CHAIN SAW LOGGING AND MILLING IN GHANA

BACKGROUND STUDY REPORT

1.0 INTRODUCTION. This presentation is an analysis based on review of documented records and focus group meetings to reveal the macro-economic, political, legal and socio-economic conditions that have promoted or reduced illegal forms of chainsaw milling and trade in chainsaw lumber. The report covers: 1) social, economic and ecological impacts of chainsaw milling as compared to traditional, industrial logging and fixed-saw milling; 2) an examination of the legal, policy and regulatory provisions that govern access to legal and illegal timber sources as well as consideration of the how they are implemented. This also include a review of the failures of administrative measures introduced for addressing the local lumber supply and chainsaw milling; and, 3) an estimate of the amount of lumber produced nationally by chainsaw logging and milling, in relation to total production. 1.1 Genesis of chainsaw logging and milling in Ghana The introduction of motorised equipment into forest operations such as logging has been a big revolution. The Chainsaw machine introduced to improve felling of trees during logging and land preparations for forest plantations is one on such revolutions. For instance felled volume (per man per day) increased by 100-400% over the manual two-man hand saw technique for felling and bucking (FAO, 1974)1. Chainsaw machines introduced in Ghana in the 1960s replaced the long manual blades for felling and crosscutting of trees (FOE/FOELINE Ghana, 1998). In the late 1970s chainsaw machines operators in West Africa were introduced to the techniques of converting logs to lumber using the free hand method. Since then chainsaw milling has replaced the pit-sawing for the supply of household lumber. The unconventional method of using chainsaw to produce lumber on commercial bases also became widespread as sawmill operations declined in the early 1980s due to downward economic trends. Consequently government was compelled to recognize its socio-economic importance and tried to regulate the enterprise. This led to the promulgation of the Trees and Timber (chainsaw operations) Regulation 1991 (L.I. 1518) which mandated District Assemblies to register chainsaw machines and give permits for the felling of trees in conjunction with the District Forestry Officers. Today chain saw lumber is the main source of timber for domestic use in West Africa. 1.2 Characteristic features of chainsaw milling and lumber trade in Ghana Chain saw logging and milling in Ghana is an important enterprise among the deprived rural communities in Ghana (e.g. Anon, 2001; Siebert & Elwert, 2004). Its associated lumber trade is also a huge enterprise involving many players. The milling business is operated by individuals or as part of small, informal groups. These millers do not receive any formal or organised skill training in chainsaw operation but learn the trade from other

1 FAO Paper No. 18: Logging and Transport in Tropical high Forest- A manual on production and cost FAO, Rome , 1974

operators who have had long working experience. As a result, their working methods have been characterised with wasteful practices (See figure 1) that are environmentally unfriendly. Felling and milling accidents are very common and fatal. They source their raw material from farm lands, farm fallows and to some extent from forest reserve. The mode of acquisition of raw materials is highly variable depending on the social norms relating to tree and land tenure of the people in the community and may be through authorised or un-authorised means.

Figure 1: Large pieces of logs discarded by a chainsaw miller operating in a cocoa farm Chainsaw milling operations as a whole has been black-listed in Ghana for the above reasons. The government in 1997 (Act 547 of 1997) and 1998 (and L.I. 1649) outlawed the use of chainsaw for lumber production as well as the sale and use of chainsaw lumber in Ghana. However, this action was taken after the failure of a legal provision -Trees and Timber (Chainsaw Operations) Regulations, 1991 legislative instrument 1518. Under the 1991 regulations, the chainsaw operators were legally recognised and their activities were supposed to be regulated by the District Assemblies and District Forestry Officers at the local level. Resource allocation was decentralised under this management regime. The system led to indiscriminate felling of trees attracting public concern for resource depletion and environmental degradation. This culminated in the imposition of ban on chainsaw lumber production and trade. Following the ban measures to prevent chainsaw milling and trade in chain saw lumber for the purposes of sustaining timber resource use have become ineffective. This failure is attributed mainly to the corrupt practices of various governmental institutions entrusted with the management of forests and control of timber harvesting. Corruption in regulating timber harvests promotes illegal logging worldwide. For instance, it was estimated that out of the 3.7 million m3 of Ghana’s timber harvested in 2001 illegal chainsaw activities (see figure 2) accounted for 46% (1.7 million m3) while illegal industrial logging accounted for 24% (900,000 m3).

