors, "After a very cursory look at the rough

plans...", he was given permission for a loan of $60,000 and was commended for trying to

improve living conditions for the staff.949

Surely, the account of events was somewhat slanted

to sway opinion towards the new priory built in the absence of Flanagan. It so irked him that for

many years, he would not use the elevator in the 28th Street priory.

The building of the new priory did not turn out as predicted. The actual cost was $105,000

including furnishings. The remodeling of the old priory for use as a convent for the Sisters of

Mercy cost $12,500. This gave the parish a debt of $98,000 at the end of 1930. That year's

report also listed $13,500 for remodeling the church. Salaries totaled $10,146 and $16,729.58

was spent in running expenses for the school. Between the annual bazaar and entertainments,

$15,672.27 was raised that year.950

The parish had taken out a mortgage in 1902 for $116,000 and another one for $58,000.951

There was a third in 1905 for $72,000.952

The money was used for the parish school, completed

in 1904. These loans were consolidated in 1931 by Dominic Hastings into one loan of $200,000

at a rate of five percent.953

In 1933, the rate was lowered to four and a half percent.954

This

loan was not satisfied until 1946 when Sean Reid was pastor.955

A "Grand Reunion of the Church of Our Lady of the Scapular" was held at the Waldorf on

March 29, 1932 with an elaborate program picturing all the Carmelites in white cloaks including

Simon Vital with all of his war medals. It featured a comedy in three acts, "Horses Prefer Hats."

The next year, the school children put on a "Grand Irish Night" in the school auditorium. In

948

[Smyth] to Consultors, Aug 16, 1928, ANYP.

949 28th Street Meeting Book, Box 25, ANYP.

950

Financial Report, Our Lady of the Scapular, 1930, CG, Am Sti Eliae, BTMNY. 951

Mortgage, Emigrant to Our Lady of the Scapular, Apr 25, 1902, two documents, no liber information, CONY. 952

Mortgage, Emigrant to Our Lady of the Scapular, June 27, 1905, Lib 140, Sec 4, p 4, CONY. 953

Agreement, Emigrant and Our Lady of the Scapular, Dec 21, 1931, ANYP; Mortgage, Emigrant to Our Lady of the Scapular, Dec 21, 1931, Lib 4141, p 457; Lib 4154, p 156, CONY. 954

Agreement, Emigrant and Our Lady of the Scapular, June 27, 1933, ANYP; agreement, Emigrant and Our Lady of the Scapular, July 8, 1933, Mort Lib 4198, p 9, CONY. 955

Mortgage Satisfaction, CONY.

139

1935, the "Grand Annual Reunion" was held at the A.W.A. Club House on February 15 and

featured song and dance routines.956

With the difficulty of a large debt over his head, Vincent Smyth wrote Mel Day in 1932 stating

his sorrow that he could not send more when Mel had to make a determined demand for money.

He said this despite the fact that he had contributed $3800.38 in 1931.957

A year later, there existed a problem between the Little Flower Society and the fathers at 28th

Street. So a society employee, Teresa Fleming, made up a set of guidelines about the novenas

illustrating their benefits and disadvantages to the parish. She sent this on to Flanagan with the

notation that he might find the information useful in the meeting he was planning to have over

this problem.958

Flanagan heard a rumor in March, 1934 that Cardinal Hayes was going to take the Carmelites

from 28th Street and give them another parish.959

It seems that a Monsignor Brady had spoken

to Smyth about giving up Bellevue if another place in the city were offered to the Carmelites.

Three definitory meetings were held the previous year over this proposal while Flanagan was in

California. Flanagan was amazed at the rapidity of the Carmelites' action and his not being

consulted. He felt the speed showed the archdiocese the Carmelites would take anything and thus

weakened the order's hand. His opposition to the proposal can be seen in his own comment,

"They [the Carmelites] were surprised that I did not clap them on the back for their wonderful

astuteness.”960

Looking back on the incident, Flanagan supposed the archdiocese wanted their

own men in Bellevue but couldn't until they had taken care of the Carmelites. The monsignor

involved was in the hospital apostolate. Flanagan had no contact with the chancery on this

matter.961

The whole affair seems to have been an informal and unauthorized deal conceived by

Monsignor Brady, a matter which Smyth grasped at.

The parish school of Our Lady of the Scapular had forty-three graduates in 1929 but by 1937,

this number had decreased gradually to twenty-nine.962

956

Programs, ANYP. 957

Smyth to Daly, NY, Apr 6, 1932, ANYP. 958

Fleming to F, NY, June 5, 1933, ANYP. 959

F to Russell, Bronx, Mar 5, 1934, ANYP. 960

Same to same, Middletown, Mar 13, 1934; Definitory Minutes, Feb 15, 1934, ANYP. 961

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 26, 1934, ANYP. 962

Graduation Programs, ANYP.

140

Elias Holland succeeded Vincent Smyth as pastor in 1934. Flanagan boasted that Holland paid

all the bills left by Smyth and would pay some of the debt which he listed at $108,000.963

At the

chapter of 1937, Stephen McGleenan replaced Holland.964

McGleenan had been the prior in

Holland's pastorate and before the chapter sent a glowing report of his accomplishments to the

general. He cited improvement in the hospital's atmosphere and work. This was praised by

Monsignor Lavelle in public. This acknowledgment by authority showed it to be an

accomplishment of his term. In finances, he was able to pay interest, current expenses and also

reduce the principal of the debt by several thousand. Then he stated he was looking forward to

seeing the general that summer.965

When the parish of St. Gabriel was demolished for the construction of the Midtown Tunnel, the

territory of the parish had to be distributed among its neighbors. Sacred Hearts, 33rd Street, was

changed from a national parish to a territorial one and given the south side of 33rd Street which

had belonged to Our Lady of the Scapular. Mclntyre announced this to McGleenan asking if he

had any comment since the matter would have to be presented to Rome. He regretted there was

no compensation for the loss of 33rd Street.966

All McGleenan did was send the letter on to

Flanagan and so told Mclntyre.967

Flanagan wrote Mclntyre that his letter afforded no comfort

to the Carmelites. He cited how the Carmelites had served fifty years in the parish with many

problems including finances. The proposal of Mclntyre would render matters more acute.

Flanagan said he would not protest the decision but asked for a more generous consideration for

the Carmelites.968

During the summer of 1939, Hilary Doswald was visiting in 28th Street. He was present at a

meeting with Flanagan and McGleenan, the nature of which is not known. Flanagan though

described it in personal terms saying that McGleenan had a chip on his shoulder and in a

showdown at this meeting, resigned as pastor.969

That spring McGleenan had asked Flanagan

to invite De Valera to the parish's fiftieth anniversary. Flanagan did. When Flanagan would not

agree with McGleenan's plans for the celebration, McGleenan said he would not receive De

Valera. Reports of the discussion say McGleenan was antagonistic and the plans made for the

963

F to Doswald, Bronx, May 16, 1936, ANYP. 964

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Aug 10, 1937; Mclntyre to F, NY, Aug 17, 1937, ANYP. 965

McGleenan to Doswald, NY, Jan 4, 1937, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 966

Mclntyre to McGleenan, NY, Mar 31, 1939, ANYP. 967

McGleenan to F, NY, Apr 5, 1939, ANYP. 968

F to Mclntyre, Los Angeles, Apr 12, 1939, ANYP. 969

F to Cogan, Bronx, Aug 20, 1939, ANYP.

141

celebration were not to his liking.970

In writing to the chancery and naming himself as

administrator, Flanagan simply said that McGleenan was returning to the Irish Province.971

Mclntyre approved and mentioned that McGleenan had written for a testimonial letter which he

had sent him.972

Sean Reid was made head chaplain of Bellevue at this time.973

Despite the

conflict between Flanagan and McGleenan, it did nothing to prevent Flanagan from telling

Mclntyre, "He has always been a hard-working and excellent priest."974

McGleenan was one of

Flanagan's protagonists and while he was away at the Eucharistic Congress in 1928 went to the

chancery office and tried to trade away the 28th Street parish for another in Hell's Kitchen.975

These memories had to linger on in Flanagan.

McGleenan could not travel to Ireland because American citizens could not go to Europe except

for grave reasons. Since Patrick Russell needed a man at St. Raphael's in Los Angeles, Flanagan

sent McGleenan there for the duration of the war.976

Flanagan felt hurt again because he

believed McGleenan had spoken to the people in the parish of this conflict with himself.977

John

Cogan was glad to hear that McGleenan was happy in Los Angeles saying that he would have a

bigger field and more opportunity there than he would ever have in Ireland. He admitted his own

inability to understand why someone would want to return to Ireland after being abroad for so

long.978

Doswald became involved in an imbroglio with Hugh Devlin while the latter was stationed at

28th Street. He claimed the general had made disparaging remarks about his religious conduct.

Doswald denied the charge and said he mentioned his name only once while examining the

books during visitation.979

970

Definitory Minutes, Apr 24, 1939, ANYP. 971

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Aug 6, 1939, ANYP. 972

Mclntyre to F, NY, Aug 8, 1939, ANYP. 973

Same to same, NY, Aug 17, 1939, ANYP. 974

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Aug 18, 1939, ANYP. 975

Interview with Kilian Lynch, Tadcaster, Nov 15, 1976. 976

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 2, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65); F to B. Devlin, Bronx, Nov 21, 1939, ANYP. 977

F to Doswald, Bronx, Oct 14, 1939, ANYP. 978

Cogan to F, Dublin, Dec 16, 1939, ANYP. 979

Doswald to F, Rome, Oct 5, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65).

142

While Flanagan was the administrator of the parish, he learned that two payments had been made

on the principal, $90,000 in 1931 and $50,000 in 1939 bringing the debt down to $38,499.82.980

Quite a lessening of the burden.

Flanagan traveled from the Bronx to give a two minute talk at the dedication of the synagogue at

Bellevue and also attended the dedication of the Protestant chapel there981

The chapter of 1940 made Kevin Flanagan pastor.982

One of the first problems he faced was an

examination by the Archdiocesan School Board. They found that unused classrooms were so

cluttered they presented a fire hazard, material under stairways presented the same and

extinguishers had to be refilled.983

In 1941, Cyril Conroy replaced Joseph Larsen at the parish.984

In the following year, Bernard

Godfrey whom Flanagan cited as "dependable and always faithful," came there replacing Brother

Albert Kenny.985

In 1941, Flanagan found some difficulties of a local nature at 28th

Street. Doswald suggested

steps for him to follow even to the extent of asking the prior to resign.986

This seems not to have

been necessary.

Then in 1942, problems with Bellevue were brought to Flanagan's attention by Mclntyre.

Flanagan made some changes and wrote Mclntyre of these. When Flanagan met Archbishop

Spellman at St. Patrick's Home, Spellman told him he was pleased with the arrangements made

and cited Flanagan's letter to Mclntyre indicating he had read it carefully.987

Shortly afterwards,

Flanagan invited Mclntyre to give benediction at a 28th Street service.988

He probably hoped a

meeting with the fathers would help heal any breech that had been opened.

