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Social Movements Producing Social Capital:
The Case of Corporate Volunteering
Katharina Spraul
University of Mannheim
Assistant Professor
Chair and Department of Business Administration, Public & Nonprofit
Management
L 5, 4
Germany, 68131 Mannheim
Tel: +49 621 181-1730
Fax: +49 621 181-1728
e-mail: [email protected]
Fifth Organization Studies Workshop Social Movements, Civil Societies and
Corporation, 26-28 May 2010, Margaux, France
Keywords: corporate social responsibility; corporate volunteering; resource
dependence theory; social capital; social movements
PRELIMINARYNOT FOR QUOTATION WITHOUT AUTHORS
PERMISSION
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Social Movements Producing Social Capital:The Case of Corporate Volunteering
Katharina Spraul
University of Mannheim
Summary
Stemming from the USA, the volunteering of corporate employees has been
established in many globally active companies. Its importance for research is reflected
by a significant number of (mostly) empirical scientific articles investigating a variety
of aspects that have been published in a very short period of time (Basil et al. 2009;
Booth et al. 2009 Brown and Ashcraft 2007; Gilder et al. 2005; Houghton et al. 2009;
Muthuri et al. 2009; Peloza and Hassay 2006; Peloza et al. 2009; Peterson 2004a;
Peterson 2004b; Voort et al. 2009). This paper is focusing on a structured corporate
volunteering program within a globally active company from both the theoretical and
the empirical perspective. From a theoretical point of view, it will interpret forms of
corporate volunteering as social movements contributing to the social capital of thecompanies. Additionally, the empirical part of the study undertakes a network analysis
of a corporate volunteering program in a multinational enterprise to investigate its actual
contribution to the companys social capital.
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Introduction
As corporate organizations are embedded in civil society, they are confronted with
societal or stakeholder demands (Carroll 1991; Clarkson 1995). Two large streams of
research are dealing with this topic. On the one hand, the field of organization studiesprovides several theories to investigate this relationship. Above all, resource
dependence theory (Pfeffer and Salancik 2003) is focusing the dependence of
organizations on contingencies in their external environment (Hillman et al. 2009:
1404). On the other hand, social movement analysis aims at explaining the processes of
emergent organizations that are able to establish stakeholder pressure on corporations
(McAdam and Scott 2005: 9; Zald and Ash Garner 1987). Generally, social movements
are characterized as a purposive and collective attempt of a number of people to
change individuals or societal institutions and structures (Zald and Ash Garner 1987:
123). Social movements are able and willing to establish pressure on companies (den
Hond and de Bakker 2007: 901; Kassinis and Vafeas 2006: 145; Lee 2008: 65).
Highlighting the similarities of organization studies and social movement
analysisis a fruitful attempt, not only from the researchers perspective (McAdam and
Scott 2005: 9). Empirical evidence suggests that the various relationships between
corporate organizations and civil society are continuously establishing network
structures and collaborations with nonprofit organizations and social movements
(Rowley 1997: 887). This is leading to a new dilemma between partnering and
establishing pressure for both companies and social movements (Doh 2008: 288-289).
The importance ofnetworks is highlighted again by both organization studies and by
social movement analysis (e.g., Campbell 2005: 61; Granovetter 1983: 202;
Klandermans and Oegema 1987: 520).
Against this background, this study will focus on a special type of socially
responsible behavior of corporate organizations. It will analyze the network character of
a corporate volunteering program and aims at answering the following research
questions:
1. How can corporate volunteering be framed theoretically?
2. How does a structured corporate volunteering program contribute to an
organizations social capital?
