CHAPTER 3 UNDERSTANDING GROUNDWATER BALANCE:...

Understanding Groundwater Balance 117

CHAPTER 3

UNDERSTANDING GROUNDWATER BALANCE:

PHYSICAL FACTORS, INSTITUTIONS AND CHALLENGES

Agriculture has for long been the mainstay of livelihood in the Saurashtra region of

Gujarat. Rainfall, the only source of water is subject to high variation in terms of both

annual and inter-annual variability. As a result, the water balance fluctuates on a year to

year basis. The degree of fluctuation is often so high that acute water scarcity conditions

emerge almost periodically. However, it is observed that wet years occurring once in a 5-

6 year cycle help improve the water balance. Rajkot district where the study villages are

located has been subject to acute drinking water crisis twice in the past two decades when

the state government had to transport drinking water in special trains. Among such

recurring water scarcity years, Saurashtra has witnessed some innovative groundwater

recharge experiments during mid 1980s by a few farmers which picked up over the years.

In this chapter, factors that influence water balance, namely, the interactions between the

rainfall, topography, hydrogeology and soil are examined.

This chapter is divided into four sections. Section 1 describes the hydrological and

hydrogeological settings of Gujarat state, and within it of the Saurashtra area, which

determine and control the movement of water, both on the surface, and inside the ground.

The section also examines the topographical conditions which play a determining role in

terms of accumulation of surface as well as ground water. Section 2 traces briefly the

history of well irrigation in Gujarat over the past many centuries; the attempt is to

understand how the then existing policies influenced the water resource management,

how community was impacted by those policies and what lessons we might have for the

modern day recharge movements. Section 3 describes the problems connected with data

collection and analysis for resource estimation arising due to, and factors concerned with,


historical multi institutional administration of the water resource. Section 4 describes the

Saurashtra groundwater recharge movement in Gujarat over the past two decades, and the

factors that shaped the movement. The section also reviews innovations made in the

recharging techniques.

SECTION 1

DESCRIPTION OF GUJARAT AND SAURASHTRA

As shown in Figure 3.1, Gujarat is divided into four major physiographical zones,

namely: [a] Alluvial Plains; [b] Eastern hilly tract; [c] Uplands of Kachchh-Saurashtra;

and [d] Low-lying coastal tract. Appendix 1 describes at a glance the geological

formations and the hydrogeological conditions in Gujarat. The Saurashtra region

comprising six districts69

falling in the western part of Gujarat state has maintained a

distinct socio-cultural identity. Rajkot, the district in which the study villages are located,

is the second largest district in the Saurashtra region, with highest population density of

283 persons per square kilometre.

Source: Gujarat Ecology Commission, 2005.

State Environmental Action Programme-SEAP.

Figure 3.1: Map of Gujarat showing the physiographic units

69 Amreli, Junagadh, Rajkot, Porbandar, Bhavnagar and Surendranagar


The drainage pattern of all the above physiographical regions of Gujarat is influenced by

local topography emerged due to major tectonic activity in the past. All the rivers, except

for Tapi, Narmada and Mahi, originate from the eastern hill ranges within the state,

meander across the alluvial plains towards west to finally reach the Arabian Sea.

Saurashtra region in itself presents a typical topography described as an inverted saucer

(Shah, 1998) giving rise to about a hundred rivers that describe a radial drainage pattern

(see Figure 3.2).

Figure 3.2: Map of Gujarat showing the drainage pattern

The soil conditions across Gujarat vary widely (heavy clayey to coarse sandy)70

. The

wide range of soils is because of the occurrence of multi-ferrous rock series-from Deccan

Traps (Sahyadri hill range) in the south to Granite Gneiss and Quartzites in the North

(Aravali hill range). Alluvial soils are primarily formed due to deposition of sediments

brought down by the rivers and emptying into the Arabian Sea or in the Ranns in the west

(Gujarat Ecological Commission, 1994).

70 Studies indicate that the soils of Gujarat belong to five (out of ten) Soil Orders from Vertisols and

Inseptisols (with vertic intergrades) in the south to Entisols in Banaskantha and Inseptisols, Vertisols,

Alfisols and Aridisols in Saurashtra and Kachchh, apart from the coastal saline belts near the sea coast and

the Ranns of Kachchh in the north-west (GEC, 1994). The infiltration characteristics too vary according to

the soil types and influence groundwater irrigation potential.