980

Hession to F, NY, Oct 18, 1939, ANYP. 981

F to Oilman, Bronx, Sept 10, 1940; Oilman to F, NY, Sept 18, 1940; Sprenger to F, NY, Sept 16, 1940; F to Sprenger, Bronx, Sept 23, 1940, ANYP, 982

F to Mclntyre, NY, July 9, 1940; Mclntyre to F, NY, July 15, 1940, ANYP. 983

Voight to F, NY, Oct 25, 1940, ANYP. 984

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, May 6, 1941; Gaffney to F, NY, May 14, 1941, ANYP. 985

F to Kenny, Bronx, Dec 29, 1942; F to Godfrey, Bronx, Dec 29, 1942, ANYP. 986

Doswald to F, (?), Mar 13, 1942, ANYP. 987

F to Doswald, Bronx, Mar 23, 1942, ANYP. 988

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Mar 24, 1942, ANYP.

143

In the spring of 1942, Flangan wrote Mclntyre he was bringing younger men to Bellevue, a

promise he had made in a previous letter to him. They were three: John Howe, Alphonsus

Galligan and Columba Staunton.989

Not much later, John McGrath went into the service from

his Bellevue post and Galligan was named to replace him as head chaplain until he returned.990

Mclntyre wrote Flanagan on February 20, 1943 to tell him he had obtained the services of

Conrad I. McCoy of the Bowery Mission for Bellevue's prison ward.991

Flanagan wrote both

McCoy and Mclntyre assuring that McCoy would receive a warm welcome from the

Carmelites.992

McCoy was grateful but cautioned Flanagan that day or night, he would take no

emergency calls but would visit the ward twice a week.993

In May of that year, there was another Bellevue complaint from the chancery. Flanagan, in Los

Angeles, replied saying that he had spoken to the fathers at 28th Street and they were seeking a

solution. Some matters would have to be left to the chapter that July but in the meantime, Sean

Reid had made up a list of all the activities at the hospital. He hoped it would give a clear picture

of the work being done. Three chaplains and three auxiliaries worked at the hospital but Reid

seemed to indicate the fathers also did some parish work. All calls were accounted for and the

fathers claimed everyone was taken care of. Some delay in calls was due to the size of the

hospital and the fact that calls came in bunches. Sodalities and all services were listed.994

Reid

thought the list would show what was being done and would show that complaints were not

justified or were exaggerated.995

Just a month later, Bellevue was a problem again. Flanagan was still in Los Angeles recovering

from his prostate operation. Kilian Lynch had to go to the chancery and face the chancellor,

Francis Mclntyre, who was upset that his recommendations were not put into effect. The Ladies

Committee of the hospital threatened to resign and this seems to have propelled Mclntyre into

action. Kilian met with the fathers and Hilary Doswald. They worked out a plan Kilian felt

should receive approval. Mclntyre claimed a Carmelite report was not true and demanded more

cooperation from them with the Ladies Committee.996

Doswald also wrote Flanagan outlining

989

Same to same, Bronx, May 26, 1942; Gaffney to F, NY, May 29, 1942, ANYP. 990

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Sept 9, 1942; Gaffney to F, NY, Sept 14, 1942, ANYP. 991

Mclntyre to F, NY, Feb 20, 1943, ANYP. 992

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Feb 23, 1943; F to McCoy, Bronx, Feb 22, 1943, ANYP. 993

McCoy to F, NY, Feb 26, 1943, ANYP. 994

F to J. Donohue, Los Angeles, May 18, 1943, ANYP. 995

Reid to F, NY, May 24, 1943, ANYP. 996

Lynch to F, Tarrytown, June, 1943J, ANYP.

144

in more detail the plan worked out. Four fathers-chaplains were to work as assistants under the

pastor who was to be head chaplain. These four were to do only hospital work and no one was to

interfere with this rule. Mclntyre promised to obtain a fourth salary from the city and in its lack,

the chancery would pay. Doswald was worried that the Carmelites would lose Bellevue and the

parish. The men did not want this. He quoted them, "We must keep Bellevue at any cost, or face

disgrace - and worse." He also quoted Kilian Lynch, "I felt like a rat, when at the chancery I

heard justified complaints based on inefficiency."997

After this episode, the hospital was quiet

for a while.

With the advent of the Scapular Militia, Ariel Agemian painted the Scapular Vision in the 28th

Street church sanctuary and then finished the balance of the arched roof and walls with Carmelite

and Marian scenes.998

For the three years, 1940-1943, the church's collections totaled $35,000 and an additional

$54,000 was brought in from entertainments and bingo. The principal of the debt was reduced

from $81,000 to $49,000 during this time. The fathers gross income was $37,000 and they were

able to contribute $15,000 to the provincial fund.999

Some income came to the Carmelites from the sale of the original priory, the sisters convent, to

the parish for $7125, the very price the Carmelites had paid many years before.1000

Saint Simon Stock

The parish of St. Simon Stock was incorporated in 1920.1001

As background to see the

development of the parish in this period, we present what one of the participants, Dionysius

Flanagan, had to say about those days:

St. Simon Stock Elementary School was opened in February, 1926. At that

time Father O'Farrell was Commissary General of the New York

Carmelites, and Father Dominic Vella was pastor of St. Simon Stock

Parish. These two good priests were the pioneer Carmelites in the Bronx,

997

Doswald to F, Bronx, June 19, 1943, ANYP. 998

Contract, Agemian and Carmelite Fathers, Dec 28, 1943, ANYP. 999

Financial Statement, 28th Street, July, 1940 - July 1, 1943, ANYP. 1000

Meeting of the Missionary Society..., Jan 28, 1946, ANYP. 1001

Certificate of Incorporation, Nov 23, 1920, CONY.

145

and between them laid the foundations of a very active and successful

parish.

The Sisters of Mercy came to take charge of the new school. The first

Principal was Sister Mary Borromeo, to whose genius, prudence, loyalty

and indefatigible efforts, the success of the Elementary School, (and later

of the High School), was in a great measure due. To the Sisters of Mercy

we owe a mighty debt of gratitude. Without their aid there would be no

St. Simon Stock High School.

Fr. Gerhard succeeded Fr. Vella as pastor in 1928. His first big work was

to run a drive to reduce the debt, which was above $300,000. He

succeeded in bringing it down by about $70,000. But still it was a very

heavy burden on the parish, especially as the financial crisis came upon

the whole country in the following year.

Father Gerhard left for his own Province in Australia in 1929. For a brief

time I administered the parish affairs, then Father Patrick Russell was

appointed Pastor. He remained Pastor until 1934.

As it was during Father Russell's pastorship that the High School was

brought into existence, a few words about our Very Reverend Provincial

are in order: High School opened with the first Graduating Class in Sept

1929.

In 1930 it was necessary to build the top story of the school, also the

Science room.

This expenditure brought the parochial debt back close to where it was

before 1928. This was a heavy burden to place on the shoulders of a

young priest who was at that time only 4 years ordained and less than that

time in America. However he faced the problem and did his job well.

We always had two Carmelite Priests on the High School Staff as we have

today. The Principal and most of the members of the teaching staff have

always been Sisters of Mercy.

In the beginning our High School got approval from the State Dept. of

Education from year to year, but in at the Graduation of our First Class

Father Russell was happy to be able to announce that the State Dept. of

Ed. had given full recognition to our school. That was in June 1933.

146

1934 Father Russell and I went to look at some property offered to us as a

high school sight [sic/]in Los Angeles.1002

Flanagan, on his election as Commissary General in 1926, moved from 28th

Street to St. Simon

Stock. Louis Gerhard left for Australia in 1929.1003

and Flanagan began his time as

administrator that endured to his election as provincial in 1931. It was during this time that most

of the high school was built. The Sisters of Mercy had been living at 194th Street and the Grand

Concourse. A house was bought for them in the parish on Ryer Avenue and later on, another

was purchased and a bridge was constructed between them. These were 2248 and 2250 Ryer

Avenue.1004

So Flanagan in his modesty was not sufficiently factual of his

deeds.

During these days, dances were held on the "Roof Garden" by sodalities and other parish groups.

The garden was simply the flat roof of the school. A shrine to the Little Flower was built and

Elias Magennis was present for the dedication. William T. Cosgrave, President of Ireland and

friend of Gerhard, visited the church and school.1005

Almost from the first days of the parish, Sister Mary Camillus of the Mission Helpers of the

Sacrd Heart worked in the CCD program directing it eventually for more than twenty-five years.

She also did parish visiting and took up the first census in 1925.1006

When Doctor Mannix, Archbishop of Melbourne and Irish patriot, visited the United States in

1926, a luncheon was tendered him on July 16 at St. Simon Stock. The menu was rather plain

featuring fish.1007

It probably took place on a Friday.

A financial report for 1926 is hard to decipher. No debt is mentioned except for a temporary loan

of $45,000 of which $35,000 was paid back that year. Over $15,000 was paid in interest and

$5000 on a principal. Entertainments netted almost $4000 and the bazaar almost $10,000. The

report gives a picture of debt without citing an amount but also one of incredible amount of fund

1002 Notes, D. L. Flanagan, ANYP.

1003

Definitory Minutes, Feb 19, 1929, ANYP. 1004

St. Simon Stock Silver Jubilee (Bronx, 1945) n.p. 1005

St. Simon Stock scrapbook, ANYP. 1006

St. Simon Stock Silver Jubilee (Bronx, 1945) n.p. 1007

Luncheon program, ANYP.

147

raising and contributions to meet the building expenses of those days.1008

The next six months

saw $8094.01 more interest paid and over $5000 raised from entertainments.1009

The end of

that year, 1927, saw an income of about $70,000 and $23,700 paid off the debt leaving it at

$326,000.1010

1928 saw a drive to reduce this debt. Its goal was $100,000.1011

The outcome

has not been preserved.

For the seven hundreth anniversary of the approval of the Carmelite Rule by Honorius III, a

congress of the Scapular Confraternity was held at St. Simon's on February 27, 1927. Vespers

and compline were recited, messages from Cardinal Gaspari, Hilary Doswald and Cardinal

Hayes were read. Hugh Devlin preached. A procession and benediction took place with an

entertainment following in the school hall. Films were made of the event to be shown locally

and be preserved for the next congress in one hundred years.1012

That June a plaque with Father O'Farrell in has relief was dedicated. Elias Vella promoted the

idea to honor the first pastor.1013

Flanagan wrote Cardinal Hayes in May, 1929, for permission to build an additional story on the

school for use as a high school. He had obtained the services of the Sisters of Mercy because he

stated they and the Carmelites would be the faculty.1014

He was given permission to expend

$50,485 on this project.1015

Almost a year later, he asked that another $4415 be permitted for a

lab and $2500 for the purchase of a lot adjoining the sisters' convent where seemingly he planned

to build to accommodate the increased staff the high school would require.1016

All this was

granted.1017

1008

Church of St. Simon Stock, Statement of Cash Receipts and Disbursements for the Year Ended Dec. 31, 1926, CG, Am Sti Eliae, BTMNY. 1009

Church of St. Simon Stock, Statement of Cash Receipts and Disbursements for Six Months Ended June 30, 1927, in ibid. 1010

Financial Report, St. Simon Stock, Jan 1 - Dec 31, 1927, ANYP. 1011

St. Simon Stock scrapbook, ANYP. 1012

Gaspari to F, Rome, Feb 22, 1927; General and Curia to F, Rome, [Feb ], 1927; O'Mahoney to F, Utica, Feb 26, 1927; Hayes to F, NY, Feb 26, 1927; St. Simon Stock scrapbook, ANYP. 1013

Ibid. 1014

F to Hayes, Bronx, May 5, 1929; F to Daly, Williamstown, Feb 12, 1959, ANYP, 1015

Carroll to F, NY, June 11, 1929, ANYP. 1016

F to Hayes, Bronx, Mar 25, 1930, ANYP. 1017

Carroll to F, NY, May 9, 1930, ANYP.