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Theoretical Background
Organization Theory
In organization studies, several theories provide explanations for beneficial inter-
organizational collaboration, such as network theory, resource-based theory and
institutional theory (Di Domenico et al. 2009: 887). Among these, resource
dependence theory (Pfeffer and Salancik 1978; Pfeffer and Salancik 2003) constitutes
one of the most influential approaches dealing with an organizations embeddedness in
civil society. Considering firms as open systems depending on contingencies in their
external environment, resource dependence theory assumes that corporations can never
behave context-free (Hillman et al. 2009: 1404). Due to incomplete information and the
direct influence of external factors, they do not only operate in a framework of
uncertainty. In fact, they are also embedded in a network of interdependencies with
other organizations (Pfeffer 1987: 26). Therefore, future success cannot be guaranteed
and managers have to take action to reduce these structures of uncertainty and
dependence. The attempt to increase the control over resources vital for success is
typically contemplated a worthwhile strategy in this regard (Hillman et al. 2009: 1404-
1405, with reference to Pfeffer 1987: 26).
Although not mentioned explicitly, Pfeffer and Salancik (2003) consider the
relevance of interorganizational relations in the preface of their second edition (Pfeffer
and Salancik 2003: xxiii). As these social ties can provide individuals and their
organization privileged access to resources (Portes 1998: 21), social capital may play a
crucial role as a resource for organizations. Within the research tradition of European
(most dominantly Bourdieu 1985) and U.S.-American scientists (e.g., Coleman 1988;
Putnam 2000) on social capital, two perspectives can be distinguished. Firstly, the
bridging view focuses on external relations; secondly, the bonding perspective is
directed towards internal characteristics of collective actors (Adler and Kwon 2002: 19-
21). Since neutral definitions of social capital refuse to adopt one of these two
viewpoints, they are beneficial if external and internal linkages of a firm are analyzed
(Adler and Kwon 2002: 21). Neutral definitions of social capital rely on the
information, trust, and norms of reciprocity inhering in ones social networks
(Woolcock 1998: 153) or on the sum of the actual and potential resources embedded
within, available through, and derived from the network of relationships possessed by
an individual or social unit (Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998: 243).
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The next paragraph will elaborate on the determinants and instruments of corporate
social responsibility, a concept that is both explicable by resource dependence theory
and by social capital.
Determinants and Instruments of Corporate Social Action
A huge body of literature deals with questions of firms social behavior. The research
on corporate social responsibility (CSR) can be classified in four viewpoints (according
to Maignan and Ferrell 2004: 4): CSR as social obligation, CSR as stakeholder
obligation, CSR as ethics driven, and CSR as managerial processes.
The first perspective, CSR as a social obligation, was launched by Bowen (1953). It
implies the (perceived) obligation to follow those lines of action which are desirable in
terms of objectives and values of the society. Even in the 1930s, a substantial change
in our public opinion with regard to the obligations of business to the community could
be observed (Dodd 1932: 1153). This perspective has later been advocated by Carroll
(1979), who differentiated economic, legal, ethical, and philanthropic obligations as
various types of social obligations and later established the CSR pyramid (Carroll 1991)
expressing a hierarchical order among these.
Starting in the mid-1990s, a number of scholars perceived that the notion of CSR as a
social obligation was too broad to facilitate the effective management of CSR. These
researchers (e.g., Clarkson 1995; Donaldson and Preston 1995; Jones 1995; Wood and
Jones 1995) argued that enterprises are not responsible toward the society in general but
toward those who affect (or are affected by) their business activities. These different
actors or constituencies (Clarkson 1995: 98) are called stakeholders, a term which
(again, such as CSR itself) has been derived from the context of corporate law as an
antonym of shareholders or stockholders and covers different groups, from investors
over employees to the government. This second perspective is known in the literature as
CSR as stakeholder obligation and consequently defines it as the companys activities
and status related to its perceived stakeholder obligations. Fassin (2009: 128) counts
6,000 academic publications up until 2008 dealing with the stakeholder topic. Due to
the fact that a firms responsiveness towards stakeholders might be able to contribute
positively to corporate financial performance (explained by resource dependence), this
approach is seen as instrumental stakeholder theory (Orlitzky et al. 2003: 405).
