UNIT 22 CASTE, CLASS AN D POLITICS IN INDIA Structure 22.0 Objectives 22.1 Introduction 22. 2 What is Caste? 22.3 Main Features of Cast e 22.4 Dyna mic Relationship 22.5 Regional Variations 22 .6 Cast e and Clas s 22.7 Stratification within Cast e 22. 8 Pressure Group: Caste Assoc iation 22.9 Political Parties 22.10 Caste in Voting Behaviour 22.1 1 Let Us Sum Up 22.12 Some Useful Books 22.13 Answers to Clieck Your Progress Exercises 22.0 OBJECTIVES Tlie purpose of this unit is to acqua int yo u with ( a) nature and role of caste in Indian politics an d (b) i n tlie process how both caste and politic s undergo changes . Afte r going till -oug h this unit, you should be ab le to understand: To wli at extent and i n wliat ways caste influerices politics; Interrelationship between caste and politics; and How politics irifluences caste. 22.1 INTRODUCTION Theoret ically speaking caste and democratic political system stand for opposite value systems. Caste is hierarchical. Sta tus o f an individual i n caste-oriented social system is determined b y birth. It has reli gious sanction by vario us holy texts , reinforced by priests and rituals. Traditionally, upper castes enjoy certain privileges not only in religious sphere bu t als o in economic, education an d political spheres. Customary laws differ ent iat e individual by birth and se x. 'That is, certain rules are harsli to women and Shudras a nd soft to mal es and Brahmins . On the otlier hand , democr atic political system advocates freedom to an individual and equality of status. It stands for rule of Law. No one irrespective of status is above law. Indian democratic system under tlie Consti tution stands for liberty, equality and frat ernity amon g all citizens. It strives to build egalitarian social order. However, politics notwithstanding the ideals i n any society does no t function i n vacuum. It operates wi thin social milieu. The refore , i t cannot be devoi d of the prevaili ng social forces. A t societal level, politic s is related to struggle for a nd distr ibuti o~i f political powe r an d resources. One of tlie imp orta~ it unctions of politics is to govern society. ~his'calls or resolving conflict among various interests . I t identifies needs of society at a given point of time. Needs are prioritised: what is important and immediate to attain and wliat can wait. I n order to meet the needs of society, nature of production system has to be decided - whether tlie factories, farms or mines are owne d privatel y
in l n d i nby individual for profit or they be owned and managed by colnmunity or state or
combinatiol~o f the both. For tliat rules are made and executed. In sliort wlio gets
what, when and how i r i society is the central concerli of politics. Though such,
decisions are taken by the state, people get involved in decision making process in
democratic system. They elect their rulers. While electing their representatives people
express tlieir material and non-material needs, expectatiolis and aspirations for today
and tomorrow. Their expectations are fo r themselves and also for commuliity -
immediate primordial group, caste and larger society that iliclude region, and country.
People also build pressure on decision-makers through organised oranorganised
struggles, personal colitacts and Inally otlier ways. Political leaders cannot ignore
social forces, as tliey tliemselves are part o f them. I t is imperative for the decision-
makers in democratic system to seek and extend support o f the constituents for
obtaining and preserving lieir polit ical power.
I t however, does not lneali that politics i s ust a proxy or a blueprilit o f societal forces.
I t sets goal and priorities. I t has a vision for change, a better social order than the
existing for the larger good. Politics introduces new values such as equality and
freedom; i~isti tutions ucli as political parties and trade unions; gover~ ilne~itolicies
like abolition o f za~i ii~idariystem or untouchability undermines the traditional social
order and value system. I t shifts location o f power in society from one group to
another. Moreover competitive politics like elections encourage several i~idiv iduals
fro111a group to aspire for political positions. 'rliey compete alnolig themseives so tlie
caste ~iie~iiberslso get divided. In tlie process caste cohesiveness gets weaken; and
new formation takes place. Thus, not only caste influences politics but the polit ical
system also influeoces caste arid induces clia~iges n it . 'l'liere is no one way traff ic.