148

Writing to Magennis in Rome, Flanagan described how he had to assume the parish

administration and gave reasons for building the high school. He felt children should not be

traveling to other schools by subway. He also saw it as a source of vocations and a place "where

we can give our postulants from the city a High School education without having to support them

for years in Middletown."1018

Mel Daly returned from his studies in Rome and was appointed to St. Simon's in the summer of

1930.1019

In was in 1934 that he began his long term as pastor.

When Elias Magennis visited the parish in 1931, Elias Vella, the prior, gave a luncheon in his

honor.1020

For the school year of 1930-31, the parish had 466 students in the elementary school and ninety-

five in the high school. Mel Daly, Kieran Hickey and Patrick Russell were listed as faculty

members of the high school.1021

At the first high school graduation in 1933, Flanagan spoke.

He described how at one time there were extra classrooms in the school but that Patrick Russell

would now have to build more and asked for the listeners to help him do it.1022

For that first

graduation, a special publication in the style of a yearbook, The Mantuan, was published. It

featured material on Kieran Hickey and Berthold Forrester, faculty members.1023

Flanagan,

proud of the production, sent a copy to Cardinal Hayes as a token of the graduates' esteem and

loyalty.1024

The addition to the school mentioned by Flanagan at the 1933 graduation would prove to be

more difficult than envisioned. Patrick Russell received ten estimates for the addition of a fourth

story to the school. They ranged from $19,950 to $30,777.1025

One man, William Jones, had

taken over, he thought, the firm of Anthony Schmidt, the addition's architect, when the latter

1018

F to Magennis, Bronx, June 13, 1929, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). It would seem that Elias Holland did not fill out Russell's term as stated in Mel Daly, "St. Simon Stock Church Marks Golden Jubilee," Sword 30 (Oct, 1970) 17. 1019

Faculty, Aug 14, 1930, ANYP. It seems that St. Simon Stock Silver Jubilee (Bronx, 1945) is not correct in citing the appointment of Mel Daly in 1933 which is also given as the year Russell left for Los Angeles. 1020

Vella to Farrington, Bronx, Apr 29, 1931, ANYP. 1021

St. Simon Stock School, Report to Curia, 1930-31, ANYP. 1022

Speech, Flanagan File, ANYP. 1023

The Mantuan, ANYP. 1024

F to Hayes, Bronx, June 13, 1933; Hayes to F, NY, June 22, 1933, Hayes Papers, DA. 1025

Estimates, Flanagan Papers, ANYP.

149

died. Other architects, Jones claimed, had gotten hold of the plans and filed them with New

York City. When Jones filed his copy, it was rejected.1026

Flanagan did nothing, it seems,

about his complaint. Another man named Stanley actually took over the Schmidt firm and his

plans, too, were rejected by the city but he never informed Flanagan of this development before

submitting the plans to builders for bids. Flanagan ended the Stanley relationship and sought

another architect.1027

Flanagan wrote the chancery office in September, 1934, explaining that the building for which

permission had been received in January, 1933, had been postponed but that now it was

necessary to build. The cost was expected to be $30,000 and a loan would have to be made for

$25,000. He enclosed a form for Cardinal Hayes to sign paving the way for the loan from

Central Hanover.1028

A loan was approved for $25,000 on September 24, 1934 and another for

$10,000 on December 3, 1934 for a total of $35,000.1029

The following spring Flanagan wrote Hayes saying that the lowest bid for the addition was

$36,500 and sought permission to increase the loan amount to $35,000 if needed.1030

This was

actually the amount approved the previous fall. He was given permission.1031

Building was still going on in September, 1935 but it was expected to be completed by the end of

that month. The school enrollment that month had risen to 700 in the elementary section and 281

in the high school. The wearing of academic attire by the faculty seemed to impress the

students.1032

' By the start of November, Flanagan was able to report the addition as

completed.1033

The contract for the work was for $37,339.1034

At completion, the architect

cited the cost at $45,673.1035

Loan certificates indicate that between August, 1935 and January,

1026

Jones to F, Yonkers, July 12, 1934, ANYP. 1027

F to Stanley, Bronx, June 29, 1934, ANYP. 1028

Carroll to Russell, NY, Jan 16, 1933; F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Sept 10, 1934, ANYP. 1029

Certificate, Central Hanover Bank and Trust, Sept 24, 1934; Clabby to Daly, NY, Dec 3, 1934, ANYP. 1030

F to Hayes, Bronx, Mar 30, 1935, ANYP. 1031

Mclntyre to Daly, NY, Apr 3, 1935, ANYP. 1032

F to Russell, Bronx, Sept 15, 1935, ANYP. 1033

F to Cogan, Bronx, Nov 2, 1935, PO. 1034

Walsh to Daly, NY, Nov 19, 1935, ANYP. 1035

McGill to Daly, Sept 24, 1935, ANYP.

150

1936, $30,000 had been borrowed at an interest of four percent.1036

Archbishop Spellman was

able to obtain a reduction of interest to three percent if three percent was paid each year on the

principal.1037

The way this worked out for Mel Daly, when pastor, was that the rate was three

and a half percent provided $680 was paid on the principal each quarter.1038

On September 1, 1936, the debt of the parish was listed as $211,000.1039

A report of the fathers

for the period ending three months before that, shows the income of the priory was $8804.85 for

the previous year. In that same period, the priory contributed $5600 to the provincial fund.1040

There was always the idea of building a modern convent for the sisters at St. Simon Stock.

Obtaining a plot of land large enough for such a facility was the problem. Mel Daly asked

permission to buy two lots on Valentine Avenue as the two he had already assembled on Ryer

Avenue were next to a public school and would not be suitable for a convent.1041

He was given

permission to spend $9000 to $10,000 for these lots.1042

Daly, four years later, stated these two

lots were too small for a convent but could add to the plot by obtaining two adjoining lots. They

were available for $10,000. He asked permission stating he would not have to borrow and

bolstered his position by saying the site of the present convent could easily be sold to the city for

an extension of an adjoining playground.1043

No reply is extant and it appears that the lots were

1036

Certificates, Daly and Central Hanover Bank and Trust Co., ANYP.

1037 Spellman to [Dalv], NY, July 3, 1939, ANYP.

1038

Hoguet to Daly, NY, Aug 17, 1939, ANYP. 1039

Certificate, Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank, Sept 1, 1936, ANYP. 1040

Priory of St. Simon Stock, Financial Statement for the Year July, 1935 - June, 1936, CG, Am Sti Eliae, BTMNY. 1041

Daly to Hayes, Bronx, Apr 28, 1937, ANYP. 1042

Mclntyre to Daly, NY, May 5, 1937, ANYP. 1043

Daly to Mclntyre, Bronx, July 3, 1941, ANYP. It might be well to list here St. Simon Stock property titles as preserved in the New York Chancery Office. They are: Agreement, D. O'Connor and Isaac Roth, Dec 4, 1919, $24,000. O'Connor to St. Simon Stock, May 1, 1920, $100, Lib 274, p 379, sec 11. Quinn to St. Simon Stock, July 21, 1920, reg Oct 19, 1920, Lib 282, p 390 sec 11. Marshall to St. Simon Stock, Apr 27, 1923, Lib 420, p 180, sec 11. Oct 23, 1923, Lib 425, p 7, sec 11. Klockgeter to St. Simon Stock, May 12, 1926, Lib 560, p 238. Wurster to St. Simon Stock, Nov 17, 1927, Lib 669, p 446, sec 11. Walz to Flanagan, July 2, 1930, Lib 784, p 169. Flanagan to St. Simon Stock, July 21, 1930, $100, Lib 784, p 171, sec 11. Verdon to St. Simon Stock, Nov 22, 1937, no liber. Sheridan to Clohessy, Dec 4, 1944, $5000, 2220 Valentine Ave., reg Dec 11, 1944, Lib 1338, p 471, sec 11. Clohessy to Sheridan, Dec 4, 1944, $100, no liber.

151

not purchased.

Two Certificates of Satisfaction were issued for St. Simon Stock on September 20, 1939,

showing mortgages totaling $314,000 had been paid off. A financial report for July 1, 1940 to

June 30, 1943 shows that $137,743 was paid off on the debt in this period leaving a debt of

$49,000. In this same period, $38,000 was paid to the province in various forms.1044

It is

difficult to calculate the debt of the parish. It would seem that with constant additions being

made to the school, the debt never fell below $300,000

Each anniversary of the parish was celebrated principally with a fund raising event. The

eighteenth and twentieth anniversaries were entertainments at the Winter Garden. Journals of

ads and boosters were produced for the occasions.1045

For the high school graduation of 1939, Flanagan was able to obtain Sean T. O'Kelly, later the

president of Ireland, as the speaker. At the time, he was "Deputy Chief of the Government of

Ireland." 1046

An unusual parish mission, a three priest pulpit dialogue, was given at St. Simon's by the Paulists

in 1942.1047

The parish was so populated in the 1940Ts that two late Masses were held, one in

the church and one in the auditorium. When the latter was discontinued, the chancery office

received "comments" that the resulting crowded conditions in the church created a fire hazard.

Mel Daly was asked to check into the matter.1048

Here the matter ended.

To increase the province's income, a yearly collection was to be taken up in the parishes for the

students' education. Stating St. Simon's had so many men and so little pay, increased salaries

were proposed. $10,000 was asked for in back salaries and a payroll of $1200 for pastor, $5400

for assistants and $1000 for Brother Bernard Godfrey was proposed. After some debate, Mel

Daly accepted.1049

This was in 1941.

When the financial report for 1943 was done, St. Simon's had contributed only $600 to the

province. Kilian Lynch wrote Daly to check into the matter before the report was released. He

considered such a small sum coming from one of the largest and richest parishes incredible.1050

1044

Financial Report, St. Simon Stock, July 1, 1940 - June 30, 1943, ANYP. 1045

Journals, ANYP. 1046

Speech manuscript, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 1047

Publicity Notes, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 1048

Mclntyre to Daly, NY, Feb 18, 1943, ANYP. 1049

Definitory Minutes, Sept 16, 1941, ANYP. 1050

Lynch to Daly, Tarrytown, £19447, ANYP.

152

He wrote Daly again apparently when there was no response to the first letter to ask that the 1943

report be read at the next community meeting. He added, "If Middletown can contribute

$2400.00 your collection should be at least double what it is."1051

The silver jubilee of the parish was celebrated in 1945 with a. souvenir journal giving the history

of the parish in both words and pictures. Masses for the parishoners - living, deceased and

children - were held. A jubilee dinner took place at the Commodore Hotel on May 20, 1945.