The third perspective of CSR as ethics driven argues that seeing CSR only as a
(social or stakeholder) obligation fails to provide normative criteria and ethical issues to
evaluate CSR activities (e.g., Donaldson and Preston 1995; Jones 1995; Swanson 1995).
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It is interrelated with business ethics that is concerned with good and bad or right and
wrong behavior and practices that take place within a business context (Carroll and
Buchholtz 2003: 170; den Hond et al. 2007: 2). The incorporation of CSR was a
challenge since it pushed aside the mainstream business ethics methodology (van
Liedekerke and Dubbink 2008: 273).
In contrast to the three perspectives mentioned above, a number of scholars have
depicted CSR in terms of concrete organizational processes (often analyzed under the
label corporate social responsiveness). This fourth perspective understands CSR as an
umbrella term for several managerial processes. For example, Wartick and Cochran
(1985: 767) and Wood (1991: 713) outlined that social issues management and
environmental assessment constitute two sets of managerial processes useful to take up
a proactive social responsibility stance. On this note, CSR is also defined as asensemaking process with a cognitive, linguistic, and conative perspective (Basu and
Palazzo 2008: 125). From a critical point of view, these initiatives can also be perceived
as a paternalistic expression of corporate power (Swanson 1995: 50).
Against the background of various different conceptualizations of CSR, newer
publications concretize corporate social behavior as corporate social action (Marquis
et al. 2007: 926) or as corporate social change activities (den Hond and de Bakker
2007: 901). Thereby, corporate social action is defined as behaviors and practices that
extend beyond immediate profit maximization goals and are intended to increase social
benefits or mitigate social problems for constituencies external to the firm" (Marquis et
al. 2007: 926). These behaviors and practices include charitable giving, investments in
social initiatives, in-kind donations and employee volunteering (Marquis et al. 2007:
926).
These four research streams can be interpreted as distinct but interrelated; both
social and stakeholder obligation lead to managerial forms of CSR and are contrasted or
critically examined by normative approaches. The following chapter will elaborate on
the concept of employee or corporate volunteering that is serving as a catalyst involving
employees into CSR (Aguilera et al. 2007: 856).
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Corporate Volunteering
Definition
Against the background of corporate social responsibility or corporate social action,
new forms of cross-sector collaborations between the corporate and the nonprofit
world arise. These can be classified into philanthropic as an outcome of charitable
giving, strategic collaborations including sponsoring, commercial such as cause-related
marketing and political, taking part dominantly on the international level (Galaskiewicz
and Sinclair Colman 2006; Wymer and Samu 2003). Out of this bunch of collaborating
initiatives, those relevant for the community can be described as corporate community
involvement (Hess et al. 2002: 110; Muthuri 2007: 178).
Within corporate community involvement, the concept ofvolunteering supportedby employers has been established (Voort et al. 2009: 313). Volunteering is generally
defined as any activity in which time is given freely to benefit another person, group or
cause (Wilson 2000: 215). Comparably to CSR itself, corporate volunteering can
contribute to social change either reactively or proactively (Aguilera et al. 2007: 838).
The first occurs if the company accommodates its volunteering employees, the latter if it
encourages them to participate in volunteering activities (Basil et al. 2009: 391). In both
cases, the character of the employees activities must not be changed by the employer
towards a volunteering imperative but has to remain voluntary.
Several propositions have been made to describe this phenomenon: employer-
supported volunteering (McBain and Machin 2008: 7), corporate volunteer programs
(Peterson 2004a: 615), company support for employee volunteerism (Basil et al.
2009: 387), employee volunteering, corporate volunteerism or employee
community involvement (Muthuri et al. 2009: 75), employee volunteer efforts
(Marquis et al. 2007: 926). This article will apply the term corporate volunteering that is
both simple and dominantly used not only (Wood 2007), but especially in a German-
speaking context (e.g., Schubert et al. 2002).