Both influence each otlier. I t is to be seen: to what extent and i n which way politics
attain its objective o f social tra lis for~natio~ind to what extent it is influenced by
prevailing social forces, part icularly caste?
India became a Republic in 1950. For the first time in history al l adult citizens o f lie
coulitry liave gained tlie right to vote and elect tlieir represe~itatives or decision
making bodies from village Paricliayat to Lok Sablia. They also liave tlie right to
contest electiolis so as to become rulers. As a result, large number o f social groupswlio were liit llerto deprived of pol itical power begall to realise tliat they could compete
with tra ditio~~allyominant power elite and also wield power so as to express their
grievances, needs, priori ties and aspirations. Thus they decide their destiny. Politics
has become competitive and open. Moreover, tlie state lias u~idertaken number o f
social and eco~io~nicrograms, which have developed lnolietary and contractual
relat io~isl lip ffecting traditional social ties and monopoly of privileges. And, judicial
authority o f caste paucliayat lias bee11 replaced b y state judicipry systeni.
22.2 WHAT IS CASTE?,,
Caste i s an English translatioli of l~ id ia l i ord Jati. As Indians we al l know what is
Jati because we al l liave a tag o f Jati by birth. This applies to non-Hindus also. But
meaning o f Jati i s not tl ie sanie among the Hindus and non-Hindus. Caste does not
liave rel ig io l~s anction alnolig tlie non-Hindus. I t is a social stratum. Alnong the
Hindus, i t is believed tliat one's Jati is due to one's Karlna (deeds) in previous birth.
This is not so alnolig tlie nowHindus.
Meaning o f Jati for olieself and for others is not always un ifor~ n nd consistent
among all. I t varies from purpose to purpose for which the tag is used. Jati has a
specific social ~iieal iil igdelitifyi~igne's place in social order in village society where
one interacts everyday with other menibers of the local community. For instance in
a village in central G~!jarat its inhabitant, say M r. X dentifies himself as K li a~it henlie interacts with another villager o f ieiglibouring locality who calls'li imself a Bareeya
for inter-dining purpose. M r. X wou ld introduce him se lf as Ksliat riya when lie attends Caste. Clnss and Pol i t ics
political party meeting at taluka or district place. He would call his caste as OBCi n I n d i a
(Other Backward Caste) wlien lie visits government office to get loan or subsidy for
governm ent sponsored program or to get scholarship for h is son. Tliere is one mean ing
o f Jati for m atrimonial and kinsh ip relationship, a different m eaning for economic
interaction and a thir d mean ing for p olitic al purpose. One does not necessarily have
the same meaning when one exercises vote for village pancliayat than Lok sablia
elections.
Thus it is diffi cu lt to give precise meaning o f caste applicable i n all situations. I t is
partly a subjective category. S ocial construct o f caste by actors and observers varies
from context to context.
22.3 MAEN FEATURES OF CASTE
Notwithstanding difficulties in arriving arprecise def inition o f caste as a unit, there is
a consensus among the scho lars regardin g general characteristics o f caste system as
a social order. Most sociological writings on caste conclude that homo hierarcliicus
is the central and substantive element o f the caste system. The phrase is used by a
French sociologist Louis Du~nonto differentiate Hindu social system from othersocial systems - particularly that o f he western society. Hierarchy is the central core
o f he caste social order. I t includes hierarchy o f status, values, custolns and behaviour
on the basis o f purity and impurity, i~iterpersonal elat io~ iship mong individuals in
terms o f blood, food and occupation; and rituals divided into tw o orders: pure and
impure. Certain occupations or type o f food are considered as pure fo r ce rtain castes
and the same are impure the refore forbidden fo r other castes. I t is obligatory fo r each
Hindu to confine relatio~isl i ip nd i~i t er ac tio ~iith in t lie restricted circle called Jati, as
to maintain p urity in marriage relatisnsli ip; exchange o f ood and purs ui~ igaste based
occupation.There are four essential features o f lie caste system. Tliey are: ( I)hierarchy;
(2) commensurity; ( 3 ) restrictions on marriage; and (4) hereditary occupation.