About 700 were present.1052

That same year, finances had improved to the point where money was being gathered for a

convent. By the end of 1945, slightly over $21,000 was deposited in the archdiocesan bank.1053

Ailbe McNamee was stationed at the parish for a time in 1947.1054

While he was there, he

celebrated along with Mel Daly and Celestine Fitzpatrick the twenty-fifth anniversary of

profession. Accounts list the latter, unfortunately, as "Guthbert Fitzpatrick, Instr. Provincial."1055

At a visitation by Patrick Russell in 1948, the following items were pointed out: care of the

tabernacle key of the the community chapel, patience with penitents, share gifts, avoid drinking

at public functions. These, surely, were matters that could be brought up at any visitation in any

period. One matter was special, however. The general would reveal plans for missions for the

province when he came later that year.1056

St. Albert's

As O'Connor Hall was rising in 1928, Elias Magennis viewed it and used terms like spacious,

beautiful and magnificent to express the obvious pleasure he had in seeing this construction and

what it meant.1057

The architect was James O'Connor and the builder, James A. Meenan. The

1051

Same to same, Tarrytown, Jan 20, 1944, ANYP. 1052

St. Simon Stock Silver Jubilee (Bronx, 1945); seating list, jubilee dinner, ANYP. 1053

Spellman to Daly, NY, Dec 29, 1945, ANYP. 1054

Gaffney to Daly, NY, Jan 20, 1947, ANYP. 1055

Vinculum 1, 188. 1056

Visitation Report, St. Simon Stock, Jan 19, 1948, ANYP. 1057

Magennis to Franco, Bronx, Nov 23, 1928 and Nov 29, {1928J, CG, General! 2.

153

cost was not to exceed $154,000 with an additional $10,000 to the contractor for overhead and

profit. Another $3000 worth of walks and cloister work was done.1058

The actual work took

place during the trip of Flanagan to the Eucharistic Congress in Australia. Perhaps the fact that

this progress was made during Ronayne's vicariate accounts for some of Magennis' joy.

Pointing out to Cardinal Hayes that the building was almost completed, Flanagan asked if four or

five Corpus Christi Carmelite Sisters could take care of the domestic work. He promised they

would be no burden to the archdiocese and would have proper accommodations apart from the

college so they could live their "conventual" life.1059

Permission was given and the sisters

arrived on October 15 to begin work the first week in November. With Bishop Dunn's consent,

Joseph Borg was appointed their confessor.1060

The sisters were given The Thistles for their convent and within a few months they sought to use

its top floor as a novitiate. This was refused.1061

The fathers at St. Albert's complained about the

work of the sisters, their cleaning and the amount of electricity used. These were replied to and

some suggestions given in return to the fathers how they could run the seminary more

efficiently.1062

Though the fathers acted this way towards the sisters, Flanagan was their

champion. He helped secure their convent on Highland Avenue and when they were remodeling

this new facility, he loaned them $4000 interest free.1063

John Maher and Richard Haag, who had studied together in Rome, were friends. Anxious to

spend time together, Haag wrote Flanagan to ask if Maher could spend some time with him in

the "West" on vacation."1064

This was probably at Haag's Kansas home. Ronayne, then vicar,

turned the request down because of the annual retreat.1065

Maher also kept in touch with Hilary

Doswald who had named him the St. Albert's prior in 1933, a post he would keep until 1940. He

wrote him a letter appreciating all he had done for the province and told him how much his

1058

Contract, James A. Meenan, Inc. and Carmelite Fathers, Inc., June 26, 1928; F to Daly, Williamstown, Feb 22, 1957, ANYP. 1059

F to Hayes, Bronx, Jan 18, 1929, ANYP. 1060

F to Carroll, Bronx, Feb 18, 1930; Carroll to F, NY, Feb 26, 1929, ANYP; Brenninger to Borg, Rome, Jan 17, 1931, CG, Generali 2. 1061

Mary of the Blessed Sacrament to F, Middletown, May 18, 1931, ANYP. 1062

Same to same, Middletown, Feb 15, 1932; same to same, Port of Spain, Nov 19, 1931, ANYP. 1063

F to M. Augustine, Bronx, June 1, 1942; same to same, Bronx, Aug 6, 1942; Mclntyre to F, NY, Nov 2, 1938, ANYP. 1064

Haag to Ronayne, Niagara Falls, Aug 9, 1928, ANYP. 1065

Ronayne to Haag, (?), Aug 14, 1928, ANYP.

154

recent visit had meant. The he offered to do anything for him.1066

Another time, he told the

general how he was using one of his circular letters and Vita Carmelitana among the students.

Then he gave the general a sermon on the importance of the Carmelite spirit. The latter was

perhaps prompted by the news that Doswald would be in New York that year for the provincial

chapter.1067

After visiting Niagara Falls and Mt. Carmel, Maher told the general it was his ideal. Citing the

tremendous burden of being the prior of St. Albert's, he said the post had not been easy but that

he had proceeded courageously. St. Albert's was following the program of Catholic University

and Maher had hopes of eventually being affiliated. Informing the general of the trip of

Flanagan and Russell to Los Angeles to begin Mt. Carmel High School, he added the comment

that though the venture had the approval of the definitory, some felt it was premature. Possibly

this was what brought about Doswald's initial opposition to the school. Finally he expressed his

desire to have Doswald at the provincial chapter. As he said, the province needed his "help,

advice and guidance."1068

Previously, Anthony Wholley had written Doswald telling how great life was at St. Albert's and

under Maher. His changes had made a new life there. The students, on their own, were building

their private chapel, for instance.1069

In the summer of 1934, the faculty of St. Albert's placed a number of considerations before the

definitory. They can be divided into three groups: candidates, money and faculty. Because they

considered older men useless for the brotherhood and because no such candidates had

persevered, they asked for a cutoff age of twenty-one for brother candidates. The Carmelites had

a separate account into which they placed their earnings. They asked that $2000 of its $8000 be

used for buying the "bare necessities" required for equipping the school. Then followed a list of

seventeen items considered needed. At the end of the list a statement was placed that the men

were aware of the financial drain on the province of the Los Angeles undertaking but they

pointed out that the success of Los Angeles depended on favorable results at St. Albert's. That

coming school year, St. Albert's was to have high school and one year of college. They asked

that in order to have a capable faculty, Bernard Daly be assigned there as a teacher and master of

postulants. It was pointed out that ill men can be a help but it was not reasonable to demand of

them that they teach four or five hours a day and attend community exercises.1070

1066

Maher to Doswald, Middletown, Dec 6, 1933, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38); Definitory Minutes, Aug 6, 1933, ANYP. 1068

Same to same, Middletown, June 23, 1934, in ibid. 1069

Wholley to Doswald, Middletown, Dec 11, 1933, in ibid. 1070

Statement, St. Albert's Faculty, Aug 1, 1934, ANYP.

155

The novitiate with John Haffert, a member of the Chicago Province, as novice master was

located at St. Albert's. After his ordination by Bishop Colton of Buffalo in 1911, Haffert was sent

to the sanitarium at Gabriels, NY, where he was a patient for nearly a year. He taught at Mt.

Carmel, Chicago, for thirteen years and served as novice master from 1925 to 1933. He then was

placed in charge of the Washington house of studies until August, 1934, when Hilary Doswald as

general appointed him novice master for the New York Province.

Then novitiate was at St. Albert's in the building, now demolished, that the Carmelites

constructed as their first building on the property. In 1943, the novitiate was moved to The

Thistles and in 1946, the novitiate was moved to the new foundation in Auburn, NY. In 1949,

Haffert retired as novice master, being replaced by Finbar Lynn, and he went to live at St.

Cecilia's, Englewood, NJ, where he died in 1973.1071

Haffert was a good friend of Doswald's and so it is not surprising that he would write the general

a friendly letter telling how much he enjoyed the visit of Titus Brandsma and his lectures. He

then added a plug for Maher saying 168 he was the man for St. Albert's.1072

He praised him

again calling the years 1934-37 very ideal.1073

He was also grateful to the general for obtaining

permission for him to say Mass in his mother's home.1074

Haffert had translated the rule and constitutions of the order into English for the cloistered nuns.

John Gearon in Australia revised this translation and Haffert wrote Doswald criticizing Gearon's

version. Doswald sent Haffert's letter to Gearon and when Gearon responded, Doswald sent this

on to Haffert. So each knew what each thought about the other's work.

To the general Haffert called Gearon's comment on his version assinine. Gearon's ridicule he

called vulgar and because this was done before students, Haffert stated Gearon should not be

where young men were being trained.1075

Haffert wrote that same day to Gearon saying he did the translation because he was asked to. He

said concerning some phrases Gearon objected to, "I know that our American dialect sounds

1071

Haffert to Hansen, Englewood, Dec 27, 1957, ANYP; AOC 8, 122; "Silver Jubilee of Father John Haffert, 0. Carm.," Sword 1 (Jan, 1937) 39-40; Stephen McDonald, Golden Jubilee. 1911-1961, Rev. John J. Haffert, Ch Carm.; "Rev. John Haffert, 0. Carm., 1887-1973," Sword 38 (Feb, 1978) 36-50. Articles written by Haffert while novice master are: "Thoughts for the July Day of Recollection," Sword l(July, 1937) 47-51; "Answers to Scapular Questionnaire," ibid. 3(1939) 183-5; "Scapular Sermons, " ibid. 3(1939) 525-8. 1072

Haffert to Doswald, Middletown, Dec 6, 1935, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 1073

Same to same, Middletown, Apr 1, 1937, in ibid. 1074

Same to same, Middletown, Jan 14, 1937, in ibid. 1075

Same to same, Middletown, Nov 15, 1939, CG, Am Sti Eliae, (1939-65).

156

foreign and barbarous to the trained English ear, but it is well understood by Americans, and

since the translation was made principally for the American convent of our nuns, the barbarisms

it contains will hardly be noticed."1076

It's a surprising exchange from the otherwise mild and

humble Haffert.

When Cyril Conroy, Dennis Rigney and Alphonsus Galligan were received as novices in July,

1934, with John Maher preaching and Monsignor Dubois Wood presiding, notice was published.

The occasion was also used to put in a plug for the seminary and its program even to the extent

of giving the address.1077

John Maher liked the general's questionnaire about academics at St. Albert's and used this

opportunity to tell him that he was not satisfied with the enrollment but cited his own inability to

get away for school talks. Maher saw the need for someone to do this but mentioned some found

it too embarrassing. Once again, he looked forward to the presence of Doswald at the provincial

chapter.1078

Two years later, Maher answered another questionnaire by sending a booklet about St. Albert's.

He added that the enrollment was between twenty-five and thirty-five. Sometimes first year

college was taught but he himself preferred Catholic University for the students. Quite bravely

he stated he was ready for any visitation by the Congregation of Studies. As he put it, "... nothing

like being prepared for an emergency."1079

Music, particularly an annual concert and liturgical events, was an important part of the

curriculum.1080

Ninety-one acres of land, the Watts plot, were purchased in 1938 to enlarge the seminary's

holdings.1081

When John Matthias Haffert was teaching French at St. Albert's, he began a French periodical

written by his students and called, La Presse de St. Albert. An issue of November, 1938,

featuring an article on John of the Cross, was dedicated to the school's prior, John Maher.1082

1076

Haffert to Gearon, Middletown, Nov 15, 1939, in ibid. 1077

Sunday Union and Catholic Times (New York) July 12, 1934. 1078

Maher to Doswald, Middletown, Dec 8, 1936, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 1079

Maher to Pausback, Middletown, Aug 14, 1938, in ibid. 1080

AOC 10, 37. 1081

F to Doswald, Bronx, Feb 25, 1938, ANYP; Isacsson, The Lands of St. Albert's Jr. Seminary , 9. 1082

La Presse de St. Albert, St. Albert's File, ANYP.