The Deccan traps occurring along east coast have yielded black soils whose thickness

increases from east to west, merging into coastal belt along the sea. In the Saurashtra

region too, the soils are derived in situ from the parent Deccan trap, mostly basalt. These

soils are shallow to medium deep black soils, surrounded by alluvial deposits of sandy

soils.

The climate of Gujarat varies from humid, sub-humid, and semi arid to arid type; the

rainfall is highest of about 2000 mm in the south, which gradually decreases to about 300

mm in Kachchh. The rainfall pattern of Gujarat State has a significant impact on its

economy due to dependence on water for various purposes. North Gujarat, Kachchh and

Saurashtra regions suffer from frequent drought conditions due to poor and erratic

rainfall. The rainfall in the state is unimodal; Figure 3.3 shows the rainfall distribution

(Isohyets). The dependence on groundwater is therefore very high. Apart from rainfall,

the soil profile plays a very important and critical role in determining the natural recharge

and thereby the groundwater potential. The soil characteristics influence the rate of

recharge to such an extent that an impervious soil such as clay or black cotton soil can

render infiltration to almost zero.

Figure 3.3: Isohyets of Gujarat


The state recorded summer temperature as high as 46 degrees Celsius in many parts while

the minimum winter temperature was of 4 degrees Celsius. Most of Saurashtra region has

arid to semi arid climatic conditions (Amreli, Jamnagar, Bhavnagar, Rajkot and

Surendranagar), except the coastal Junagadh district (also called south Saurashtra) which

has sub-humid climate. Temperature plays an important role in determining the rate of

evaporation and evapotranspiration, and thereby the water balance.

Saurashtra exhibits a typical rainfall pattern. Analysis of rainfall data for 95 years (1902-

1997) indicates that for 45 years, either the rainfall was below average normal or the

rainfall occurred as high intensity, short duration, spells. The average rainy days are 27

and the rainfall 592 mm (Phadtare, 1988). This pattern combined with high slopes and

hard rock topography generates large surface runoff due to inadequate time of retention

for recharge to occur to the weathered zone and the fractures where occurring. The

impact of this combination for water resource condition can be seen, for instance, in the

fact that more than half of the last decade (1987-1997) was „dry‟ for Saurashtra region.

The erratic and uncertain rainfall, the large inter-annual rainfall variability, combined

with hard rock hydrogeology rendered Saurashtra population highly vulnerable to water

scarcity conditions and droughts (see Table 3.1). The ecological consequences of water

scarcity in such a situation are two-fold. First, there is a direct and indirect adverse

impact on the livelihoods, because of soil moisture depletion. The agricultural crops and

the biomass on common lands tend to yield low resulting in significant forced migration

of population and livestock. Second, due to increased demand for, and decreased natural

recharge of, water, long-term water level declines have set in. Because of this, there is

deterioration in the groundwater quality. In inland areas, the total dissolved solids

become high while the coastal areas have salinity ingress. Due to use of poor quality

water for irrigation, the drainage capacity of soils is reduced leading to soil deterioration.

For groundwater recharge, this implies adverse conditions due to reduced soil

permeability.


North Saurashtra (comprising Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Rajkot and Surendranagar)

has an average annual rainfall of 537 mm and comprises highly calcareous, salt affected

soils in patches; in the slopy areas of hills, the soil erodability is quite high. South

Saurashtra (comprising Junagadh) has a higher average annual rainfall of 844 mm with

poorly drained, highly calcareous, salt affected soils.

Occurrence of drought has been a common phenomenon in Saurashtra given its climatic

uncertainties and erratic, low rainfall pattern. The major droughts that occurred were in

1948, 1949, 1951 and 1972 and 197471

. There were at least 5-6 severe drought years

during the decade of eighties as shown in the Table 2.1 below; during the decade of

nineties, in addition to water scarcity years, there was a drought spell during 1999-2002

with the year 2000 being the most severe. The vulnerability of Rajkot to rainfall variation

is so high that almost all villages across the 14 talukas are generally affected.