Relevance and Forms
First examples of corporate volunteering can be traced back to the early 1900s in
the U.S., followed by an expansion up to a third of U.S.-American companies (Basil et
al. 2009: 388). Although it has to be admitted that organized volunteering is a
relatively small part of the total picture (Putnam 2008: 46), it clearly contributes to
society and social capital. Within the U.K., corporate volunteering is continuously
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gaining in importance (Muthuri et al. 2009: 75). Nowadays, 36 percent of employees
have the opportunity to participate in a corporate volunteering initiative (McBain and
Machin 2008: 2).
As it has been noticed for CSR, corporate volunteering as an explicit strategy has
been disseminating into continental Europe with a certain time lag (Doh and Guay
2006: 57). In Germany, the first decade of the 21st
century can be identified as the birth
of corporate volunteering, especially promoted by larger and multinational companies
(Herzig 2004: 4).
Due to the fact that corporate volunteering stems from the managerial perspective
on CSR without being anchored in a distinct theory, several forms (Peloza and Hassay
2006: 360) or schemes (Muthuri et al. 2009: 79) have emerged. Generally, three forms
of corporate volunteering can be distinguished: extra-organizational, inter-organizational and intra-organizational volunteerism (Peloza and Hassay 2006: 359-
360). In the first case, the employer is not involved if the employee performs volunteer
work outside of ones role as an employee. Inter-organizational volunteerism describes
volunteer initiatives whereas the employee chooses the nonprofit organization and is
supported (non-strategically) by the firm. In the latter form, companies proactively
develop strategic volunteer opportunities and often also support the nonprofit
organization by donations (Peloza and Hassay 2006: 360). Within these broader forms,
Muthuri et al. (2009: 82) suggest to differentiate schemes according to the rate of
recurrence, the mode of interaction between actors and the number of volunteer
participants leading to the following: team challenges, team assignments, mentoring, e-
mentoring, individual role volunteering. Examples for team challenges are clean-up
event for a single day whereas team assignments consist of more long-term forms;
mentoring provides face-to-face relationships between volunteer mentors and pupils, for
instance; individual role volunteering occurs if employees serve on school boards or as
trustees (Muthuri et al. 2009: 82).
Benefits of Structured Corporate Volunteering Programs
As a first step to assess the benefits of corporate volunteering, the volunteers
perspective has to be taken into account. The expected benefits for the employee are
motivating factors to participate in corporate volunteering. The motivation of and
benefits for employees can be derived from the research on volunteering in general,
stating that several determinants of motivation exist (e.g., Dolnicar and Randle 2007;
Hustinx et al. 2010: 74). Whereas intrinsic motivation delivers satisfaction from the
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volunteer activity itself, extrinsic motivation can be distinguished into instrumental
motivations, psychological factors, human capital and social capital (Leete 2006: 171-
172). The participating employees gain individual competences (human capital), self-
confidence and establish relationships (social capital) to colleagues and other
participants within the program (Brown and Ashcraft 2007; Peloza et al. 2009: 381).
Additionally to these employee-related benefits, corporate volunteering is
beneficial for both the company and the community. The company benefits from
benevolent publicity, higher employee loyalty, teamwork skills etc. (Haski-Leventhal et
al. 2009: 148; Hess et al. 2002: 112). The community or nonprofit organizations benefit
from the employees time and talent (Brown and Ashcraft 2007; Peloza et al. 2009:
381).
Corporate Volunteering and Social Movements
Theoretical Analysis
This chapter will firstly assess how corporate volunteering can be framed by
resource dependence theory and social capital and secondly elaborate on similarities
between corporate volunteering and social movements.
The benefits of structured corporate volunteering highlight the resource mobilizing
effect that employees are able to generate for their company.1
As corporate volunteering
establishes a triangular relationship between the company, its volunteering employees
and the community, it is possible to contribute to a firms social capital in various ways
(Bart et al. 2009: 123; Muthuri et al. 2009: 80). As companies strive to mobilize
resources and to establish networks, the involvement in corporate volunteering can be
interpreted as a strategy to produce social capital in terms of strong and weak ties
between external and internal participators (Adler and Kwon 2002; Lin 2008: 51;
Muthuri et al. 2009: 83). Corporate social capital is defined as the set of resources,
tangible or virtual, that accrue to a corporate player through the players social
relationships, facilitating the attainment of goals (Gabbay and Leenders 1999: 3).