22.4 DYNAMIC RELATIONSHIP
N o social system remains static. Social system changes from time to tim e w ith tl ie
changing social, econom ic and p olitic al circumstances. Th is i s also true fo r the caste
system. At the em pirical l&el the caste hierarchy lias never been static throughout
history. Theoretically, all Jatis are liierarchically placed within a prescribed social
status. Some Jatis enjoy hig h status and some occupy lo w status. Place o f tlie Jaii
in the social order in the hierarchy is determined by its ritual status based on the
observa~ice f customs for interpersonal relationship. Some scliolars believe this value
system - acceptance o f one's station in the l ife is tl ie result o f previous birth - lias
consensus among all Hindus includin g tlie Untouchables. Bu t it is not true. 'rhough tlieupper castes try to maintain their higher status, tlie middle and lower castes have
successfully tried to change their status. Ha ving impro ved their economic condition,
a dominant section o f some o f the low castes, including the groups, wh ich were at
one time treated as u~ itoucliab les, mita ted customs and norms o f the upper castes
residing in their vicinity. Sociologists call this process as sanskritisation. One also
comes across instances o f some castes or even ind ividuals wh o have succeeded i n
impro ving their status even withou t adhering to tl ie norms and rituals o f tlie upper
castes. Acq uirin g po litica l autho rity facilitates not on ly pow er holder - ruler - but arso
his kin and relatives to elljoy higher social status in caste hierarchy. One call cite
instances in history, which show that Shudras and ati-shudras having occupying pos ition
o f power have acquired status o f Kshatriyas even withou t f ollow ing tl ie path o f
Party System an d Electinns 'The process of sanskritisation wh ich was p rom inent am ong the lo we r castes at onei n India
point o f time, particu larly i n the 19th and early 20th century, has been slowed dow n
in the 'sixties and 'sevenhies'. Earlie r many castes hesitated to be called 'backw ard'
despite the poor economic co ndition o f he members. They feared that they wou ld not
be able to im prove their social status b y ide ntify ing themselves as 'backward'. B ut
this is no longer true now, as the State has prov ided certain ben efits to the bac kward
castes. These castes have realised that they cou ld imp rov e their status by imp rov ing
their economic condition rather than observing rituals followed by the upper castes.
N o w there is compe tition among the castes to be called 'backward'. Even some o f
the Brahmin and Raiput Jatis have approached the Government to be classified as
'backward'. The K ol is o f central Gujarat followed the rituals o f the Rajputs and
struggled f or three decades to be acknowledged as K shatriyas. In the past, they used
to feel insulted if hey were called K olis. Bu t now they have started cal ling themselves
as K ol is so that they co uld get material benefits whic h is the surest way t o improve
social status. Social status based on the observance o f the ritua ls has increas ingly
become redundant.
Tra ditio na lly caste members have been forbidden t o accept cooked fo od fro m persons
belon ging to the Jatis that they considered low er than theirs. These rules have been
weakened, particu larly i n pub lic spheres in urban areas during the last fiv e decades.
I n the ir b id to gain broad support base the po litica l elites at dis trict and state level donot hesitate to take food with the caste members belonging to lower strata.
Most of the Jatis are endogamous. A few follow hypergamy generally within the
caste cluster. The earlier restrictions on marriage have become flexible. Marriage
circles are expanding i n sbme castes. W ith education and urbanisation, instances o f
inter-caste marriages among the upper and m iddl e castes have somewhat increased
though such cases are still1 exceptions.
22.5 REGIONAL VARIATIONS
Caste structure i n terms o f hierarchy and boundary for interaction between the social
groups is more or less neat and identifiable at the village level. But it is not so at
regional level. And to draw em pirically based macro picture o f castes at the national
level is all the more difficult and hazardous. Caste structure has not developed
un ifo rm ly in all regions o f the sub-continent. Assam has developed a loose caste
structure w ith less rig id hierarchy than that o f Uttar Pradesh or Bihar. I t is the same
regarding observation o f caste specific rules.