Figure 2: Chainsaw lumber intercepted in transit and off-loaded at a District

Forest office compound

2.0 SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT Chainsaw milling constitutes a major economic activity in deprived rural areas in the high forest regions in most West African countries. Groups of people employed in the enterprise comprise:

i. Chainsaw machine operators and their apprentices ii. Porters who carry the planks from stump site to loading points

iii. Loading gangs who on-load haulage trucks iv. Transporters ( Truck owners, Truck drivers and their assistants) who haul the

lumber to the markets and from markets to consumers or user v. Market hands who assists in off-loading the trucks from the forest and loading

trucks to consumer delivery points vi. Lumber brokers who buy and retail the lumber from the chainsaw operators

vii. Consumers (Carpenters, builders) who buy lumber from the timber markets or directly from the chainsaw operators

Each level of the enterprise (Stump site operations –felling, sawing, and portage; Transport; Marketing; and Utilization) employs thousands of people. Even in Ghana where chainsaw milling has been outlawed the activity persists and is employing over 50,000 people in the field operations alone (Otoo, 2004). At a focus group meeting held at the Forestry Research Institute of Ghana, Kumasi on 30th January 2006 under this research project the players listed above gave a vivid description of the organisation of the chainsaw milling and lumber trade enterprise. 2.1 Stump Site Operations At the focus group meeting it was reckoned that there will be at least two chainsaw operators in every major town (i.e., with population > 200) in the high forest zone. Each functional machine employs at least 6 people on site (1 master operator; 2 assistant operators; and 3 porters) for every tree milled. Using an average tree volume of 7.5 m3 (i.e., average log diameter of 80 cm dbh and bole length of 15 meters), the alleged volume of 1.7 million m3 removed through illegal chainsaw translates to 227,000 trees felled per annum. This annual number of trees felled and milled will engage (i.e., 227,000 x 6)

1,360,000 man-days. The chainsaw milling enterprise working 5 days a week for 52 weeks will thus give full time employment to approximately 5,200 (1,360,000 man-days ÷ 260 days) people in stump site operations. 2.2 Transportation The transport sector of the chain saw enterprise is an important avenue for employment. Movement of chainsaw lumber from forest to marketing centres is predominantly done with haulage trucks (Figure 3) with capacity between 20 and 35 m3.

Figure 3: Transport terminal of the Anloga Timber Market in Kumasi showing the different types of vehicles used in hauling timber from the forest and for carting lumber to carpentry shops and building sites. All the people around are involved in some related activities in the transport sector of the lumber business

Using the upper limit of the vehicle capacity and chainsaw lumber recovery of 50% (850,000 m3) of the total annual estimate of chain saw harvests means that, about 24,280 vehicular movements would be required to transport the lumber to the markets. Each trip of lumber load will engage 9 people (1 driver, 2 driver mates, 3 member loading gang in the forest and 3 member off-loading team at the market place). This will amount to 840 permanent jobs [(24,280 x 9) ÷ (52 x 5)] in the primary transport component.

Figure 4: Truck load of chain saw lumber arriving at the Angloga timber market in Kumasi

An equal number of people or more are also involved in the secondary transport from the market to joinery shops and construction sites (Figure 5).

Figure 5: Trucks being loaded at the Angloga market with predominantly chainsaw lumber for other destination in Ghana and West Africa

2.3 Marketing

All the 10 regional and 110 district capital towns have lumber markets. The most important regional markets are the Angloga in Kumasi Ashanti (Figure 6); Ofanko in Accra; Techiman in Brong Ahafo region; Kasoa in Central Region; and Kokompe in Takoradi, Western Region. These markets are run by lumber brokers who source their stock from both the traditional sawmills and from the chain sawyers. Their stocks are retailed to consumers.

Figure 6: Section of the Angloga market in Kumasi showing lumber sheds. Angloga market covers a total land area of 15 hectares

For more than a decade about 70% of the local market stocks have come from chainsaw milling (Adam, 1994). The traditional mills by law (Section 36 of L.I 1649) are obliged to supply not less than 20% of their mill out put to the local market. If this law is complied with, the mills will deliver just about 120,000 m3 to the local market. This will represent only 24% of the estimated local consumption of about 500,000 m3 (Coleman, 2004). The difference between the legal supply and estimated demand is filled by illegal chainsaw lumber. 2.4 Utilization Local consumers of lumber include Construction firms, individual builders, carpentry shops (Figure 7) and joinery producers. Over 41,000 small scale carpenters and 25 medium to large scale furniture and joinery firms have been enumerated in Ghana (TEDB, 1995). The carpentry and joinery firms produce household and office furniture, panel doors, door and window frames, pallets, fruit crates, caskets, cabinets etc which consumes about 75% of the annual sawn timber requirement of the country (Coleman, 2004). The construction and building firms account for the remaining 25% of lumber requirement.