157

Maher sent copies to Antonio Franco asking for a word of commendation for "my boys" and sent

a copy also to Doswald.1083

When the general opened the publication, he admitted that he was

enthused but his condition changed to consternation and then positive alarm. He cited his

surprise that such could be published by Carmelite students with Maher's approval. He then

stated he was silent when St. Albert's had hired John M. Haffert when he was refused solemn

vows by the Chicago Province. He insinuated that Maher was foolish to have done this. He then

sallied forth into Haffert citing what he considered his deficiencies.

What upset Doswald at La Presse were the following:

1. He questioned the statement that the Scapular was not propagated from

1650 to 1927. He wanted proof for this.

2. He failed to see the purpose of a cartoon.

3. Concerning a review of Les Miserables, he asked, "Are you not aware that 'Les Miserables' is

in the Index?"

4. He thought the presentation of John of the Cross’ incarceration in a play presented on the

general's feastday had to make a bad impression of the students.

He warned Maher not to allow the spirit prompting these things to enter into his school. It

wounded him to see Maher's magnificent work spoiled by allowing such a spirit into St.

Albert's.1084

' With no reply extant, we presume the episode ended here.

During the term of Albert Daly as prior, Kieran Hickey gave some vocation talks to recruit for

the seminary.1085

Daly tried to have Cyril Conroy temporarily assigned to the seminary in

place of Gerard McCarthy so the latter could study for his MA exams and work on his thesis. He

cited the importance of this English degree for the seminary.1086

Daly was quizzed by Flanagan

on the spending, not of the monthly provincial supplement, but of tuition, supply money and

donations.1087

This seemingly went unanswered.

During the night of February 13, 1943, the Grey house, which was used as the kitchen-dining

room burned to the ground.1088

To replace the facilities, plans were made for a two floored Y

1083

Maher to Franco, Middletown, Dec 30, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 1084

Doswald to Maher, Rome, Jan 22, 1938, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 1085

F to Daly, Bronx, Apr 1, 1941, ANYP. 1086

Daly to F, Middletown, Apr 2, 1941, ANYP. 1087

F to Daly, Bronx, Oct 3, 1941, ANYP. 1088

Times Herald (Middletown) Feb 16, 1943.

158

shaped structure extended from the novitiate building.1089

The actual replacement was a one

story structure with basement.1090

Patrick Murray was a member of the Chicago Province taken under the wing of Flanagan who

assigned him to teach at St. Albert's.1091

He was quite ambitious, enrolling in Columbia

University and offering himself as a chaplain at the outbreak of World War II.1092

Murray tried

to equip the science lab at St. Albert's by raising funds from his friends. Through his efforts,

eighty percent of the equipment required for high schools by the Regents was acquired.1093

Murray sought to join a diocese to gain funds to support his mother but later changed this to a

military chaplaincy.1094

Kilian Lynch turned down this chaplaincy try in his general statement

to the Military Ordinariate that he had no one to send. Murray wrote the general seeking to enlist

without being attached to any province. This Doswald would not allow and pointed out to

Murray that he could not secularize once he was in the military.1095

The following year, Murray

was accepted by the bishop of Helena, Montana.1096

Flanagan sent Gerard McCarthy $125 in 1943 for a new team of horses for St. Albert's and

complimented him on being able to make such a good trade for the two old ones this new team

replaced.1097

A new agreement was made with the Corpus Christi Carmelite Sisters in 1943. Six were to be

employed with three given use of the Piatt House on the grounds. Laundry was to be done by the

sisters at their Middletown convent. Salary was raised from $20 to $35 plus $20 transportation

and $20 for doing the laundry.1098

Whether the latter figures are for the group or each sister is

not clear.

1089

Plans, Henry Gill, ANYP. 1090

Isacsson, A History of St. Albert's Jr. Seminary, 43-4. 1091

Murray to F, Middletown, May 17, 1941, ANYP. 1092

Same to same, Middletown, Dec 9, 1941, ANYP. 1093

Flanagan Papers, St. Albert's File, ANYP. 1094

Murray to Lynch, Middletown, Sept 9, 1943; same to same, Middletown, Oct 29, 1943, ANYP. 1095

Doswald to Lynch, Bronx, Nov 11, 1943; Murray to Doswald, Middletown, Nov 4, 1943, ANYP. 1096

Gilmore to Doswald, Helena, Mar 7, 1944, ANYP. 1097

F to McCarthy, Bronx, Apr 20, 1943, ANYP. 1098

Definitory Minutes, Aug 10, 1943, ANYP.

159

Andrew McHugh seems to have been stationed at St. Albert's for at least a brief period as he

received faculties under this domicile.1099

The Marian, in the format of a yearbook, was published in 1944. It gave a picture of life and

activities at the seminary and was aimed at fostering vocations. It replaced two other booklets

previously issued for this purpose. One was Saint Albert's College with twenty-two pages and

issued in the late 1930's. The other, Carmelite Preparatory College, St. Albert's, Middletown, NY

was issued in the late 1920's.1100

The Thistles was remodeled at the conclusion of World War II to expand its capacity,

accommodate the novitiate and modernize the structure. The cost was near $40,000.1101

When St. Albert's underwent a landscaping renovation beginning with the term of Kilian Lynch,

Vinculum reported the fact but stated the purpose as being to provide a fit residence for the

students attending Catholic University.1102

Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Middletown

The parish of Our Lady of Mount Carmel had as one of its missions the Church of the Holy

Name, Otisville. When he was stationed at St. Albert's, John Maher acted as pastor of the church.

In 1931, he did some remodeling for the church s sixty-fifth anniversary installing a new altar

and new pews.1103

Financial reports of his years there indicate some social activity in the

number of entertainments, bazaars and hall rentals. From 1928 to 1932, $3627.37 was spent in

repairs to the church and hall. Maher also received a salary of $900 each year.1104

A petition was sent to Flanagan in 1932 to have Maher made the resident pastor of Otisville.1105

It was also sent to the chancery office as Monsignor Carroll, the local dean, received a memo

1099

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Apr 28, 1943; Mclntyre to F, NY, Apr 29, 1943, ANYP. 1100

Printed Materials, St. Albert's, ANYP. 1101

Doswald to Lynch, Bronx, Aug 6, 1945; bill, Margotta Construction, Tarrytown, June 26, 1946; Definitory Minutes, Oct 19, 1945, ANYP. 1102

Ibid. June 4, 1945, Jan 28, 1946, ANYP; Vinculum, 1, 69. 1103

Hail, Holy Name, Otisville, New York, 1866-1966, 6. 1104

Financial Reports, Holy Name, 1928-32, ANYP. 1105

Petition to F, Otisville, Sept 8, 1932, ANYP.

160

from the consultors stating that such a petition had been received and that the committee sending

it commended Maher for his work but wanted to know what happened to the money raised for

the church renovations.1106

Carroll passed this difficult problem on to Bishop Dunn asking him

to respond to the latter question after seeing the Carmelites. Cardinal Hayes got into the picture

by asking that heat be installed in the church.1107

Flanagan in his reply said with a bit of irony that he was glad to hear of the tribute to Maher's

work. He mentioned that Sunday School had been conducted there since his own time in 1910.

He also cited improvements in the missions and the Middletown church. All protested the

insinuation that nothing was done before Maher's time. He said there was no water in the

Otisville church but it did have forced air heat. Steam was not possible but promised to improve

the heating situation if Hayes so wished. He then turned around the argument of the committee

by saying that the praise of Maher is proof that good work can be done without a resident pastor.

Rather daringly, he said that if Hayes wanted the mission, he would give it to him along with all

in the bank belonging to it1108

. This was the end of the committee's petition and of the attempt to

upgrade the Holy Name mission.

The seventy-fifth anniversary of Holy Name was in 1941. In preparation for the event, Joseph

Larsen, who was then serving the mission while Maher was the pastor of Our Lady of Mount

Carmel, completed the vestibule of the church and put running water into Lyceum Hall. The

event was celebrated on August 31 with Flanagan as the celebrant and preacher, a fact he was

very pleased with as it had almost been his first assignment in the United States. Maher and

William Travers, a local boy, were the deacon and subdeacon. There was also a parish supper to

celebrate the event.1109

Later on, in 1944, Joseph Larsen drew up a landscaping plan for the church marking each

planting with its Latin name.1110

An article appeared in The Liberty Register in 1941 stating that a letter had been sent by John

Maher to the residents of Burlingham soliciting funds for chances in a raffle for a new church

and hall at Burlingham. Paul A. Rouis, the Sullivan County ABC investigator, was interested in

1106

Memo to Carroll, NY, Oct 10, 1932, ANYP. 1107

Dunn to F, NY, Dec 15, 1932 enclosing Carroll to Dunn, NY, Dec 9, 1932, ANYP. 1108

F to Dunn, Bronx, Jan 7, 1933, ANYP. 1109

Hail, Holy Name, Otisville, New York, 1866-1966, 7, 17; Maher to F, Middletown, Aug 13, 1941; F to Maher, Aug 15, 1941; Flanagan's sermon, ANYP, 1110

Drawing, ANYP.

161

the success of the appeal. The article inferred that Rouis was interested because this type of

appeal puts pressure to contribute on those who have liquor licenses.1111

The people in the Burlingham area were going to Our Lady of the Assumption, Bloomingburg,

for Mass in the winter but in the summer, Mass was offered for them in the auditorium of R. H.

Macy's Camp. The drive's goal was $10,000 and the church was to be called St. Patrick's after

Patrick Tobin who donated land in Thompson Ridge for the church.1112

When he filled in for Stephen McGleenan at Mount Carmel in the summer of 1932, John Maher

took his responsibilities seriously. When an insurance agent sent the parish its policy, he

returned it to the man with the notation that he was in charge and gave no authorization for any

insurance and so was returning the policy with the admonition to wait until the return of

McGleenan.1113

It seems the boundaries of Mount Carmel and Middletown's other parish, St. Joseph's, were a

perrenial problem. David O'Connor, pastor of St. Joseph's, complained in 1933 to Flanagan that

the Carmelites had in two instances brought communion to persons in his parish.1114

Flanagan

simply regretted the actions and promised they would not occur again.1115

In 1940, Dionysius McCarthy gave all of the sacraments - presumably last rites - to a St. Joseph's

parishoner without permission. As John Sheridan, the pastor, pointed out he did not even call as

was the custom of Simon Farrington and Kevin Flanagan. He also complained that Maher had

baptized a child without his permission which could not have been presumed as he was known as

not giving this permission.1116

Flanagan again regretted the actions and spoke to both

McCarthy and Maher. He further pointed out that there should be a good spirit between the two

parishes and would do all in his power to prevent any recurrence in the future.1117

John Maher was appointed the pastor of Mount Carmel at the chapter of 1940.1118

Apparently

at Maher's request, Monsignor Gaffney sent him the archdiocese's understanding of the

1111

The Liberty Register, Aug 21, 1941. 1112

Clipping, Scapular Militia scrapbook, ANYP. 1113

Maher to O'Brien, Middletown, July 19, 1932, ANYP. 1114

O'Connor to F, Middletown, Dec 11, 1933, ANYP. 1115

F to O'Connor, Bronx, Dec 12, 1933, ANYP. 1116

Sheridan to F, Middletown, Apr 15, 1940, ANYP. 1117

F to Sheridan, NY, Apr 24, 1940, ANYP. 1118

F to Mclntyre, NY, July 9, 1940; Mclntyre to F, NY, July 15, 1940, ANYP.