The nu mber o f castes also varies from region to region. Gujarat has a larger number
o f castes than West Bengal. Differe nt l l istorical experiences have contributed to
shaping o f the present day so cio-po litical processes in d iffer en t regions. Moreover,
there is and had been uneven economic development in the co untry and also w ith in
the states. Some regions had zam indari and some had roy atwa ri land tenure system.
Generally, Rajputs in Rajasthan or Brahmins i n Tam ilnadu were enjoy ing dominance
in the farmer and peasant castes like Marathas in Maharashtra and Patidars in
Gujarat were dominant castes. A l l castes do not have i~ n if o rm um erical strength and
spread. Some have a larger number of memberk and some are very tiny. Some are
scattered tllroughout the region and some are heavily concentrated in a few geographical
pockets. Hence, the role and position o f caste i n relation to politics varies from time
Acco rding to some scholars, caste system is essentially a class system. I t was
essentially so in the early formative years. The classes were: Rajanyas or the
Kshatriyas, the aristocracy, the Brahmins, the priests, the Vaishyas, the people at
large, m ai nl y peasants and traders, and the Shudras, the service comm unities. There
are various theories o f the ori gin o f the system. Some b elieve that the system was
created by the D ivin e Power for m aintaining harmony in society. Accordingly, one
gets birth in a particular caste because o f one's karma o f he previous birth. Others
believe that the system has been evolved i n course o f ime wi th the development o f
econom ic surplus. I t came int o existence wit h economic divisions; or the invaders to
subjugate the lo cal triba l population created it.
A number o f v i l lage studies o f dif ferent parts o f he country carried out in the post-
independent period show a certain amount o f overlap between twin hierarchies o f
caste and land. M.N. Srinivas observes, " The vil lage comm unity consisted o f
hierarchical groups, each with its own rights, duties and privileges. The caste at the
. top had power and privileges, which were denied to the lo wer castes. The lo wer
castes were tenants, servants, landless labourers, debtors and clien ts o f the highe r
castes." Data from tw o Tamilna du villages collected by Sivkumar and Sllivkum ar i n
the late 'seventies show that 59 per cent o f Muda liyars (upper castes) and 4 per cent
o f Palli (untouchable castes) are rich peasants or landlord households. N o M ud aliya r
is engaged as an agric ultu ral laborer, whereas 42 p er cent o f Palli househo lds earn
their livelillood as farm labourers. A study of six Rajastllan villages carried out by
K.L.Sharma in the 'seventies offers a sim ilar pattern'. "Only 12.5 per cent o f the
lowe r class .households belong t o upper castes, 60 per cent o f the hig her cIass
households belong to the upper castes, 24 per cent o f he upper castes be long to the
highe r class, whereas amon g the interm ediate and low er castes onl y 6.2 per cent and
1.3 per cent belon g to h igh class respectively."
The Anthrop ologica l Survey o f Ind ia in its Project on "People of India" has studied
4635 com munities/castes. The stud y confir ms that the hig hly placed castes are markedby "(i) higher position i n the regional socio-ritual hierarchy, (ii)better control over
land and 'other resources, an d (iii) on-commercial relations w ith other commu nit ies
o f nfer ior s tatus.... (The lo w castes) are placed at the bottom due t o their : (i)abject
poverty caused by less possession of land and less control over economic resources
(ii) ocio-ritual degradation based on the no tion o f pu rity and pollution , and (iii) raditional
engagement in occupations which are co~lside red itu ally unclean.