(A) (B) Figure 7: Secondary and tertiary processing of chainsaw lumber at Angloga market. (A) Shows a bench saw for ripping chainsaw lumber into smaller dimensions. (B) Shows fruit crate manufactured from mill residue and chainsaw lumber. 2.5 Economic implications of ban on chainsaw milling Despite a decade of the ban on chainsaw lumber production in Ghana, production still persists and is on the ascendancy. This has been detrimental to the national economy due to non payment of stumpage and other statutory fees by chainsaw operators. Since 2003 about 12.8 million US dollars of forest revenue are lost annually through illegal chainsaw activities (World Bank, 2005). Annual lumber requirement in Ghana for domestic use is estimated at about 456,417m3 but the supply to local market from sawmills is only 102,363m3. The gap between demand and supply is filled by lumber from illegal chainsaw operations (Coleman, 2003). The Government has directed milling companies to increase supply to the domestic market by 20% of their lumber production as per Section 36 of L.I. 1649. To augment the supply special harvesting permits have been granted to selected companies to supply solely to the local market. However, these directives and special permit arrangements have not yielded the expected results. Saw millers cannot sell their products on the local market at prices commensurate with the production cost. For this reason they are compelled to export their products to enable them get back their investment. Research has shown in Ghana and else where that capital productivity2 is often higher in Small-Medium Scale Enterprise (SMEs) such as the chainsaw than is the case with Large Scale Enterprise (LSEs) such as the large fixed sawmills (Child 1971; Steel, 1977; Grisley, 1998). For instance Akrasi (1997) reports that in Ghana using the chainsaw to process timber at the stump site may be economically sustainable as it is labour intensive and requires a relatively small capital investment in machinery or equipment as compared to the sawmills. Thus, they tend to witness high capital productivity which is an economically sound investment. For this reason, it has been argued that promoting the small scale enterprise (SSE) sector in developing countries will create more employment opportunities, lead to a more equitable distribution of income and will ensure increased productivity with better technology (Steel & Webster, 1991)

2 value added per unit of capital invested.

3.0 Ecological impact

Illegal chainsaw logging and milling is often associated with environmental degradation because of its uncontrolled working methods and the complications involved in its ineffective monitoring at the forest level. In this regard the use of chainsaw in milling can be made incompatible with sustainable management of forests. Consequently it has become quite controversial in a number of countries and is often cited as one of the leading causes of forest degradation. Of the many negative impacts associated with uncontrolled chainsaw operations are issues which border directly or otherwise on the maintenance of environmental quality of the forest and agro-ecosystems where trees are harvested. It should however be recognized that the ecological impact of chainsaw lumber production is not a straightforward issue. On the one hand, the process of harvesting and processing trees on site to be conveyed usually through human portage as is done in chainsaw operations is less likely to be associated with serious physical environmental damage compared with conventional logging. This argument is however valid so long as lumber is produced within the confines of the law where operations are guided and monitored according to standards. On the other hand, outside the legal boundaries chainsaw lumber may be produced in a context that negates all the positive ecological attributes of the activity and rather infringe on systems that are in place to ensure the stability and resilience of various ecosystems. The ecological implications of chainsaw operations in the Ghanaian situation would be considered from both perspectives but with more emphasis on the negativities since this is where more information is required in order to determine what should change for chainsaw lumber production to be legitimized.

3.1 Impact on Forest Conservation Ghana’s forests are managed for a number of benefits derived from the consumptive (wood and non-wood products) and non-consumptive (biodiversity conservation, environmental amelioration, cultural and historical) uses. These benefits are expected to be derived in perpetuity in consonance with a good forest health. The ecology of the closed forest and the agro-systems from which trees are exploited especially for timber, has a tremendous influence on the extent to which these benefits are manifested. Inversely the manner in which a forest is treated during its exploitation tends to influence its ecology and therefore there is always a delicate balance between forest use and its functional ability. Having recognized this, a number of strategic and operational plans have been made to ensure that forest exploitation for timber does not seriously endanger the ability of the forest to deliver the other benefits associated with forest lands. Ghana’s forest and tree conservation strategy consists of two broad systems within which are found detailed operational plans for achieving conservation objectives compatible with the particular land use system. These are the forest reserve network-based conservation system and the off-reserve tree-conservation system. Inside forest reserves protection measures range from complete protection of whole forest reserves (protection reserves) and forest compartments where logging is excluded (coarse grain protection) to fine-detail protective measures for forest micro-sites and various categories of plants in timber producing forests (fine-grain protection).

Outside the forest reserves timber exploitation takes place on farms, agricultural fallow lands and closed but unreserved forests which may be converted into agriculture in future. In off reserve areas, tree protection is loose and limited to prescriptions on annual allowable cut on area basis and felling diameter limits both of which are not much respected these days by timber contractors. Individual farmers try to protect trees on their farms for ecological benefits and this most often is more effective than government controls except that their efforts are undermined by legal arrangements that place rights to the harvesting of timber trees in the custody of the state. On the whole trees in off-reserve areas are protected based on the goodwill of farmers until they are mature for harvesting as timber when state regulations become applicable. Therefore off-reserve trees are exposed to all forms of degradation agents even though logging still appears as the most important source of tree removal for large size trees.

Figure 8: Tree felled for chainsaw milling in a young cocoa-food crop farm. The crushed plantain showing new shoots which means lost in cropping time The Forest Reserve System The forest reserve system is the more prominent plant and animal conservation strategy in Ghana. The Forestry Department (now Forest Service Division of Forestry Commission) which was formed in 1927 had powers to reserve areas for management by state, some (but not all) cases by agreement with the chiefs to whom the forests belong. The reasons for reservation among other things were;

(a) to safeguard the water supply of the area (b) to assist the well–being of the forest and agricultural crops grown on the said lands or in

the vicinity thereof (c) to secure the supply of forest produce to the inhabitants of the villages situated on the said

lands or in the vicinity thereof. On the whole forest reservation has been adjudged successful in Ghana and currently there are 267 forest reserves nationwide, with different objectives of management and use. Forest reserves were defined in the major hills and watersheds. Furthermore barrier and shelterbelt forests were established to hold back fires, and to maintain local rainfall and humidity levels. These reserves are of different sizes and are found in different ecological zones of the country.