Table 3.1: Incidence of Drought: Number of Villages Affected, year-wise Year Jamnagar Rajkot Junagarh Bhavnagar Amreli Surendranagar

Total no.

of villages

694 868 1034 865 595 648

1981-82 300

1982-83 62 371

1983-84 868 175 237

1984-85 868 787 196 611

1985-86 676 867 957 673 607 659

1986-87 522 867 139 900 56 659

1987-88 684 867 960 903 608

1988-89 868 61 903

1989-90 653 903

Source: District Census Handbook (1991). Census of India, Gujarat.

Note: The number of villages increased during the decade and hence some figures are

more than the total number of villages.

71 The drought of 1974 was so severe that even drinking water became scarce in the Rajkot district and in

particular in Rajkot city. Water conflicts emerged resulting in outbreak of riots and imposition of curfew

and firing. The civic corporation responded by laying a 70 km pipeline from Bhadar dam to Rajkot; this

created a rift between villagers and city dwellers. The drought of 1987 saw the government transporting

water by special trains from Gandhinagar for 60 days. Again, the civic corporation in response to severe

drought of 2000, embarked on a 70 km pipeline project from Wankaner to Rajkot sourcing from newly

drilled 120 shallow and deep bore wells in a record time of three months. This also has led to revolt from

people of Wankaner led by former Union Minister of Environment and Forests, a scion of Wankaner

kingdom. Mudrakartha (2000) has predicted a potential groundwater drought due to the indiscriminate

drilling of bore wells in Wankaner area, which turned out to be true as can be seen from the revolt by

people of Wankaner in year 2001.


GEOLOGY OF SAURASHTRA

Saurashtra occupies one-third of the geographical region of the Gujarat state. The region

has typical topography with elevated central portions having an altitude ranging from 75

m to 300 m above mean sea level giving rise to diverse slopes between 5 and 20 m per

kilometre. Almost a hundred small and big rivers originate from the central region-which

is rugged with sharp hills and valleys-and flow away in radial directions. The Deccan

traps comprise the most predominant formation; the steep slopes and limited storage

potential of the hard rock formations result in aquatic inequilibrium conditions.

The thickness of the Deccan traps72

is about 100 m in the north-eastern part, which

gradually increases to around 2500 m towards the southwest part of central India and

decreasing to 1500 m towards the west coast of India.

The basalts are generally massive or amygdaloidal. Within the basaltic lava flows,

numerous sedimentary beds (the Inter-trappeans) of carbonates and cherts occur towards

eastern Gujarat.

At a few places, the trap flows contain breccias, tuffs and ash beds. Where amygdaloidal

flows are present, they contain geodes of agate chalcedony quartz, calcite, zeolite etc.

which are exposed in stream sections across the traps. The middle part of the traps is

usually devoid of these inter-trappean beds Cretaceous-Tertiary (K/T) boundary. The

traps are generally found jointed; spheroidal weathering is common.

72 The Deccan Traps are believed to have formed as a result of sub-aerial volcanic activity associated with

continental divergence that has occurred in this part of the earth towards the end of the Cretaceous (135

million years ago) period (Pandey, 2000). This geologically important event is considered as a catastrophic

volcanic event that contributed to mass extinction of life forms. Interestingly, the Deccan Traps of India is

one of the largest known continental flood basalt provinces on Earth. The Deccan basalts cover an area of

more than 500,000 square km on continental India, and layer succession of more than 1500 m thick of sub

aerially erupted basaltic flows in western and central India, with an estimated volume exceeding 512,000

cubic km.


Figure 3.4 Saurashtra map showing major faults and rifts

The Saurashtra region is intruded by numerous dykes, majorly doleritic in composition,

which often intersect with one another. They are usually greenish black to grey in colour

and depict a micro crystalline to fine grained texture. In the central and south-eastern

parts of Saurashtra, these dykes occur in large numbers often standing out as ridges. They

are also found to cut across surface drainage at many places facilitating impounding of

sizable quantities of water in the stream channel, especially on the upstream side,

behaving like that of check dams (Phadtare, 1988).