Aggregate data at regional and national lev el on caste and occupation\land l lold ing
give us a similar picture. Table I presents caste and occup ation data collected by the
Nation al Sample Survey (NSS) collected i n 1952, analysed by K.N.Raj. The data
sllows that there is a po sitive re lat io~ lsh ip etween caste and occupational status. The
small and marginal farmers.and ag ricultural labourers ma inly be long to the lo w orbackward castes and ex-untouchable (scheduled) castes. There is a marginal
diversification o f occupations among the members o f lo w and the lowest castes in
rural areas. However, one should not ignore that a small p roportion o f lower and
scheduled caste househo lds are ri ch peasants who hire labour and p roduce ma rketable
surplus. According to the survey carried out by Centre for Social Studies, Surat in
Gujarat, 10 per, cent o f the lowe r caste and 5 per cent o f the scheduled caste
households own more than 15 acres o f land. The reverse is also true. A cco rdin g to
the NSS data I per cent o f the upper castes and 12 per cent o f the midd le castes
are agricultura l labourers. Moreo ver it m ay also be noted that there are a few upper
castes in some parts o f the coun try wllose n lajor ity m embers do n ot be long to the
upper class. R ajputs (upper caste) o f Giljarat are a case in point. Th eir con ditio n i n
terms o f and ownership and other occupation is not significantly diffe ren t than many
given up their traditional occupation. As early as 1950, F.G. Bailey observed in a C'as"* Class bosfics
i n I n d i avillage situated in a relatively backward state like Orissa, "Not every person works
at his traditional occupation. The distillers do not touch liquor. The Knod potters (?)
/ do not know how to make pots. Tlie fishermen do not fish. Tlie warriors are cultivators.
1 Everywhere there i s a scope for practising a hereditary occupation not all members
of caste engage in tlie work ". In the 1950s, Kathleen Gougli also observed a similar
pattern in Tamilnadu. She noted, "The caste community i s no longer liomoge~ieousn
occupation and wealth, for caste i s today a limiting rather than a determining factor
in the choice of tlie occupation. Exactly half o f Kumbarpettai's adult Brahmins arenow employed in towns as Government servants, sclioolteachers or restraint workers.
Of the reminder, some own up to thirty acres o f land, others as li tt le as three. One
runs a grocery store and one a vegetarian restaurant. Among tlie non-Brahmins, tlie
fisherman, toddy-tapers, Marathas, Kallans, Koravas and Kuttadis have abandoned
their traditional work ". Village studies carried out in tlie fifties and sixties from
different parts o f he country bear out tlie same trend. And. diversification o f occi~patio~ i
in non-farm sector lias increased within most of the castes with tlie spread o f tlie
green revolution.
But there are still several Jatis whose members liave more or less similar economic
condition. One can firid such i~ista~icesmong several Scheduled Castes and numerically
'small other backward castes. Such castes have stil l less than 10 per cent rate o f
literacy and all the households depend on mariual labour for their livelihood. On the
other hand there are number of castes which are illternally stratified. There are three
types o f economic differentiation with in different castes: ( I ) A caste characterised by
sharp polarisation; (2) A caste l ia vi~ ig majority o f members from upper strata; (3)
A caste with a majority members belongi~ig o poor strata. Rajputs and Thakurs o f
Rajasthan, LIP and Gujarat fall in tlie first category. A few lioi~seliolds w11 arge
estates and factories and a large number are agricult~~ralabourers. Most o f tlie
households o f the several upper castes such as Bralimins, Baniyas, Kayastlias are
wel l off . On the other hand a large number of tlie Backward castes liave overwhelniing
majority households who are small and niargi~ial armers, tenants and agriculture
labourers. Economic stratification affects their cohesiveness on poli tical issues.
Dominant stratum projects its interests as the interests of tlie caste; and gives it
priority while bargaining witli tlie government.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answer.
ii ) Check your answers wit li tlie model aliswers give11at tlie end o f the unit.
I) What are the main features o f caste?
2) -what i s the relatio~isliipbetween caste and land ow~iersl iipn rural India?
Role o f caste i n elections has two dimensions. One is o f the parties and candidates
and the second is o f the voters. The fo rmer seeks support o f the voters proje cting
themselves as champions o f particula r social and econ om ic interests, the latter wh ile
exercising their vote in favour o f one pa rty or candidate whether people vote on caste
consideration. A nd if so, how exclusive is it?