Furthermore, internal ties are important for both the employee and the company. The
network ties of an employee established with colleagues during the participation in
corporate volunteering constitute a valuable source for information benefits: who you
know affects what you know (Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998: 251). This effect of
1 This article will not elaborate on resource dependencies regarding the partnering nonprofit organization,although resource dependence theory has extensively been applied to nonprofit organizations (Abzug1999) and their striving for access to funding, legitimacy and volunteers (e.g., Froelich 1999; Hodge andPiccolo 2005; Macedo and Pinho 2006).
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individual social capital is valuable for the company as well, as it may enhance
information and communication across hierarchical levels and business units. As a
result, social capital plays a crucial role as it is both a determinant and an effect of
corporate volunteering (Haski-Leventhal et al. 2009: 139-140; Wilson 2000: 223).
Furthermore, more and more companies perceive corporate volunteering as a
strategic tool to contribute to social change. This adds an important aspect to the
interpretation of corporate volunteering as a social strategy search process (Bowen
2007: 104-105) by resource dependence theory and leads to the question if proactive
forms of corporate volunteering could be perceived as social movements (Voort et al.
2009).
Social movements are characterized as a purposive and collective attempt of a
number of people to change individuals or societal institutions and structures (Zald andAsh Garner 1987: 123) or as organized collective endeavors to solve social problems
Rao et al. 2000: 244). Mobilizing resourcespeople (including volunteers), money and
legitimacyis a key issue within the analysis of social movements (McAdam and Scott
2005: 61; McCarthy and Wolfson 1996: 1071). Here again, the access to and creation of
social capital is of crucial importance (Klandermans and Oegema 1987: 520).
To assess the similarities to social movements, this chapter will rely on the
qualitative case study on the corporate volunteering program within a Dutch financial
conglomerate with approximately 11,000 employees (Voort et al. 2009). In the first
place, most corporate volunteering programs are communicated today as an integral part
of a companys CSR strategy. In fact, several of them emerged as an employee initiative
(e.g., Sonneck 2008; Voort et al. 2009). For instance, if employees remark corporate
volunteering initiatives in other companies, they may push their employer to get
involved. In the Dutch case, core activists used their workplace within the company for
mobilization purposes. At the beginning of the movement, high ambitions could be
revealed (Voort et al. 2009). The fact that corporate volunteering starts in many cases as
a grassroots initiative that is continuously mobilizing resources is clearly comparable to
social movements.
In the second place, desired beneficial effects of corporate volunteering did not
materialize in the Dutch case study. To improve mobilization of other employees,
activities have been centralized and framed as a strategic CSR instrument instead of a
grassroots approach (Voort et al. 2009: 319). This framing caused different perceptions
of the movements value among employees without being able to enhance
organizational identification of some business units (Voort et al. 2009: 320).
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Finally, de-mobilizing effects took place when employees perceived an obligation
to participate leading to a hidden countermovement (Voort et al. 2009: 321). As other
empirical studies revealed, there is a fine line between actively encouraging
involvement in employee volunteering and making it compulsory (Institute for
Volunteering Research 2004: 3; see also Haski-Leventhal et al. 2009). Structured
corporate volunteering programs face the challenge to balance being part of a proactive
corporate volunteering strategy and possibly harming the voluntary nature.
Consequently, the analysis of this paper follows the claim to be conscious of the social
movement origins (Voort et al. 2009: 322) of corporate volunteering.
The Case of ABB and Special Olympics
Several corporations serve as best practice examples for corporate volunteering
programs, e.g., Pfizer (Vian et al. 2007) or Ford (Bart et al. 2009). For this analysis, a
company with a large number of employees in Germany and a corporate volunteering
program regarded as best practice in the field of work with the handicapped (Sonneck
2008: 387) has been chosen.