162

boundaries of his parish. These were accepted by St. Joseph's and so, he told Maher, the parties

in a recent wedding and a baptism were all residents of St. Joseph's.1119

Maher replied the lines

were

not acceptable to him. He said the stated lines would place the State Hospital, now Middletown

Psychiatric Center, in St. Joseph's whereas the Carmelites offer Mass there and take care of all

calls. He said his predecessors insisted there were never any parish lines and so he, himself, had

considered the wedding and baptism parties as members of his parish.1120

Flanagan went to the

chancery where he met with Gaffney and Mclntyre. He reported to Maher that the chancery had

a city map with parish lines drawn in Cardinal Hayes' hand. Flanagan asked for the boundaries

written out. When this was had, then Maher, he reasoned, could petition a readjustment.1121

Apparently he did petition but it was rejected. John Sheridan published in his bulletin a notice

that the boundaries were the same as always.1122

Maher devised a novel method of doing a mixed marriage. The wedding party entered the

sacristy - the normal site then for such a wedding - through the church with the organ playing.

Gaffney told him this was contrary to current practice and asked him to check the legislation and

then call at the chancery. His undoing was the report of the wedding in a Monticello paper.1123

Maher was motivated by a desire to smooth the ground between Catholics and Protestants in

what was a Protestant town. He was far ahead of his time in his concern for people's sensibilities.

For his first Christmas as pastor, Maher redecorated the church.1124

He had received a promise

from Flanagan that he would send Berthold Forrester to the parish from St. Elias in Washington

when the 1940-41 school year was completed. As the school year was coming to a close, Maher

reminded Flanagan of his promise and recalled to him the fact that he had two assistants who did

not drive which created an impossible situation with Masses and instructions in the missions.1125

Flanagan was careful in replying to refer to their "conversation" and not promise.1126

He did

send Forrester to the parish but during the following school year, had him working in Bellevue

1119

Gaffney to Maher, NY, Oct 23, 1940, ANYP. 1120

Maher to Gaffney, Middletown, Oct 25, 1940, two letters of same date enclosing a map, ANYP. 1121

F to Maher, Bronx, Jan 20, 1941, ANYP. 1122

St.. Joseph's Parish Monthly (Aug, 1941) 4-5. 1123

Gaffney to Lynch, NY, May 26, 1941, ANYP. 1124

General scrapbook, ANYP. 1125

Maher to F, Middletown, June 3, 1941, ANYP. 1126

F to Maher, Bronx, June 17, 1941, ANYP.

163

during the week and at Mount Carmel on Sundays. This was supposed to endure only until that

year's ordinations and Maher wrote Flanagan asking when the young priests would be arriving as

he needed Forrester in the parish. He also complained that Mount Carmel had paid all of

Forrester's travel and personal expenses but had not even received his 223 Mass intentions from

28th Street.1127

Flanagan promised to right the financial situation and assured Maher that

Forrester would be freed from this double duty by the end of that May.1128

When Maher had an article on the Scapular published in the Ecclesiastical Review, it brought

many requests from priests for Scapular faculties.1129

Maher thought that when Berthold Forrester came to the parish, it would mean the removal of

Simon Farrington. Flanagan, responding to this notion, told Maher he never had intended

removing Farrington. He also said he could not send him to St. Albert's though he attested to the

fact that he was a good priest and had done good work "notwithstanding his somewhat

unconventional ways”.1130

Maher responded that Farrington had driven many away from

Bloomingburg and Bullville and that it would take Forrester a long time to get the people back as

they were attending Montgomery and Pine Bush churches.1131

Still Flanagan stood firm. He

said Farrington was an old man, had a good record, was happy at Mount Carmel and he could not

think of moving him.

The YMCA in Middletown was located next to Mount Carmel Church on property that had been

left them in 1933 by Sarah Bailey. In 1944, they were left the Clemson mansion on Highland

Avenue. Maher was instructed to try and buy the old site for a rectory to be built after the war.

He was successful and once the parish had the property, the structure on it was razed and the

tract was used as a parking lot for the church.1132

The last of the parish's missions, Unionville, was acquired in 1945 when St. Paul's Methodist

Church in that village was purchased.1133

1127

Maher to F, Middletown, May 5, 1942, ANYP. 1128

F to Maher, Bronx, May 7, 1942, ANYP. 1129

"A Powerful Sacramental for Dying," Ecclesiastical Review 105(July, 1941) 43-5. 1130

F to Maher, Bronx, Oct 10, 1941, ANYP. 1131

Maher to F, Middletown, Oct 21, 1941, ANYP. 1132

F to Maher, Bronx, Nov 3, 1941, ANYP. 1133

Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Middletown, New York (Hackensack, 1976) 5; Lynch to Maher, Tarrytown, Apr 12, 1944, ANYP; deed is YMCA to Our Lady of Mount Carmel, Lib 976, p 26, Nov 1, 1945.

164

Transfiguration, Tarrytown

Transfiguration Church, Tarrytown, exists in the midst of the Sleepy Hollow country of

Washington Irving. Judging from the amount of evidence extant for this period of the parish,

one is inclined to think Sleepy Hollow an apt name. Perhaps it's a case of life going on through

its daily paces and not much notice being taken of events today we would consider important.

We know, for example, that in the period before World War I, the Almanac of the Sacred Heart

was distributed in the parish.1134

Then the next documentary material we have is a series of

correspondence between Dominic Hastings and a bank. Hastings wanted to enlarge the mortgage

slightly for some remodeling work. After negotiating, the bank told him he had to have the

chancery office's permission.1135

This prompted Hastings to postpone the venture.

Romaeus McCaffrey came to Tarrytown in 1929. In sending him his obedience, Flanagan

remarked that since he had not been teaching at St. Albert's for some time, Flanagan was sure he

would welcome this change where he could be of greater service to the order.1136

It was in

1931 that Kilian Lynch came to Tarrytown and his teaching assignment at Marymount

College.1137

The 1933 drive of Catholic Charities was the occasion for Brocard Whalen to write Hayes, the

Cardinal of Charity. He pointed out to the cardinal that he was appointed local director of the

charity drive but that Dominic Hastings was preventing him from doing his work. He had the

same situation at St. Simon Stock where Dionysius Flanagan reprimanded him for pushing the

charity drive while a Carmelite affair was in progress. On the first Sunday of the appeal, Whelan

was sent to the Mercy Sisters for Mass and Joseph Larsen read the appeal letter "in somewhat

school-boy style." Larsen, moreover, didn't have faculties yet and made no sermon on the drive.

All this Whelan was witness to, listening from behind the altar. "Sinister comments" were made

in the priory about Hayes' appeal letter.

Whelan went on to say that on the second Sunday of the appeal, he was sent to Marymount and

felt he would be sent away again for the third Sunday of the drive. He concluded this missile to

1134

F to Hastings, NY, July 28, 1927; Shields to F, NY, Aug 3, 1927, two letters; F to Hastings, NY, Aug 11, 1927; Allen to Hastings, NY, Aug 25, 1927; same to same, NY, Aug 30, 1927, ANYP. 1135

F to McCaffrey, Bronx, Oct 30, 1929, ANYP.

1136 F to McCaffrey, Bronx, Oct 30, 1929, ANYP. 1137

Libro delle Proposte e Deliberazoni, San Alberto, n.p.; "Zelo Zelatus Est," Vox Eliae (1953) 11. Golden Jubilee, Parish of the Transfiguration (1947) n.p.,is wrong in stating 1930.

165

Hayes by inferring that Hastings and the other fathers kept the Children of Mary around too

much playing ping pong until the start of the lawn tennis season - a vague implication.1138

The

letter is preserved but there is no reply. Hayes probably saw it for what it was.

James Elliott of the Irish Province was a visitor to Tarrytown and Marymount in 1933.1139

When Doctor James Taylor, a longtime Carmelite friend, was married, Christopher Slattery was

thoughtful enough to obtain a papal blessing for him.1140

When the Carmelite Manual was published in 1937, Kilian Lynch, apparently its editor, sent

Cardinal Hayes a copy which was graciously acknowledged.1141

Kilian was named pastor of

Transfiguration at the chapter of 1937, while still retaining his Marymount post.1142

When Transfiguration Church was constructed, a loan for $35,000 had been taken out. This was

backed up in 1919 by a bond signed by the then Monsignor Hayes.1143

This mortgage was

satisfied on January 20, 1938. The parish also borrowed money from the province. When

Celestine Fitzpatrick sent a payment in 1937, it was acknowledged that $14,000 remained to be

paid on the loan.1144

1938 was the fortieth anniversary of the parish and it was marked with suitable celebrations.

There was a solemn Mass on May 15. Vespers that evening were followed by a social. The

celebration lasted three days concluding with a reunion at Rhineland Gardens where Judge

Edward Dore spoke and gave Kilian Lynch a check for $1500.1145

Celestine Fitzpatrick and

Anthony Wholley were the parish assistants at the time. Wholley was in charge of the

celebration's journal which included a short history of the parish and lists of the priests stationed

there and the parish societies.1146

Sending a copy of the journal to Flanagan, Wholley said he

1138

Whalen to Hayes, Tarrytown, Apr 30, 1933, Hayes Papers, DA. 1139

Elliott to Antonio, Tarrytown, Aug 21, 1933, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1922-38). 1140

Slattery to Antonio, Tarrytown, Oct 18, 1933, in ibid. 1141

Lynch to Hayes, Tarrytown, Dec 10, 1937; Secretary to Lynch, NY, Dec 31, 1937, Hayes Papers, DA. 1142

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, Sept 3, 1936; same to same, Bronx, Aug 10, 1937; Mclntyre to F, NY, Aug 17, 1937, ANYP. 1143

Bond, P. Hayes, Apr 26, 1919, ANYP. 1144

Mortgage, Mutual Life Insurance of New York and Transfiguration Church, Sept 19, 1898, Lib 1212, p 225. 1145

Tarrytown File; Fitzpatrick to Borg, Tarrytown, July 13, 1937, ANYP. 1146

Transfiguration Church, Tarrytown, New York (Hackensack, 1971) 13.

166

expected to net between $1400 and $1500 from the journal and then asked Flanagan to pay the

$20 for his ad so he could give 245 Kilian Lynch the final results the next week.1147

Flanagan had located a house on Prospect Avenue in Tarrytown that he thought would be a good

house of studies, college and philosophy. The cost was $20,000 and was located close enough to

the priory so that the priests stationed there could assist in the teaching. He asked permission to

purchase from the chancery.1148

He was refused on the grounds that Hayes had made a rule that

no more religious property could be bought in Westchester. This was to avoid the placing of

more property on the exempt rolls.1149

Flanagan spoke to Mclntyre on the phone and

resubmitted his petition.1150

Again, he was refused but this time by the consultors.1151

A shrine to Our Lady of Lourdes was built on the grounds of Transfiguration. Bishop James

Kearney came to bless it and the James Durosses honored him with a dinner afterwards.1152

When Anthony Wholley was pastor of Transfiguration, the parish trustees held, at the request of

the chancery, regular meetings. The first was on October 9, 1943. At that time, James Duross

and Doctor Eugene O'Connor were the two trustees. The latter was concerned with youth

organizations and the Holy Name Society. At quarterly meetings, the future parish school, fund

raising and the golden jubilee in 1947 occupied most of the agenda. O'Connor died on August

7, 1947.1153

In March, 1946, Hugh Devlin celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of his profession at

Transfiguration. He insisted on the entire Carmelite ritual of the time even to his being crowned

with a wreath.1154

The golden jubilee of the parish was celebrated in the fall of 1947. Kilian Lynch was general at

the time. A souvenir booklet including the history of the parish by Helene Margaret, pictures of

1147

Church of the Transfiguration, Fortieth Anniversary, 1898-1938. The only copy yet uncovered of this publication is in the Carmelite Library, St. Albert's, Middletown, NY. 1148

Wholley to F, Tarrytown, May 28, 1938, ANYP. 1149

F to Gaffney, Bronx, June 23, 1942, ANYP. 1150

Mclntyre to F, NY, July 3, 1942, ANYP. 1151

F to Mclntyre, Bronx, July 7, 1942, ANYP. 1152

J. Donohue to F, NY, July 13, 1942, ANYP. 1153

Lynch to F, Tarrytown, Aug 3, 1942; F to Lynch, Bronx, Aug 4, 1942, ANYP. 1154

Trustee Minutes, ANYP.