As mentioned above different parties acco~nn lodate ertain castes in d istributing partytickets. W hile nom inating candidates parties take into consideration caste o f the
aspirant candidate and num erical strength o f diffe ren t castes in a constituency.
Caste leaders also ~nobilisedheir followers on caste lines so that they could sllow
tlleir strength. In the fiftie s w herever caste associations were able to ~n ai nt ai nheir
unity and did not formally align with ally one party they appealed to their members
to vote for their caste fello ws irrespective o f their pa rty affiliation . In Rajastllan
Meenas were asked "Do not give your daughter or your vote to anyone but a
Meena." Simila r slogan was used in Tamilnadu: " l le Vanniya vote is not for anyone
else". Bu t wherever caste association aligned w ith a particular party the caste leaders
asked caste members to vote fo r that party. The Ksha triya leaders o f Gujarat in 1952
elections asked Kshatriya voters that i t was their Kshatriya dha r~n a o vote fo r t l le
Congress because it was "the great institution and work ing fo r the de ve lo p~ ne ~l tf he
country". I n the subsequent elections as the caste leaders split some K slla triy a
leaders appealed, " t is our pledge that t lle Ksllatr iya o f Gujarat vote f or tlle Congress,
and not for anyone else." The otllers appealed that it was tlle dlla r~n a f he Kshatriyas
to vote for the Malla Gujarat Janata Parisllad (a regional party).
T l ~ o u g l ~here is a trend a mong the caste mem bers to vote for a particular party, there
is never a co~ np lete n bloc caste voting. Some castes ide ntify w ith a particular party
as their pa rty. I t was expected that it w ou ld protect their interests. Jats in Western
UP identified L o k D al as their p arty just not only because tlle leaders o f the party
were the Jats, but also the party raised the issues concerning the peasants. But'all
the Jats did not vote for the party because there were some who were traditionalsupporters o f he Congress, or they perceived their interests diffe ren tly than other ja t
peasants which the Jats predo~nina~ltlyre.. In UP 5 1 per cent o f he SC voters voted
fo r the BSP in the 1998 state asse~ nb ly lections. 18 per cent voted fo r the BJP. Tlle
vast ma jority o f the BSP SC voters belonged to po or strata and o f he BJP from the
middle class. Wh ile a~ lalys inglle e lect ion data, Pushpendra observes, " Occupationally,
the BSP's voters are m ainl y u ~l sk ill ed orkers, agricu ltural and allie d workers, artisans,
and small and ma rginal fanners. Perso~ ls ngaged in business and white colla r jobs
constitute only 2.6 and 1.6 per cent of tlle ESP voters (in LIP)."
I n the National Election Survey o f the 1972 carried out by Center for t l le Study o f
Developing Societies a question was asked, " What was your considerations for
voting this candidatetpartytsymbol?" For a very ins ign if icant ~ lu ~ n b e rf respondents(less tl la ~ l per cent) candidate's caste was the ma in consideration. Some o f the
respondents mig ht have voted f or perso nswh o llappened to belong to their caste. Bu t
i t was not caste voting. They voted fo r tlle candidate not because hetshe was o f heir
caste irrespective o f his party and ability. Tlley,voted fo r him ther because hetshe was
the candidate o f he party to wl l ic l l the respondent felt c loser for var iety o f reasons
includin g the feeling that the party wo uld "protect histher" interests or the party had
done good work for tlle people like himther. Or, they were in touch w ith the candidate
who m ight have helped them or they feel that he wou ld help them when they need.
The ir prima ry consideration is their perception o f heir interests. In a given alternative
partiestcandidates they con sider as to who wo uld serve the ir interests better than
others. If he candidate happens to be o f heir own caste and his/her party is the party,
which they identify as theirs, they vote for himther. I f hey feel that the candidate
Party System and Elections belongs to that party wl~icl i s either not able to serve tlieir interests or liostile orin lndia
insignificant in electorate politics, tliey do not vote for that candidate even if he
belongs to th eir caste. That is tlie reason why several caste leaders lose the elections
in tl ie constituency predominantly beacause o f tl ieir caste members at one tim e o r
anotlier when they change the party or their party loses popu larity. Therefore there
is no one to one relatiorisliip between candidate's caste and that o f the voter's caste.
check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i ) Use tlie space given below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with tl ie m odel answers given at tl ie end o f the unit.