ABB Group, a Swiss-Swedish multinational corporation headquartered in Zurich,
Switzerland, mainly operates in the areas of power and automobile technology. As a
leader in manufacturing of products improving performance while lowering
environmental impact, ABB is active in more than 100 countries, having offices in 87 of
them (ABB 2010a). In total, 117,000 people are employed in this multinational
enterprise (ABB 2010a), whereas 10,600 of them work in Germany (ABB 2010b). Its
first quarter worldwide net income was 464 billion US dollar in 2010, which
corresponds to a 29 percentage decrease over previous years quarter(Ligi 2010).
ABB commits itself to high ethical and moral standards. Therefore, a code of
conduct valid for every level of the organization, as well as in any country of operation
has been developed. One particular feature of this code is the definition of the relation
of ABB with its community partners. Considering itself an actor within civil society,
ABB Group is involved in exercising citizenship through specific projects, charitable
donations, and practical support of worthy initiatives (ABB 2010c: 25).
In Germany, one of the special projects that is supported by ABB is the national
Special Olympics (ABB 2010d). Founded 1968 by Eunice Kennedy Shriver, sister of
the former president of the United States of America John F. Kennedy, Special
Olympics constitutes the largest social movement of sports for individuals with
intellectual disabilities worldwide (Special Olympics Deutschland e.V. 2010a). In 1988,
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they got officially recognized by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) (Special
Olympics 2010). Only four years later, the association German Special Olympics e. V.
was created by the most important national sports organizations in Germany to support
intellectually disabled people in their sportive activities there. In 1998, the first German
Special Olympics were held (Special Olympics Deutschland e.V. 2010b). Since then,
national summer and winter games have been organized biennially by turns. Nowadays,
3.1 billion people are part of this social movement around the globe, whereupon 38,000
individuals belong to the German Special Olympics association (Special Olympics
Deutschland e.V. 2010a).
ABB regards Special Olympics a valuable opportunity to increase the acceptance of
people with intellectual disabilities and their families in society (ABB 2010d). Having
been the main sponsor of this association and its events for ten years now, ABBemployees of all ranks, and from all over the world have assisted this movement not
only financially. In fact, during this time period more than 1,700 of its staff members
have contributed to the success of the national Special Olympics games and the work of
the German umbrella organization through various voluntary fundraising or training
activities. Whilst the volunteers take holidays and sacrifice their leisure time for this
purpose, ABB covers travelling and accommodation expenses (ABB 2010d; Amaral
and Magalhes 2004). Interestingly, ABB will continue its commitment to Special
Olympics even though it is currently suffering from a loss in net income.
Methodological Approach
Network Analysis
To answer the second research question, dealing with the potential contribution of
corporate volunteering to an organizations social capital, a network analysis is
undertaken. Network analysis is highly interrelated with the concept of social capital as
it puts emphasis on constraints placed by social structure on individual action and the
differential opportunities known variously as social resources, social capital, or social
support to which actors have access (Marsden 1990: 436). The method is able to
analyze systemsof dyadic interactions (Rowley 1997: 894) between companies and a
multitude of stakeholders.
Network analyses can either focus on a whole-network (bounded social collectives)
or on egocentric networks (the relationships, the alters, in the locality of a focal actor,
the ego) (Marsden 2005: 8). The structure of whole-network can be described by
density measuring the relative number of ties in the network. Density as an indicator for
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the mean strength of connections is calculated as a ratio of the number of relationships
existing in the network and the total number of possible ties (Marsden 1990: 453-454;
Rowley 1997: 896). In contrast to density, centralityrefers to an individuals position
in the network and is used as a measure of network-generated prominence or power
(Marsden 1990: 454; Rowley 1997: 898). Centrality can be classified into degree,
closeness and betweenness of the actors (Rowley 1997: 898). The role oftie strength is
ambiguous. Whereas weak ties provide individuals with information beyond those
stemming from their own social circle, strong ties are more easily available and have
greater motivation to be of assistance (Granovetter 1983: 209). Closeness or intensity,
frequency and duration may serve as indicators for tie strength (Marsden 1990: 455).