167

current and past Carmelite staff and scenes of the parish facilities and the Tarrytown village was

published for the occasion.1155

1155

Golden Jubilee, Parish of the Transfiguration (1947) n.p.

168

Chapter 10

The Kilian Lynch Years

Kilian Lynch was elected provincial at the chapter of 1943 succeeding Dionysius Flanagan. Lynch was

born in Wicklow, Ireland, in 1902. He went to Rome for studies and was ordained there on June 17,

1928. There is some documentary confusion concerning the many degrees he received. He received a

doctorate from the Academy of St. Thomas in 19261156 and in June, 1929, received both the laurea in

theology from Venerabile Collegium Vaticanum and the lectorate in theology summa cum laude from

San Alberto with the thesis De Sacrificio Missae.1157 Lynch also received a Doctorate of Divinity from the

Gregorian and the honor Magister Aggregatus.1158

Lynch was the vicar prior at San Alberto from December 17, 1930 to January 2, 1931.1159 It was in that

fall, 1931, that he began teaching at Marymount College in Tarrytown. He was the community's prior

twice and had been elected a definitor preceding his election as provincial.1160

Kilian Lynch was a man of direct action. He made decisions very quickly and then carried them out

efficiently. His stand on many matters was well known and so needed no expression. He also answered

letters succintly writing many times on the bottom or the reverse of the letter sent him. Thus little

material exists from his years as provincial. What he did is well known but cannot be documented in the

manner that the actions of Dionysius Flanagan, who saved every bit of correspondence, can be. He led

by presence and inspiration rather than the written word.

After his election, there was the Mass stipend problem with the Irish Province.1161 This, as we have

seen, was quickly solved. When John Matthias Haffert, then working for the Carmelites in the Scapular

Militia, asked for a loan to buy a house, Lynch quickly loaned him $5000 at four percent interest

considering it a safe and good investment.1162

Lynch was a confidant of Flanagan though they were not close. An example of this trust is the mission

Flanagan gave Lynch to get Gabriel Nalty on his way to Australia after he had fallen out of favor with

1156

Acta Facultatum, San Alberto, 11. 1157

Ibid.. 19, 20. 1158

Sword 11 (1947) 171-2. 1159

Libro delle Proposte e Deliberazioni, San Alberto, n.p. 1160

"Zelo Zelatus Est," Vox Eliae (1953) 11. 1161

Irish Province File, Flanagan Papers, ANYP. 1162

Lynch to F, Tarrytown, /J9437; Definitory Minutes, Sept 20, 1943, Apr 12, 1944, ANYP.

169

Flanagan. The latter was anxious to learn what had happened. "I am anxious to get word of his final

departure from the U. S. A."1163

Trying to increase the financial resources of the province, Lynch set a quota for the Bronx, Tarrytown

and Middletown parishes. Middletown's was open ended and advanced payment of salaries was asked

for. Tarrytown was assessed $625 for a quarter and whatever else could be sent from the community

account. St. Simon's quota was $1900 for a quarter plus money from the community account.1164

Carmel in Europe was in sad condition after World War II. Lynch helped by sending a thousand

Scapulars to Germany. One of his men, Alphonsus Galligan, an army chaplain, was able to get through

to Doswald in Rome two letters describing the condition of the German houses and men.1165

Lynch was anxious to move the novitiate from its location at St. Albert's and establish it as a separate

facility. The department store, Macy's, had a camp in Sullivan County that they wished to sell. Lynch

wanted it for the novitiate. The problem was that the Archdiocese of New York, under Spellman, was

reluctant to have property on the public tax rolls become exempt. Flanagan had been turned down on

this basis when he asked to establish a student house in Tarrytown. While Lynch was visiting Los

Angeles, he delegated Mel Daly to convince Hilary Doswald to ask Spellman for permission to buy the

Macy property. Urging Daly to be persuasive, he said, "... it is a golden opportunity which may never

come our way again."1166 What happened to the Macy prospect is not apparent but Lynch did try James

Kearney, the Bishop of Rochester. Kearney approved of the request.1167 He then told Lynch he had

heard of a large house in Auburn that was "inherited" by the city and advised him to see a local pastor,

Frederick Straub, who would guide him.1168

Lynch must have been pleased with the Case Mansion in Auburn for a notice of an auction sale appeared

in the Auburn newspaper that February.1169 At the auction in early March, the Carmelites bid of

$15,000 was accepted. The sale was hailed as a relief for the city from a headache. The sale received the

unanimous approval of the city council.1170

1163

F to Lynch, Los Angeles, May 22, 1943, ANYP. 1164

Lynch to Maher, Daly, Wholley, Tarrytown, Mar 24, 1944, ANYP. 1165

Doswald to Brenninger, Bronx, Apr 18, 1945; Doswald to Daly, Bronx, July 29, 1945, CG, Generali 2. 1166

Lynch to Daly, Los Angeles, n.d., ANYP. 1167

Kearney to Lynch, Rochester, Jan 26, 1946, Auburn scrapbook, ANYP. 1168

Same to same, Rochester, Jan 29, 1946, in ibid. 1169

Unidentified clipping in ibid. Cf. Definitory Minutes, Feb 16, 1946, ANYP. 1170

Post-Standard (Syracuse) Mar 8, 1946, 1; Courier Journal (Rochester) Aug 22, 1946.

170

Doswald, meanwhile, gave permission for the new foundation presuming that Lynch had cash for the

transaction and thus would not have to go to the Sacred Congregation of Religious for permission to

contract a debt.1171 Edward Boyle, mayor of Auburn, expressed his happiness at the whole

arrangement.1172

The deed for the Case property had just two codicils that no structure could be erected nearer South

Street than the front of the existing house and no residential structure could be erected unless it had a

value of $15,000.1173 Despite the May 1 date of the deed, the city of Auburn and the Carmelites would

jointly use the premises until July 1. A title search went on through the summer as the students of the

province prepared the mansion for occupancy. The deed was finally delivered in September.1174

At the chapter of that summer, 1946, Kilian Lynch was elected to a second term. He hoped to have

seven clerical and two lay brother novices in the new Auburn novitiate that September. He had also

divided the Los Angeles community into two formed houses but could not do this canonically as

Archbishop Cantwell did not at first give his beneplacitum. He was also enthused about the prospect of

the new house in Pasadena.1175 He made Patrick Russell the prior of the new Auburn foundation.

Lynch was concerned that summer about the writings of Albert Dolan on the cloth Scapular versus the

medal but he was content to wait until a higher authority decided the issue of validity. He also had a

former Discalced professed who was eager to enter the order and sought a dispensation for him.1176

With the opening of the novitiate set for September 7, he was glad to receive the document of transfer

from Rome but still awaited the dispensation for his former Discalced. The recommendation of the St.

Albert's community, "He is a fine fellow and is well thought of by the priests in Middletown," only fueled

his anxiety.1177

In Auburn, leading the work crews of students that were preparing the Case Mansion for the opening of

the novitiate, Lynch learned that his Discalced had changed his mind. Other good news that he was able

to convey to Doswald was that John Haffert and the novices were pleased with the Auburn house.

Matters were moving along well concerning the Pasadena foundation. The archbishop signed a

1171

Doswald to F, Washington, Feb 24, 1946, ANYP; AOC 13, 47. 1172

Boyle to Lynch, Auburn, Mar 13, 1946, ANYP. 1173

Deed, City of Auburn to Carmelite Fathers, Inc., May 1, 1946, Lib 83, p 304. 1174

Leary to Lynch, Auburn, May 3, 1946; same to same, Auburn, Mar 21, 1946; same to same, Auburn, Sept 6, 1946, ANYP. 1175

Lynch to Doswald, Tarrytown, July 6, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 1176

Lynch to Doswald, Tarrytown, July 17, 1946, in ibid. 1177

Doswald to Lynch, Rome, Aug 9, 1946, ANYP; Lynch to Doswald, Tarrytown, Aug 15, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65).

171

document giving the Carmelites the parish and high school. He was also going to give his nihil obstat for

a separate community at Mt. Carmel High School.1178

Many of the matters Lynch had been writing Doswald about that summer did not come to the general's

attention until late in August because the letters had been sent surface mail. On the Scapular matter, he

told Lynch the curia was studying the Scapular and the medal with the aim of putting out a circular letter

to establish uniform teaching. Doswald wanted no articles on the Scapular in The Scapular, Sword, The

Carmelite Review or any other journal. He delegated Lynch to inform John Matthias Haffert of this

decision.1179 Haffert's stock in Rome was declining as Gabriel Pausback, a former co-worker in the

Militia, thought he had not kept his imagination under control in his book on Blessed Nuno nor was his

historicity of a high degree.1180

All was prepared for the dedication of the Auburn novitiate on September 7, 1946. Bishop Kearney

made sure that all he needed would be available and he donated the crucifix to be used in the

ceremony.1181 Congratulations came from the curia, other Carmelites and friends.1182 Lynch was the

celebrant of the Solemn High Mass. Patrick Russell preached and Bishop Kearney addressed the

gathering to close the dedication. 1183 All present then signed the dedication book.1184 The next day

was an open house at the priory.1185

The bishop thanked the Auburn prior, Patrick Russell, for his "generous remembrances" of his visit to the

dedication.1186 Lynch also gave a watch to Kearney, who in his letter of thanks, said he saw the

Carmelites coming to Auburn as the crown of his years of friendship with Lynch.1187

There were eight novices in that first Auburn novitiate and at least the first year of college was being

taught. Patrick Russell was one of the faculty.1188

1178

Lynch to Doswald, Auburn, Aug 23, 1947, in ibid. 1179

Doswald to Lynch, Rome, Aug 24, 1946, in ibid. 1180

Pausback to Lynch, Rome, Mar 9, 1946, ANYP. 1181

Kearney to Russell, Rochester, Aug 23, 1946; same to same, Rochester, Aug 30, 1946, Auburn scrapbook, ANYP. 1182

Doswald and Pausback to Lynch, Rome, Sept 5, 1946 and other cables and telegrams are in ibid. 1183

Vinculum 1, 69; Thomas McGinnis, "Whitefriars," Vox Eliae (1948) 6-7; Brocard Connors, "From the Provincial Scrapbook," ibid. (1952) 22-3. 1184

Auburn scrapbook, ANYP. 1185

Ibid. 1186

Kearney to Russell, Rochester, Sept 9, 1946, in ibid. 1187

Kearney to Lynch, Rochester, Sept 9, 1946, in ibid.