A lot of research is being conducted on Saurashtra for the purpose of hydrocarbon

exploration which has revealed more details about Saurashtra geology. These studies

have mapped presence of sediments and their thicknesses in addition to identifying

structures such as grabens73

. Also, several deep seismic studies have revealed a lot of

interesting geostructural features74

such as faults and grabens. For example, on the

eastern side of Saurashtra, a sharp contact of alluvium with basalt is observed in the N–S

direction, extending from the west of Nal Sarovar to Bhavnagar. This contact is inferred

to be a fault. The E–W trending fault located just south of Bhavnagar marks the boundary

73 For details please see Pandey (2000) 74 See Bhattacharya et al. (2004), Biswas and Deshpande (1983), Rathore (2001).


between the considerably thick alluvium in the north and Deccan traps to the south. The

lineament map (Figure 3.5) of Saurashtra shows several structural trends, out of which E–

W trending structural trend seems to be more prominent.

A study75

on the devastating earthquake of 26 January 2001 with epicenter in Kachchh

district of Gujarat based on remote sensing data revealed that post earthquake there have

been more than 2500 shocks varying from low to high intensity. The study predicts that if

this region continues to experience the earthquakes quite frequently, the peninsula of

Kachchh-Bhuj and Kathiawar-Saurashtra will be cut off from the mainland of Gujarat

because of new tectonic and mountain building activity and take the shape of two

separate islands in the next few thousand years. The study also reports similar significant

changes between little Rann to Nal lake and Nal lake to Gulf of Khambhat. The changes

include not only caving of the earth, but also throwing up of lava, hot water, water

channel and surges from deep inside the earth. Bhattacharya et al. (2004) observe that

several places in Saurashtra, including Rajkot, have a history of earthquake activity.

Along with the main shock, there are also many aftershocks, which are termed as

earthquake swarms.

What is interesting for us in the context of groundwater is the generation of new faults,

folds and joints that were observed in many places in Kachchh and in Saurashtra (such as

in Bhavnagar and Morbi). How these earthquake activities are altering the surface and

subsurface structure, how the soil composition is changing, and how the aquifers are

being modified or created is of practical interest. Even identifying pockets of

geostructural disturbances and linking them with scope for natural, induced or artificial

recharge, helps work towards water security in the challenging Saurashtra conditions.

There is a strong disconnect between the social capital generated around water in the

Saurashtra recharge movement and the scientific knowledge. Lot of scope exists to

combine such scientific knowledge for use in water management activities including

recharge for strengthening local water management efforts by civil society such as the

Saurashtra recharge movement.

75 Rathore (2001)


Figure 3.5: Map of Saurashtra showing lineaments

Figure 3.6: Geological Map of Saurashtra.


GROUNDWATER BALANCE IN SAURASHTRA

Although Saurashtra‟s inverted-saucer shaped topography gives rise to about 100 rivers

that flow in radial directions, there is little scope for any surface water schemes (Nagar,

2002). This is due to the rainfall getting dispersed in various directions. Further, out of

the many rivers, only four are seasonal (Nagar, 2002). Given these physiographic and

topographic conditions, the only alternative has been wells. Historically too, wells have

been the most popular source of water in Saurashtra region.

Therefore, the groundwater component in the water balance has had been quite important.

From Tables 2.2, it can be seen that groundwater meets as high as 87% of the irrigation

needs of agriculture in north Saurashtra that includes the study villages; hardly 13% is

sourced from surface water which also indicates the unfavourable topography, by and

large. The net irrigated area to net sown area is less than one-fourth, which clearly

indicates that water is scarce. The situation is almost the same for Rajkot district in

Saurashtra where the study villages are located (Table 3.3).

Table 3.2: Groundwater Balance and Utilization, Saurashtra Region

Particulars

North

Saurashtra*

South

Saurashtra**

Geographical Area (ha) 5,373 1,061

Land Use ( %):

Net Sown Area 63.8 57.9

Forest 5.0 19.0

Additional Land available for

cultivation

9.2 12.4

Percentage of Net Irrigated Area

to Net Sown Area

23.7 25.2

Irrigation ( %):

Surface water 13 1

Groundwater 87 99

Groundwater:

Balance (MCM) 2,460 557

Utilisation (MCM) 46.2 47.6

(*) – Comprises Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Surendranagar

and Rajkot districts

(**) – Comprises Junagadh district Source: Gujarat Ecology Commission, 1994


Table 3.3: Sources of irrigation in Rajkot district

Tank Canals Tube wells Other wells

Other

Sources

Total area

irrigated

Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross

0 0 103 103 0 0 1331 1630 0 0

143

4 1733

Source: www.gec.gov.in accessed 15.9.2006

Although the data is for the period ended a few years ago, there are no significant

occurrences to indicate that the trend has changed. A severe 4-year drought spell has

occurred during 1999-2002 in Gujarat, including Saurashtra, out of which the year 2000

was the most severe.