The high forest zone contains 252 legally protected forest reserves covering a total land area of 17,000km2, which represents 20% of the whole zone. These reserves which are spread through the different forest types have important environment and ecological linkages. They are linked to water and soil resources, genetic resources of plants and animals and to food production and food security and cultural identity of the people. Within the forest reserve system ecological interests are protected through a three tiered approach. These are protection reserves (whole protection coverage), coarse/large grain protection which removes some designated compartments within a reserve from timber exploitation and fine grain protection which consists of rules governing logging and other activities to safeguard the ecological integrity of the forest during exploitation Protection Reserves The primary objective for forest reservation in Ghana was to protect the environment and until 1948 logging was not allowed in forest reserves. Because of the concern for the environment even when timber production became important in the forest reserves one quarter of the forest estate was excluded from logging. Admittedly most of these were reserves that were too hilly or rocky to be easily managed for timber. Because of their role in protecting the humid forest zone from the advancement of the savanna many of the protection forests were located in sensitive and fragile areas along the periphery of forest zone where fire is a constant threat. However, over the years because of the fragile soils and the constant incidence of fire most of the original protection forests have lost their forest cover. Due to the effect of fire and illegal chainsaw activities these forests are deprived of any immediate seed sources and the regeneration process becomes very slow. Most of them have invariably been earmarked for plantations and their true environmental protective role may not be realized even if the plantation establishment is successful. A more significant situation that has arisen with respect to the protection forests is that those with more than 50% canopy cover and mostly occurring in the moist to wet forest zone have been elevated to a new status known as Globally Significant Biodiversity Areas (GSBAs). Control of Exploitation Extraction in productive reserves is controlled through working plans which call for detailed maps and tree inventories; define the level of the annual allowable cut to fit the felling/regeneration cycle for the total concession; prescribe precisely which trees can be felled; set out desired harvesting practices to minimize damage; call for checks after felling and decide on appropriate systems of assisted or unassisted regeneration. Illegal chain saw milling is not conducted under any standard working procedures. The uncontrolled milling procedures results in the indiscriminate exploitation of tree resources and reduces the environmental services such as protection of water supplies, and soils, and ecological protection. For instance Illegal chain saw operations in some reserves and water catchments are reported to have contributed to increased pollution (due to uncontrolled disposal of spent oils)

and decline in water levels (due to siltation of water channels). Illegal chain saw operation also results in destruction of habitats, and loss of biodiversity through the removal of seed trees as well as immature ones leading to loss of regeneration.

4.0 Policy Legal and Regulatory framework for Chainsaw milling The general views of increasing number of countries worldwide where chainsaw milling take place is to attempt to regulate chainsaw milling rather than ban or criminalize it. This proposition for change in timber resource policy perspective is an important development, which according to Golding (2005) have good opportunities for sustainable forest management (SFM) initiatives and improved rural livelihoods. A fundamental requirement towards regulating the chainsaw milling is to establish a registered or certified chainsaw operating system with a monitoring mechanism (Tacconi, et al., 2003).

Golding’s extensive review of literature shows that legal chainsaw operations could be environmentally, socially and economically sustainable. Other sources show that conversion efficiency factor could be better for small scale mills/chainsaw operation as compared to saw mills (Frimpong-Mensah, 2003; CONFEMADERA, 2004). In addition to this chainsaw milling is labour intensive and creates livelihood opportunities for rural people (Clarke 2005; and Tropenbos, 2004). According to Golding a common theme is that rather than criminalizing or criticising the , the reviewed sources espouse positive opportunities and seem to stress that CLM bears strong potential to contribute to Global Millennium Targets like poverty reduction strategies, and also to play a formal role in mediating sustainable forestry management. The term ‘illegal logging’ generally refers to environmental violations relating to timber resource acquisition and utilization. However, what specifically constitutes illegal logging may vary from one country to another. Thus ‘Illegal logging' has no single definition. Generally it takes place when timber is harvested, transported, bought or sold in violation of national laws (Brack & Hayman 2001, p.5). According to Calister 1999, types of illegal practices that have been detected in the forest industry largely fall into three categories: illegal logging of various forms; movement of wood products, which may or may not have been harvested legally, without proper authorization or in contravention of controls; and activities directly aimed at avoidance of payment of taxes or forestry charges. Illegal logging include logging in protected or environmentally sensitive areas, harvesting protected species of trees, woodland arson, unlawful transport of wood and other forest products, smuggling, unauthorized processing of forest products, violation of environmental regulations, and bribing government officials(Contreras-Hermosilla, 2002). The nature of illegal logging is enormously complex, as it involves chains of stakeholders (Brack, 2003; Ravenel & Granoff, 2004). Illegality on a large scale is usually associated with large timber operations owned by powerful and influential businesses and the political elite. Over recent years,