The network structure of corporate volunteering is dependent on the scheme; the
expected outcomes for the scheme team challenge consist of cohesion amongemployees within and across departments, weak ties with several numerous actors
leading to thin but extensive networks (Muthuri et al. 2009: 82). The participation of
ABB employees in Special Olympics National Games can be classified into the
corporate volunteering scheme of team assignment with a strong team focus.
Consequently, stronger ties and thick trust within the volunteer group and between
volunteers and the community are expected (Muthuri et al. 2009: 82-83).
Research Design and Measurement
As volunteers stem from all hierarchies within the company, it was necessary to get
access to both employees working with constant internet access and to industrial
workers without daily access to email and internet. As a result, a multimode strategy
(Schaefer and Dillman 1998: 383) was chosen for the survey: a web-based questionnaire
accessed by email-distributed codes and a self-administered questionnaire delivered and
received by postal mail.
Considering measurement, the difficult attempts to measure social capital can be
classified into structural aspects in terms of networks and cultural aspects such as trust,
norms and values (Deth 2008: 160). Among the structural approaches, surveys aim at
capturing membership in voluntary associations or volunteerism as an indicator for
participation in the local community (Deth 2008: 160; Onyx and Bullen 2000: 40). The
fact that individuals volunteer is perceived as being crucial for a minimum level of
civic virtue (Deth 2008: 155) and thus an indicator for social capital; a decline in
volunteering rates is interpreted as a loss of social capital, vice versa (Putnam 2000). To
answer the second research question, the mere fact that corporate volunteering exists is
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obviously not convincing. Instead, the contribution to social capital had to be measured
in a combination of measurement instruments. As a result, the questionnaire consisted
of two parts. The first part consists of network-related questions and the second contains
various items measuring latent constructs.
The measurement of social capital from the network perspective involves both the
access to and mobilization of social capital (Lin 2008: 52-54). Traditionally, the name-
generating methodology (list all the people you know; Marsden 1990: 439) has been
used for the purpose of constructing egocentric networks. But, this method is considered
unsatisfactory; for instance, it is not able to reconstruct a complete network due to the
fact that the content universe is usually unknown (Lin 2008: 54; Van Der Gaag and
Snijders 2005: 3). In the case of a structured corporate volunteering program, the
measurement of social capital can focus on that social capital the participants get accessto via volunteering. Consequently, the survey included a name generator listing all
participants of the company in the period 2008/2009 (including the 2008 National
Summer Games in Karlsruhe, and 2009 National Winter Games in Inzell). The first
question2
aims at measuring the access to social capital as the relationships established
during the corporate volunteering event. It serves as a filter question for the following
questions as well and thus reduces the complexity of the name generator for participants
of the online-based survey; in the written questionnaire, the question was concretized by
adding the following sentence: Please answer the following question only for those
persons you got to know during the Special Olympics National Games 2008/2009. All
network questions were free choice, i.e., they did not request a certain number ofalters.
The second question3
intends to capture the retrospective use or mobilization of
social capital reflecting the use of social ties and their resources (Lin 2008: 52-53; Van
Der Gaag and Snijders 2005: 2). The analysis aims at investigating both the formal
structure of the network established via corporate volunteering and the tie content itself
(Adler and Kwon 2002: 23). Since social capital is convertible to other kinds of capital,
friendship ties can be used for information gathering and vice versa (Adler and Kwon
2002: 21).
2Below, you will find the volunteers at the Special Olympics National Games 2008/2009 assorted by
their work places. Whom did you get to know during the Special Olympics National Games?3 How often do you contact the following persons, e.g., via telephone, e-mail, in person or online?
(Possible answers are: No contact at all, monthly contact, once a week, several times a week, dailycontact.)