Due to uncertain meteorological and hydrogeological conditions, Saurashtra continues to

suffer from acute seasonal depletion of groundwater across the region. Competition for

groundwater is no longer restricted to shallow or moderately deep aquifers but has

reached deeper aquifers; a few bore wells near Rajkot are as deep as 700 m in areas

underlain by basalt; 400 m depth being common. It is not known if the deeper aquifers

are drawing water from shallow aquifers; nor is there literature to indicate connectivity

between shallow and deeper aquifers, where occurring. There are no studies conducted to

inquire into the aquifer systems.

0200400600800

100012001400160018002000

Rajkot Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross

District Tank Canals Tube wells other wells other SourcesTotal area irrigated

http://www.gec.gov.in/


GROUNDWATER CONDITIONS IN SAURASHTRA

The rainfall in Gujarat is highly skewed and variable-from 300 mm in Kachchh in the

western part to 700 mm in Saurashtra and 2000 mm in South Gujarat (Figure 3.3).

Accordingly, the distribution of water resources too is highly skewed. Although

Saurashtra occupies 36% of the geographical area in the state, the surface and

groundwater availability comprises only 17% of the total of state‟s water resources.

Whereas South Gujarat which occupies only 14% of the state‟s geographic area has

66.3% of the total water resources. Further, in terms of demand too, Saurashtra‟s water

availability is hardly about one third of the total demand as illustrated by the following

graph.

The following graph illustrates the situation.

Source: www. gec.gov.in; Note : figures in Million cubic metres.

Figure 3.7: Water availability and demand in Gujarat

Given the above rainfall pattern, in order to understand the variation in groundwater

resources, it is imperative to examine the hydrogeology. As mentioned earlier, most of

Saurashtra is occupied by the hard rock formation basalt. The occurrence and movement

of groundwater in basalts is controlled mainly by the weathered zone, vesicles, fractures

and joints, inter-trappeans, infra-trappeans and contact zones.


The weathering of basalt also gives rise to landforms, often tomb shaped. A weathered

zone in basalt is usually formed when a volcanic layer is exposed to weathering agents.

Basalts also have a tendency for spheroidal weathering. The thickness of the weathered

zone is a function of the time period of exposure to weathering agents, before a

subsequent volcanic flow erupts and envelops it. Often, the weathered zone has proved a

potential yielding zone for wells, whether shallow seated or deep seated, continuous or

discontinuous; factors determining the yield include thickness and lateral extent of the

weathered zone, and its hydraulic connectivity. The storage capacity as well as specific

yield of the weathered zone decrease with increasing clay content, and with the presence

of red boles76

or green earth77

.

Secondary porosity is represented by fractured/jointed formation. Structurally weak zones

such as the joints, shears and fractures not only facilitate groundwater recharge

(categorised as direct recharge-to be discussed later) but also hasten the process of

weathering. The columnar joints, which are vertical, give rise to hexagonal columns,

formed during the process of quicker cooling of exposed lava. These joints also enhance

the secondary porosity.

Tectonic activity in Saurashtra has given rise to several faults, both small and of regional

extent. Intrusives such as the dolerite dykes also cause fractures depending upon their

dimensions and the intruded material. When subsequent flows occur, these fractures get

concealed either partially or completely. Such fractures occurring below massive basalt,

when hydraulically connected, and not fully filled up with lava or any other geological

material yield significant discharges.