172

Soon after the dedication, the community decided to remodel the upper floor of the house for more

accommodations.1189 The work went on during that 1946-47 school year. The estimated cost was

$20,000 but the builder, William Bouly, offered to do the work for cost plus ten percent.1190 It seems

that this was the basis for the construction.1191

That first year of the Carmelites in his diocese, Kearney asked Patrick 37 Russell to preach at the

cathedral's pontifical Mass on the feast of St. Patrick.1192 He accepted and glowing accounts of the event

indicate those in charge were pleased.1193

That same March, Hilary Doswald held his last meeting with the province's definitory. No serious

business was conducted at the session. In a little over a year's time Doswald would be out of office and

Lynch would be his successor. The motivation for the meeting is open to speculation.1194

John Matthias Haffert, a former Carmelite student, seemed unable to keep out of Carmelite affairs.

Hearing from a Chicago Carmelite that his province was pushing Matthew O'Neill for general because of

his knowledge of languages and administrative ability, Haffert stated his opposition. Calling the election

of O'Neill a spiritual disaster, he said the secularization of the order was his goal. His co-worker at the

Scapular Militia, Donald O'Callaghan, was going to the chapter and Haffert boasted, "I am schooling

him," He would also use him to carry four boxes of cigars for Doswald. Haffert's position on the Scapular

and medal question was that he was telling people not to take chances with the medal. An article of

Albert Dolan's pushing the medal had been reprinted in magazines and was causing a destructive

influence among Haffert's groups and workers. He conveyed his Uncle John's satisfaction with the

Auburn house but added, "... he hopes to make it sufficiently monastic."1195

While the controversy over the Scapular versus the medal went on, John Matthias Haffert wrote

Doswald cloth Scapular miracle stories to push him to favor the cloth over the medal. He also conveyed

the information his uncle, Father John, was also opposed to O'Neill becoming general.1196

1188

Russell to Doswald, Auburn, Sept 26, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 1189

House Meeting Book, Auburn, 1946, ANYP. 1190

Beardsley to Bouly, Auburn, Jan 9, 1947; Bouly to Beardsley, Auburn, Jan 28, 1947, ANYP. 1191

Beardsley to Russell, Auburn, Jan 29, 1947, ANYP. 1192

Kearney to Russell, Rochester, Mar 1, 1947, Auburn scrapbook, ANYP. 1193

Courier Journal (Rochester) Mar 20, 1947. 1194

Definitory Minutes, Mar 10, 1946, ANYP. 1195

Haffert to Doswald, NY, Aug 30, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 1196

Same to same, Sea Isle City, Sept 18, 1946, in ibid.

173

Doswald asked Haffert about the last apparition of Our Lady at Fatima and particularly her garb. In

reply, he said:

Yes, according to Sister Lucia's description, She was clothed in the entire

Carmelite Habit. However, Sister Lucia said she could not give specific details,

either as to the exact color of the Habit, because Our Lady was "all in light." In

other words, it was not a well defined apparition.

Our Lady was more brilliant than previously and Lucia's recall "was a memory of shimmering light. Our

Lady did not hold the Infant in Her arms but She held the Scapular in her hands towards the crowd as

though expecting someone to take it from Her hands." Here, in the midst of what was to Haffert an

important controversy, he seems by his compostion and the accent of his style to be pushing the cloth

Scapular. Propelled as he was by a sense of promotion and possessed, as he thought, of a charism to

promote the Scapular, I think we see here an attempt to influence the forthcoming decision of the

general.

Haffert then went on to mention to the general some apparitions of Our Lady at Kerrytown, Ireland. He

summed them up with the illogical conclusion, "It is obvious that Our Blessed Lady desires very much to

clothe the world in her Carmelite Habit."1197

Again, before the general's decision, Haffert wrote him. He had a twofold plan to tell the general. He

would send a million Scapulars to Europe through the Scapular Apostolate and then raise money

through this organization to purchase Aylesford and give it to the order.1198

Very conveniently, John Matthias Haffert had an article in press on the Scapular-medal controversy

when he learned of Doswald's injunction against any Scapular articles. He felt his article would reassure

the general especially the way "the article meets the necessity." Haffert then expressed shock that the

general was not receiving The Scapular. So he may never have read the article in question. Pausback's

remarks about Haffert1s book on Blessed Nuno must have gotten back to him for he explained to the

general that Pausback, himself, had done most of the work for the book, The Peacemaker. He did not

use his name as co-author because he could not show Pausback the completed manuscript. Because he

considered the book below standard, he was considering not even using his own name. He protested

that he had written every word but that Pausback had done the research. In the next edition, he

promised he would state, "Revised Edition by the V. Rev. Gabriel M. Pausback."1199

A Mr. Brennan of the Irish Consulate in Boston, a friend of Sean Reid, was importuned by the Carmelites

to request a Boston foundation from Archbishop Cushing. Gushing offered a high school in the Salem

1197

Same to same, NY, Oct 17, 1946, in ibid. 1198

Same to same, (?), Jan 4, 1947, in ibid. 1199

Same to same, Sea Isle City, Sept 9, 1946, in ibid.

174

area.1200 Lynch with the prospect of Pasadena in view, replied that he did not have the men at the

time to assume the obligation of a high school. He did ask for a site for a novitiate even though he had

just opened such a facility in Auburn.1201 Cushing replied that his consultors would not allow any more

novitiates in the archdiocese and so the school proposal must await a more normal time.1202

As he began what would be his last year as provincial and teaching at Marymount, Kilian Lynch was

optimistic about the new foundation in Pasadena and the fact that St. Albert's had opened the year with

ninety-three students. He welcomed the Scapular writing ban for he felt that Albert Dolan had done

much harm. He regretted that the ban was too late to stop an article by Donald O'Callaghan in the

current issue of The Scapular.1203

Pausback had written Lynch requesting some clarifications of the acts of the 1946 provincial chapter.

The custom for vacation had always been three weeks and the amount given to defray travel was

increased from $75 to $100. This increase was questioned and Lynch said, "It may seem much to

anyone who does not understand the cost of living and travel in America."

Since the chapter, it was decided not to enlarge Mt. Carmel High School in Los Angeles nor build a

monastery there. So the loan for $150,000, for which permission had been requested, was not needed.

Pasadena was being kept under discussion, a condition caused by the lack of manpower. Finances

would not be a difficulty as all debts would belong to the parish. A decision would soon be made. He

asked for a postulation for John Maher's third term as prior of Mount Carmel parish because he was the

pastor and with a community of only three, it did not seem opportune to split the two offices.1204

The curia would not sanction the increase in vacation expenses and Lynch promised to convey this to

the houses indicating that the action of the chapter would probably stand in practice. Concerning

Pasadena, the illness of Archbishop Cantwell was a problem but Lynch hoped this promising offer would

materialize.1205

Lynch was happy with the general's stand on the Scapular-medal controversy. The position taken was

that the Church had approved of the medal and thus was a substitute for the cloth Scapular. The latter

had indulgences and symbolism that could not be conveyed by the medal. Added to the problem of

Cantwell's illness In the Pasadena foundation was the temporary transfer of Bishop McGucken to

Fresno. Lynch welcomed this standstill as it gave him time to assemble the needed manpower. His travel

1200

Brennan to Reid, Boston, Feb 3, 1947, ANYP. 1201

Lynch to Cushing, Tarrytown, Feb 22, 1947, ANYP. 1202

Cushing to Lynch, Brighton, Feb 24, 1947, ANYP. 1203

Lynch to Doswald, Tarrytown, Sept 16, 1946, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65) 1204

Same to same, Tarrytown, Oct 12, 1946, in Ibid. 1205

Same to same, Tarrytown, Nov 15, 1946, in ibid.

175

plans for the general chapter were: boat from New York to Europe and then fly on to Rome. His arrival

date would be May 15.1206

The general chapter was held May 16-26, 1947. Donald O'Callaghan and Berthold Forrester represented

the New York Province as delegates. Kilian Lynch was elected general, the first member of the province

so to serve.1207 There are

many stories about the chapter in the oral tradition of the province. Most are traced back to the two

provincial delegates. The English speakers, allied through Elias Lynch and Donald O'Callaghan, were

solidly behind Kilian. Elias Lynch courted some of the foreign groups. He must have done yeoman work

for Matthew O'Neill had sent enough food and clothing packages to Italy to qualify himself as a relief

agency. Dressed in O'Neill's habits and shoes and filled with his food, they voted against him. Many at

the chapter felt that Doswald would have gladly served another term had he been elected but most did

not consider him a viable candidate because of his age and the poor condition of his health especially his

eyes. Throughout the caucuses, Berthold Forrester served the Lynch cause well by serving potions in

liquor scarce Rome and entertaining those coming to see the promoters of Lynch's cause.

With Lynch elected general and taking up residence in Rome, Jerome O'Dwyer was recruited from

Ireland to take his position as faculty member at Marymount beginning with the 1947-48 school year.1208

Doswald, apparently under inquiry from Lynch, clarified the whole policy on Mass stipends. All Masses

sent to him as general were sent at 50c each. When he could not distribute them in 1942, the price was

upped to $1.00 each. Doswald protested that he had never given a Mass favor to the Chicago Province

which he did not also give to the New York Province. He summarized by stating that each priest in the

order had to offer one Mass each month in favor of San Alberto's. Both he and Magennis had ordered all

overflow Masses, as he called them, to be sent to the general who alone had the right and privilege of

determining how much was to be sent for each of these Masses.1209

1206

Same to same, Tarrytown, Apr 14, 1947, in ibid. 1207

ACG (Rome, 1947). 1208

Flanagan to Lynch, Bronx, Sept 7, 1947, CG, Am Sti Eliae (1939-65). 1209

Doswald to Lynch, Washington, Dec 23, 1947, CG, Generali 2.

176

A Postscript

This history of the New York Province of St. Elias began with the Carmelites in Ireland in the late

ninteenth century and concluded with the election of Kilian Lynch, the provincial of the time, as prior

general of the entire order in 1947. He was succeeded in office by Patrick Russell who governed the

province for a total of eight years.

These three volumes of Carmel in New York tell the story of the province from its small beginning of four

men and one parish in 1889 to the year of 1947 when the province had increased to six houses and

numbered seventy some members. What we have told is the recorded story of this growth. Much that

happened was never recorded. No Carmelite ever chronicled his tour of the wards of Bellevue. No

record of the assistance given to the sick or the consolation brought to the dying was ever made. The

human struggles to persevere and remain faithful lie in the cemetery of the province at St. Albert's.

Researching and writing these volumes brings home quite forcibly the truth that what exists in record

are seldom the deeds of good and loyal men. Unless some difficulty existed, a privilege or dispensation

was sought or a transfer was made, the lives of many members of the province remain unknown.

Perhaps this situation is in accord with the hidden life of virtue but it is frustrating to one trying to write

the story of an ecclesiastical institution. Much then remains known but to God.

"The past is but prologue." These words affront one as you enter the National Archives in Washington.

With the past of the Province of St. Elias known and studied, the future with its uncertainties looks to be

one that the province can launch out upon without fear. For the trunk from which we spring is sturdy

and secure.

177