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To capture this effect, the third4
and fourth5
questions investigate the amount of
business-related contents versus the quantity of personal issues. It has to be taken into
account that all these questions capture only new contacts. Thus, the production of
(new) social capital is assessed, not the amount of social capital existing within the
company in terms of friendship or collegial ties.
The second part of the questionnaire covers a wide range of latent constructs that
are relevant for an evaluation of the social capital generated through corporate
volunteering: e.g., personal satisfaction with corporate volunteering, trust, collaboration,
fun, recognition by others and organizational commitment. The items were derived from
qualitative studies on corporate volunteering (Peloza and Hassay 2006) or were based
on existing scales. Reliability and validity were assessed by applying extensive scale
development procedures and pretests.
Sample
The firm locations Mannheim, Heidelberg, Ldenscheid Bad Berleburg Aue, as
well as in Sasbach, Bad Honnef and Minden were included into our analysis. The
sample consists of 53 employees of ABB Germany (response rate: 68%). But due to the
name-generating method assuming symmetric relations, a full sample of all 78
participants could be obtained. Among these employees, there were 9 industrial
workers, 36 employees, 1 trainee, 3 members of the middle management, 3 executive
managers and 1 executive/supervisory board member. The number of times these
individuals participated in the Special Olympics National Games as a volunteer ranges
from 1 to 10. As the median value, 3 participations could be denoted. 75.5% of the
sample supported this event more than once. 39.6% attended the national Special
Olympics for the first time during 2008/2009.
Empirical data analysis was undertaken using SPSS 18, UCINET 6 and NetDraw
(Borgatti 2002a; Borgatti 2002b).
4How important are business-related issues when you contact the following persons? Business-relatedcomprises the exchange of information concerning work processes or projects in the form of feedbacks,meetings, inquiries, for instance. (Possible answers are: not important at all, not important, partly, a role,a dominating role.)5How important are private issues when you contact the following persons? Private issues are those you
are also subject of your conversations with friends. (Possible answers are: not important at all, notimportant, partly, a role, a dominating role.)
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A1
A2
A3
A4
A5
A8
A9
A11
A12
A13
A14
A15
A16
A17
A20
A22
A24
B1
B3
B4
B5
B7
B9
B10
C1
C2
C3
C4
C5
C6
C8
C10
C11C12
D2
D3
D5
D7
D11E4
E6
F3
F6
Figure 3: Active relations within and across hierarchical levels
Source: own elaboration
Figure 3 reveals the strength (frequency) of ties across hierarchical levels
(industrial workers, employees, trainee, members of the middle management, executive
managers, executive/supervisory board member). The scheme of corporate volunteering
in ABB is able to establish maintaining ties across hierarchical levels, especially among
members of the hierarchical level employees and between them and industrial
workers. At the same time, only one of the two executive managers keeps up contact
with several employees.
With respect to the content of new social ties, business-related versus private issues
were differentiated. Figure 4 depicts private contacts as blue lines, business-related ties
as green lines. If an actor maintains both private and business-related ties to another
actor, this relationship is classified as multiplex (Hanneman and Riddle 2005). This
combination is marked in red.
It can be revealed that 24.04% of the contacts are most dominantly business-related
whereas 31.73% are of private nature and 21.15% are multiplex ties. This result reflects
the multidimensionality of social capital. The use of new contacts for personal purposes
is able to be both a motivating factor and a benefit of corporate volunteering.
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Further research could compare the network of ABB and Special Olympics with
other schemes of corporate volunteering. A comparison could reveal if and how
different corporate volunteering schemes affect the production of social capital.
Additionally, the relationship between social capital and intellectual capital (Coleman
1988; Portes 1998) could be investigated. Business-related, personal and multiplex ties
could contribute to the acquisition of competences, workplace efficiency and several
other constructs differently. Thus, corporate social capital could enhance the companys
knowledge and knowing capability (Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998: 250-251; Surroca et
al. 2010: 468). A possible advancement of corporate volunteering in the sense of a
human resources development tool could be discussed afterwards.
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