small-scale illegal logging has increased as local people desperately attempt to compete against concessionaires to gain access to forest resources to support their livelihoods (e.g. Linkie et al., 2003; Barber & Talbot, 2003). Up until 30 years ago, the main tool that local people used in many LEDCs for timber harvesting involved hand tools such as axes and saws (e.g. Pakistan, Ayaz & Siddiqui, 1982) but the use of chainsaws has superseded these (Tropenbos, 2004), as is reflected in the rise of small-scale illegal operations (Ravenel & Granoff, 2004). Easing the ban on operations of chainsaw raises concern that it could exacerbate illegal logging - some critics who disfavour the easing of import duties on chainsaws and mobile sawmills say it is like "putting guns back into the hands of criminals". At the same time, the abusive and corrupt role of governments in illegal logging has also come under sharp scrutiny (e.g. Indonesia, Barber & Talbott, 2005).

1.2 The Use of the chain saw Case studies from all around the developing world recommend that the use of portable mills as part of CLM operations is ideal for the needs of local forestry groups or small logging enterprises (e.g. Tolfts, 1998; Kilkki, 1993; Alieu, 2001; Clarke, 2005b). This approach appears to have been widely adopted throughout the Melanesian region as it has been advocated since the early 1980s (Tolfts, 1998). In Ghana also the use of mobile/small scale mills has been recommended (Bonsu 2003).

. 1.4 Root causes of illegal logging activities Lack of unemployment is a critical factor driving many people to use forests unsustainably through illegal timber felling (Gunes & Elvan, IPFCSD, 1996). Case studies in eleven countries indicate that there are five general factors contributing to the occurrence of illegal activities in the forest sector (FAO, 2005). These include:

• flawed policy and legal framework; • minimal enforcement capacity; • insufficient data and information about the forest resource and illegal operations; • corruption in the private sector and in government; • high demand for cheap timber

Richards, (2004) determined adverse agricultural conditions due to sector policy that influence illegal forest activities. Such and other policies upset the conditions of production and productivity for rural people and thus pressure them into illegal forest activities. Dudley (2004) analysed the intricacies of villagers’ willingness to participate in illegal logging. Based on a series of community interviews and social behaviour patterns, his study shows that involvement in illegal logging is primarily interplay between the need for income, the fact that others are already illegally logging, and the realizations of loss of their community’s control over traditional

forest areas.♣ Limited resources of forestry authorities in many LEDCs are over-burdened by the deployment of vehicles, staff and guards to monitor illegal chainsaw operations (e.g. food and transport costs, costs to pay informants, etc.). The Ashanti Regional Forestry Manager gives accounts of vandalisation of forestry vehicles, murder, the assault of law enforcers and the police, threats by illegal loggers, all of which reflect the fact that communities have a negative perception of forest authorities (Tropenbos, 2004). There are also cases where communal lands are concessioned to logging operators, and this may be of special concern if there are sacred groves (e.g. Sierra Leone, Alieu, 2001). Chiefs and other community leaders are alleged to be conniving with the illegal chainsaw operators. The study by Dudley, 2005 is therefore useful to understand the strategies required to control illegal logging amongst local communities, and the kinds of principles that should underpin policy frameworks and national legislation.

2.0 Social implications of illegality of CSM Illegal logging and illegal timber trade are usually associated with other illegalities, such as money laundering, drug trafficking, corruption of government officials and tax evasion (Richards, 2004). Thus, unlawful logging and timber trade can lead to huge tax losses for governments as well as negative long-term economic impacts caused by environmental degradation and increased poverty. Illegal logging also jeopardizes the livelihoods of rural communities engaged in small-scale forestry by exposing them to unfair competition and depleting the resources on which they depend. Unless these problems are addressed, investments to promote sustainable forest management will remain ineffective (FAO, 2005). In addition, TI, 2004 notes that corruption affects the livelihoods of the poor more than those of the better off and as a result, benefits of illegal acts accruing to the poor are likely to transitory. Illegal acts also weaken the capacity of government to provide services to the forest-dependent poor, such as technical assistance and proper delimitation and consolidation of property rights (FAO, 2005).

Apart from the above, conflicts and wars are also said to be associated with illegal forest activities. In some countries, timber is traded by armed groups, rebel factions or regular soldiers, or by a civilian administration involved in armed conflicts to either perpetuate conflict or take advantage of conflict situations for personal gain. "Conflict timber" trade undermines the development of democratic institutions and political stability. The substantial revenues from illegal logging sometimes fund and thereby exacerbate national and regional conflicts, as in Cambodia, Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

In Ghana the emergence of chainsaw operations according to Addai (2003), was accompanied by an expansion of the wood processing sector and abuse of the regulatory system. The subsequent banning of the chainsaw for lumber production led to partial collapse of the Wood Working Machine Owners Association, resulting in the inability of members to service loans contracted from banks. In his view, this situation encouraged smuggling of logs to neighbouring countries resulting in a greater loss of revenue to the nation. It also led to increased unemployment with its attendant social problems. In