Thus, it may be concluded that diverse physiographic and tectonic activities have given

rise to heterogeneous, hydrogeological conditions in most parts of Saurashtra. The

heterogeneity is prominent in basalt in the central region (as in Rajkot district), and in

sedimentary formations in Surendranagar district. The heterogeneity is also seen in the

76 Different explanations exist for formation of red boles. According to one school of thought, red boles are

relics of inter-trappean lateritisation. Another explanation is that red boles are formed due to „baking‟ of the

pre-existing clay by the invading volcanic flow. In Deccan traps, red boles usually occur as thin beds and

are useful as marker zones to delineate lava flows (Mudrakartha, 1987). 77 The basal portion of an invading lava flow is usually altered into a green earth as a result of weathering.

This green earth occurs not only between flows, up to 3 m thick, but also as veins in cracks and fissures

(Mudrakartha, 1987).


specific yield78

which is low, between 1-3%; sometimes, the yields also vary over small

distances. While basalts sometimes may yield very high, a yield range of 10–30 m3/day

through dug wells is common. The low yield is primarily due to low porosity of up to 3%

in hard and massive basalt, and up to 16% in vesicular basalt (Mudrakartha, 1987).

However, shallow zones, including weathered zones yield good, and can be dependable

when connected with a source such as a tank or a river.

Availability of groundwater is a function of rainfall (which is erratic and low),

topography, and soil characteristics. As discussed in the foregoing, not all these factors

are highly favourable in the case of Saurashtra region. Hence, an innovative approach is

essential to adapt to the existing conditions.

SECTION 2

HISTORY OF WELL IRRIGATION IN GUJARAT79

This section attempts to review the historical change that has taken place on the irrigation

landscape of Gujarat. The review gives insights into the role of well irrigation and the

policies that were in vogue to draw learnings for the current period. For this purpose, the

chronology is divided into three periods: pre-colonial era, colonial era and the post

independence era.

Wells and tanks have been providing irrigation support for centuries. However, these

structures have either been promoted or neglected over the past few centuries due to a

variety of reasons that are not best documented. In the absence of systematic

documentation, researchers have drawn their own inferences. In an interesting analysis,

Hardiman (1998) examines the various theories proposed by researchers and advances his

own contention by debunking some of those theories.

78 Specific Yield is defined as the volume per cent of groundwater yielded by a saturated formation under

gravity conditions. 79 This section draws liberally from an excellent piece of work by David Hardiman (1998).


According to one theory, wells that constituted the chief form of irrigation source during

the pre-colonial era suffered neglect during the British regime; nevertheless, groundwater

irrigation occupied a significant position. While canals provided irrigation support to

41% of the agricultural land in British India, wells catered to 30% (Hardiman, 1998). The

British government in India focused on constructing canal irrigation systems where water

was available in plenty in rivers; however, no attention was bestowed to the upper

catchment areas. Wherever canal water was assured, wells suffered neglect (Whitcombe,

1971); also well digging was expensive which was affordable only by rich communities.

In British Gujarat (part of erstwhile Bombay state), during 1930s, the well and tank

irrigation accounted for 78% of the irrigated area while canals accounted for a mere 10%.

Interestingly, irrigated area itself accounted for just 2.6% of the total cropped area

(Hardiman, 1998).

The Government of India post independence focused on canal irrigation as part of its

multipurpose projects. There were huge outlays for the purpose. Nevertheless, the wells

(including borewells) in India grew exponentially from 87,000 in 1950 to 21 million in

2002. Since 1970s in particular, there has been re-emergence of well irrigation (including

bore wells) which proliferated at an amazing rate across India. Groundwater today meets

55% of irrigation needs (Planning Commission, 2007). In Gujarat, in 1986-87, wells

supported 74% of the total irrigated area as against 17% covered by canals (ibid).

Selling of water was generally in vogue over decades. Farmers sold water in order to

recover the investment costs and pay interest on loans. Research has clearly indicated

existence of water markets since 1950s or early (Shah et al. 2008, Mudrakartha et al.

2005).

The tremendous increase in the number of wells in the past three decades is due to

introduction of heavy duty, high horse power submersible pump sets. Previously, the

wells did not dry up because of the slower rate of extraction and the absence of energized

equipment. There was enough time for water levels to recoup. The pump sets were

expensive, and having invested, the farmer‟s endeavour was to get back his investment as


soon as possible and get out of the interest burden. For this, he used to go in for crops that

gave high return, and sell as much water as he could extract. Proponents of this theory

believe that this corroborates Garett Hardin‟s well known „tragedy of commons‟ thesis-

that uncontrolled access to a common resource leads inexorably to its degradation.