I)' What is the difference between caste panchayat and caste sablia?
........................................................................................................................2) Ex plain "democratic incarnation o f caste".
puri ty and impuri ty has been co~i sider ably eakened. Caste has provided i~ist i tut io nal. C"stC . C I ms I'olitiCs
i n I n d i a
niechanism to t l ie poor and tra di t io ~i al ly eprived groups for po l i t ical part ic ipat ion.
Caste has been polit icised to pursue economic and social rather than ritual coricerli
o f he members. I n that sense i t i s a democra t ic i~ i c ar~ ia t i onf caste. Bu t t l i is process
has reached an impasse and caught into vicious circle. Polit ical leaders use caste
consc iousness for ~nobi l isat io~iu t do no t pursue v igorously, ec o~ io ~n icnd social
p rob l e~ nsl ia t t he major i t y ~ne~ i ibersf l ie caste face. Caste fram ewo rk lias its ow11
limitations. I t is divi sive and hierarchical. T his is a challenge before t l ie caste-oriented
politics.
22.12 SOME USEFUL BOOKS
Beteil le, Andre, Essays in Con~yaruiivePersyeciive, Chapter 4, Del l i i , Ox ford
university Press, 1992,
Centre Fo r Social Studies, Custe , Casre Conflict und Reservation, Chapters 1,2 and
8, Delhi, Aj anta Publication , 1985
Kothari, Rajni, Caste atld Poliiics it1 Itlr/ia, Hydrabad, Or ien t Lo~ ign ia~ i970;
Rud olpl i L.1. and Ru dolp l i S.H. The hfocler t~iiyf Tradiiion, Del l i i , Longman , 196 1
Shall, Gliansliyam, Caste it1 Itlrliut1 Poliiics, Dell i i , Permanent Black 2000.
2 2.1 3 A N S W E R S T O C H E C K Y O U R P R O G R E S S
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
I ) These are four, i..e., ( I ) l i ierarcliy, (2 ) com~i iensur i ty , 3) restr ict ion on marriage,and, (4 ) hereditary occupation.
2) There is a posit ive relatio nsli ip between caste and land. Tli e ma in trend about t l i isrelat ionship shows t l iat t l ie lo w o r t l ie backward castes and the ex-untouchables
belong to the agricultural labourers, small and ma rginal far~i iers, nd t l ie l i i gl i and
intermediate castes belong to t l ie r ic l i and ~i i i dd le easants. How ever, there are
instances where the li i gl i castes bel ong to t l ie poo r agricu ltura l classes, and the
lo w castes to the r ic l i and mid dle peasants.
3) One example o f in tra-caste s t rat i f icat io~i s t l ia t o f the Ra-jputs and T l iakurs o f
Rajasthan, UP and Gujarat . Ma jo ri t y o f them be long to the upper strata, some.
ow n land and a large number o f them are a gr ic i~ l tura l abourers .
4) Tli e soc ial caste denotes t l ie operatio11 o f t l ie caste at the social level - ts role
is co~ if i ne d o t l ie social and cultural spheres. When caste becomes t l ie synib ol
o f ~nob, i l isat ion i ther i n elec t io~ is r for al ly ot l ier pol i t i cal purpose i t becomes a
pol it ic al caste.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1 ) A l l m em bers o f a caste are ~iier nb ers f he caste sabha; its leadership is hereditary;
it l ias udic ial authori ty dea l ing with r i tuals and ot l ier social aspects l ik e marriage,
d ivorce and o ther d ispu tes in t l i e f a l l l il y . N ot a l l ~ i i e ~n be rsf a caste on t l ie ot l ier
hand are membe rs o f he caste associations; its leadership is not hereditary: itsdecisions are not binding 011al l members o f the caste; these have economic,