♣ On-going studies in Desire forest reserve also indicates that indigenes of the area also do illegal farming in the reserves because of threat from migrant farmers (outsiders) and leading to fear of loosing the resource to outsiders Marfo et al (Ongoing research 2005).

another vein, perpetrators of illegal CSM in Ghana are said to be very aggressive (TROPENBOS 2004; and Kotey et al 1998) 2.1 Social status and organization Organisational structures and relationships Golding, 2005 has found that the CLM sector is generally informal, and loosely structured in its organisation. Logging of timber is often initiated by local or regional entrepreneurs who hire labourers, or by single individuals with one or several assistants or family-run businesses (Ravenel & Granoff, 2004; Siebert & Elwert, 2004). Only very occasionally, are they organized into a recognised, productive and solidly structured business establishment as it is a relatively new trend to form co-operative networks (Harrison et al., 2000; Hunt, 2002; Saigal et al., 2002). It was also found that in Sierra Leone individual operators have been encouraged to formalize their activities in order to support the livelihoods of forest-based communities and to ensure afforestation programs. Very few cases of successful co-operative associations have been found that have also gained significant access to export markets (e.g. Papua New Guinea, Lawlor et al., 2004). These associations that existed in America up until 60 years ago declined because of capital intense investments, technology advancement in logging and processing, in conjunction with changing socio-economic objectives. Today, chainsaw operators in the developed world generally operate solely or as very small family business. They support local economies by carrying out ad hoc/opportunistic work like pruning or trimming in plantations, or dealing with ‘problem’ trees (Wilhoit & Rummer, 1999; Bailey et al., 2004). All these represent forms of sustainable livelihood strategies against the backdrop of a middle income developing country economy. Small Scale businesses (SME) in Ghana can be categorised into urban and rural enterprises. The rural enterprises are largely made up of family groups, individual artisans, women engaged in food production from local crops. The major activities within this sector include:- soap and detergents, fabrics, clothing and tailoring, textile and leather, village blacksmiths, tin-smithing, ceramics, timber and mining, bricks and cement, beverages, food processing, bakeries, wood furniture, electronic assembly, agro processing, chemical based products and mechanics ( Liedholm & Mead, 1987; Osei et al, 1993, World Bank, 1992; Gray, Cooley & Lutabingwa, 1997). As rural SME or micro-enterprise, CLM are largely made up of family groups, individual artisans, friends engaged in the operation. In Ghana, Studies carried out by Sarfo, (2005) in several forest fringe communities showed that illegal chainsaw operators are mainly people living outside the affected forest communities. However, they are often assisted by local young men who act as operator’s assistants and porters. The people involved in the illegal chainsaw operation have been classified by local people as the following:

• Operators – fell and saw timber • Operator boys – assist operators; carry chainsaw to the site and help in felling and

sawing of timber

• Owners – chainsaw machine owners; they rent the machines to operators for fees or employ operators to work for them.

• “Shakers” or Porters – carry sawn timber from the bush to loading points • Loading boys – those who load the timber onto trucks bound for the timber

markets in the urban centres • Buyers – mainly located in the cities and other urban centres

In addition to these Sarfo (2005) also notes that some local young men are also engaged by traders outside to fell timber for them. They are provided with chainsaws and are paid for their services. Further, common occurrences in the past have involved syndicates of some local elders and young men who collaborate with outsiders to harvest timber or give assistance to chainsaw operators and their financiers. There have also been cases where forest guards have been arrested as accomplices of illegal chainsaw operators. It has been mentioned also that some security men who impound lumber from chainsaw operators divert these for sale at the local markets. The collaboration of some local people with chainsaw operators has made the monitoring of these activities a difficult conservation task. This is a major problem throughout the country (Gayfer et al. 2002; FAO and FC 2003). In other countries, like Guyana, a survey comparing different forest areas shows that most owners of mobile sawmills operate as a family-run business, sole traders or part of large enterprises (Grisely, 1998; Clarke 2005b). Generally CLM is typically associated with a rural, informal forestry sector within a poverty-stricken context (Hunt, 2002; Saigal et al., 2002). Recognized as a key contributor to the illegal acquisition and sale of timber in many of the world’s poorest countries, the CLM sector has been criticized for being notoriously difficult to regulate through law enforcement and monitoring. A fundamental problem with CML lies in the fact that the operations of this forestry sector are transient and unpredictable (Harrison et al., 2001). Community Logging and resource management For an increasing number of communities logging associations in many LEDCs the chainsaw tool and mobile sawmills are the main logging instruments amongst forest communities and often constituent members of such co-operative logging networks. The formation of such networks may be viewed as giving legal recognition to the use of chainsaws and mobile sawmills. Usually these community associations are given short-term concession leases. In Guyana, annually renewable licenses permitting the use of chainsaws on leased land can be legally obtained. This usually runs over a two year period on areas < 8000 ha. In these instances a State Forest Permission (SFP) is granted. About 350 SFPs were in existence in 2004 (Clarke, 2005a). The organisation of a network of chainsawers, by whichever model best fits the socio-political context, guarantees a supply of raw material; it provides employment opportunities; and very importantly, creates a window of opportunity for the growth and vitality of a potentially profitable business. All these processes might be hindered if application process takes too long. For example, waiting periods of up to two years are reported in Cameroon (Lawlor et al., 2004).

Social surveys in Guyana reveal that there is a need to allocate larger and more productive forest areas to community groups (Clarke, 2005a), as this provides greater access to raw material. A solution lies in a privatization approach so that more people have controlled access to the forest resource. Rather than allocate more, smaller forest blocks to community groups, an alternative might be to allocate fewer larger blocks (i.e. “single large versus several small”). This is generally regarded as more considerate to biodiversity conservation trade-offs because smaller blocks increase fragmentation effects in landscapes.

2.2 Employment and poverty

In the presence of rural poverty, local people become easy prey for logging companies, who offer them scant wages in return for their cooperation in cutting and hauling logs. Normally, forest dwellers are only too aware of the long-term consequences of such cutting. But, in the absence of any other way to support their families, they concede and, eventually, become the first victims of the harvest.

Chainsawn lumber production is a major activity in Ghana and generates employment for about 50,000 people in most deprived rural areas in the high forest regions of the country (Otto 2003). This shows its potential to reduce poverty and contribute to the global Millennium development goals. Golding, 2005 finds that a substantial part of the chainsaw sector operates within the regulatory framework of Guyana. The legal operators in the chainsaw sector also make a considerable contribution to lumber production for domestic markets, and play a significant role in sustaining livelihoods at the local level.

4.0 Law Enforcement Law compliance measures have been used in a number of countries to regulate the activity as opposed to accommodating CSL as a livelihood option: In the view of FAO/ITTO,( 2005), the strategy to address the problem of illegal activities should include policy, legal, institutional and technical options that rationalize the policy and legal framework; build capacity for law enforcement; improve data and knowledge about the forest resource and the forest sector in general; and address corruption of the public. The basis for this assertion is that measures aimed at increasing control alone are seldom successful where the economic attractiveness of illegal behaviour remains. In these cases, illegal operators will always find a way to circumvent controls. A few countries have already recognized the urgent need to develop a comprehensive and coherent strategy to tackle the problem of illegal logging in consultation with a range of stakeholders. Costa Rica and Indonesia, for instance, are developing strategies based on prevention, detection and suppression of illegal activities. Among other strategies to regulate CSM in Ghana in recent times, Regional Timber Task Forces comprising the Military, Police and staff of the FC have been employed to help stem the situation as the number of retail outlets of chain sawn lumber is increasing.

However the costs incurred so far with the use of this strategy is quite enormous. These include threat as well as losses to human lives, loss of man-hours, social, economic, personnel and environmental considerations in fighting illegal chainsaw lumbering. 3.0 Economic conditions and chainsaw operations

Due to the global recession in the late 1970s, the timber industry in Ghana had practically collapsed by the early 1980s. To enable the country to acquire additional foreign exchange the IMF promoted the expansion of Ghana’s exports through the SAP. As a result the timber sector was given special attention through the World Bank’s Export Rehabilitation Project of 1983–86. The economy improved, but at the expense of Ghana’s forests due to expansion of the forest industrial sector (IDRC). It was at this time that chainsaw operations became wide spread due to decline of the sawmills. Under the circumstance government was compelled to recognize the chainsaw and it tried to control its activities (Bonsu 2004).

3.3 Technical and environmental considerations Negative environmental consequences such as harvesting timber from areas reserved for biodiversity, protection of watershed and checking soil erosion are said to be associated with chainsaw activities. Also the use of chainsaw is said to be wasteful in terms of log conversion. But according to Frimpong –Mensah, 2003 chainsaw lumbering may not be wasteful after all. In his view much useful wood is left in the forest, due to the buyers demand for specific lumber dimensions. The causes of waste generation in chain sawing can be attributed to the inherent wood defect, such as heart rot, cracks, shakes, mineral deposits (silica) etc. He noted that chainsaw operators cause minimal damage to the forest and further indicated that tree top-end wastes and stump timber should be sawn into short length of lumber for the furniture market. 3.4 Products, species and trade directions There is competing domestic and foreign demand for the same species of lumber produced in Ghana. Out of about 50 species, the twelve (12) most common species include Wawa, Offram, Dahoma, Odum, Kyenkyen, Ceiba, Emire, Essia, Mahogany, Nyankom and Danta. Sourcing quality lumber on the domestic market has seriously become a great challenge for policy makers, timber sellers and buyers and end-users, because of the persistent illegal trade in chainsaw lumber. Most sawmills in Ghana are export oriented and therefore pay little attention to the demands of the local markets. (refs). For the period January to September 2005, the major destinations of the 352,167 cubic metres of Ghana’s wood products exported have been the USA, India, Italy, Germany, France, UK, Belgium and Spain, Saudi Arabia, Senegal and Nigeria 3.5 Government Policy initiatives on chainsaw sub sector Government actions to deal with the chainsaw sub sector include the following

• Enforcement of the ban

• Creation of alternative livelihood schemes for the absorption of the large number of illegal chainsaw operators (Agyemang 2004; and Otto, 2004 )

• Preferences to be given to known chainsaw operators who have the means to invest in the establishment of mobile mills in strategic localities in the country

• Chainsaw operators to be mobilized and given forest mills to operate and supply the rural communities with lumber(Acquah – Moses, 2004)

• Collaboration between the Forestry Commission, Judiciary, law enforcement agencies and other stakeholders to deal with illegal operators

• Advertisement in both the electronic and print media giving chainsaw operators a grace period of 3 months to dispose off existing stocks of timber.

• Drawing up of comprehensive plan by Forestry Commission to link all wood dealers with various sawmills.

• Forestry Commission to ensure that government directs contractors working on government projects to source their lumber from the mills.

• Forestry Commission is taking steps to enforce Timber Resources Management Act 1997 (Act 547) section 17.

• Implementation of the log tricking system 3.6 Way forward: view of the general public on chainsaw subsector The impression gathered from the general public about the chainsaw operations in Ghana is that:

• Chainsaw operators must be registered and made to work under the district forest officers, unit committees and chiefs

• Permits must be obtained before operation • Night operations must cease • Operators must aid in afforestation and they should stop operating near riverbanks

and in forest reserves • Selected trees must be allocated to them • Seized lumber from operators must be sold to any recognized association in the

timber industry • Government should cause saw millers to supply wood sellers with grades1 and 2

lumber and limit the exportation of lumber. • The authorities should consider the re-introduction of registered chainsaw

operation system, with appropriate monitoring mechanism in order to find a lasting solution to the problem

• The Timber Utilization Permit (TUP) for small-scale millers should be re-introduced and be made to supply the local market only.

In addition to these Bonsu, 2003 notes that, though chainsaw lumbering may have a lot of disadvantages it provides 70% –80% of the lumber on the local market as well as livelihood for a number of people. In his view, there is the need for a pragmatic approach to address the chainsaw operation problem, which will consider the complex nature of chainsaw lumber production. Also according to Addai 2003 an option, though unpalatable

and politically sensitive, may be the mainstreaming of chainsaw operations through the re-introduction of limited permits to registered local groups of timber traders and their chainsaw operators to supply the domestic market. This should be under a system which enjoins such groups to be collectively responsible for the activities of their members. And, the government should also strengthen the Forestry Services Division (FSD) to design and operationalize an enhanced monitoring and surveillance system of logging activities. 4.0 Conclusion The list of stakeholders and job avenues in the chainsaw enterprise explains the persistence of the illegal trade and complexity it presents for any attempt to regularise it. The development and implementation of comprehensive measures to address the problem of chainsaw milling can only be successful if all stakeholders are adequately involved in the decision-making process, including resource allocation and the monitoring of harvests (Agyeman, 2004). There are two clear approaches that are advocated; the law compliance (policy/structural) approach and the pragmatic (accommodating or livelihood oriented) approach. The structural approach is working in some countries but must be based on adequate financial and logistical resources lacking in most LDCs. It has so far proved unsuccessful in Ghana. The pragmatic approach needs to be tested as it seems to hold promise for attaining global millennium goal of poverty reduction and for sustainable Forest management. Underlying causes are poverty and the consequent vulnerability of rural people. Economic incentive and the unavailability of employment and inadequate supply of lumber from saw mills on the domestic market are important causes. Loss of revenue to government for national and district level development are the cost of an illegal sector that puts money into the pockets of a few powerful individuals and corrupt public officials. Ghana government approach to forest management had been that of law compliance but the popular view is shifting from this to that of more inclusiveness with considerations for livelihoods for local people within the frame work of sustainable forest management. The compliance approach has largely been problematic thus the need to regularize chainsaw logging seems to be a better way forward. In order for stakeholders to take this decision, which must establish a position between two extreme positions, it is necessary to understand the social and economic factors, among others, that influence illegal logging activities in the country.

The view by an increasing number of countries worldwide is to attempt to regulate the CLM sector rather than ban or criminalize it. In Ghana, government policy direction in dealing with chainsaw sub sector points to continuous enforcement of the ban, to be accompanied with creation of alternative livelihood schemes to absorb the illegal chainsaw operators, mobilizing chainsaw operators to establish and operate mobile and forest mills; implementation of the log tracking system; and stricter enforcement of the law banning the chainsaw operations. Contrary to this, the general public view in Ghana about dealing with the chainsaw subsector is the lefting of the ban coupled with mainstreaming of chainsaw operations through the re-introduction of limited permits to registered local groups of timber traders and their chainsaw operators to supply the domestic market. This should be under a system which enjoins such groups to be collectively responsible for the activities of their members. And, the government should also strengthen the Forestry Services Division (FSD) to design and operationalize an enhanced monitoring and surveillance system of logging activities. REFRENCE GRISLEY, W., 1998. The production of lumber using chainsaw in Guyana. Int. J. Suatain. Dev. World Ecology 5 : 238-248