Another school of thought that includes Agrawal and Narain (1997) ascribe the decay of

the well and tank irrigation to the collapse of traditional village institutions. They argue

that the traditional water harvesting systems disappeared in large parts of India during the

early colonial period due to high rates of land tax that left no surplus with the farmers for

maintenance of the irrigation systems. A typical example put forth is the ryotwari areas of

Madras Presidency, where, by the 1850s, one-third of the irrigated land lay unused as it

was unable to produce crops of sufficient value to cover land tax payments. The British

always demanded tax in cash as against the then available options of payment, that is,

cash, kind or as part of the crop proceeds. The theory says that this approach, so much so,

rendered the farmers economically incapable of maintaining the water harvesting

systems.

Shankari and Shah (1993) contend that during the pre-colonial period, the state provided

freedom to farmers to manage their own affairs. Individuals were made responsible for

payment of taxes, as against the village communities or local landlords (zamindars); the

latter were not only collecting taxes but also determined the rate, deferments, concessions

and exemptions based on local conditions. The taxes had to be paid irrespective of

adverse climatic impacts on farmers. In practice, this implied that the state was not

responsible for maintenance of the water harvesting systems; the people were also not

interested in maintenance as they felt that they have paid the taxes and that it was the

duty and responsibility of the state. While village communities or village institutions

were more practical than a majority of zamindars, the net effect was that the water

management systems suffered complete neglect.

Singh (1991) considered the arrangements of water management as customary, which

recognized community, rather than individual, rights over water. In the colonial period,

the selling of land also meant selling of water in the land without consideration of the


impacts on the community. Thus, those who did not own land did not have any rights on

water. This legal position during the colonial period led to loss of individual interest, and

also alienation of the landless.

With individualistic, personal profit gaining legal and practical pre-eminence, practices of

common benefit to communities such as flooding the reservoirs (tanks and wells),

building check dams on rivers, and construction of temporary earthen bunds, have all

been lost. The major impact of all this is the overall reduction in the recharge.

The symbiotic relationship between tanks and wells in Gujarat has been recognized for

more than 1100 years. Large number of talabs (tanks) was constructed by the kings and

rulers, and by the village communities, which would not only provide direct irrigation

support but also allowed water to recharge into the ground and the surrounding wells.

These tanks were constructed in a „system‟ so that the overflow of one tank fed the other

tanks. There were long canals that transported water from rivers and tanks to carry water

over long distances.

In order to ensure irrigation support, farmers used to dig wells for which sahukar

(moneylender) used to provide loans against interest. The sahukar was also responsible

for collection of land tax from the individual farmers and remit to the British government

in India. This arrangement suited both the colonial rulers as well as the sahukar. As for

the farmer, he had to work harder to raise net profits to pay off the land tax, as well as

repay loan instalment to the sahukar. There were slabs of rates fixed for land tax

depending upon the crop raised and irrigation facility available. The type and number of

lifting devices fitted to the wells (such as kos80

, araghatta81

) were also a key element in

determining the levy of rate of land tax. Maintenance of wells and tanks was not

considered state‟s responsibility as it was a traditional and customary obligation upon the

irrigators to carry out repairs.

80 A large leather bag, which is tied to a rope on one end; the other end of the rope goes over a pulley and

attached to bullocks. The bullocks move up and down on the surface lifting the water with the leather bag.

In Ahmedabad district, in 1827, the wells were fitted with up to four kos, although eight were not

uncommon. A well in Saurashtra was known to have been capable of holding 32 kos (Hardiman, 1998). 81

A manually operated water-lifting wheel of about five meters diameter suspended on four poles, with a

ladder around the rim on which are tied earthen pots (ibid).


The system of financing by sahukar was already embedded in the pre-colonial days,

which only came handy for the colonial rulers. The kings and then the state‟s interest was

that it could collect higher taxes from irrigated land and hence the arrangements for

providing loans to dig wells. One would see that well irrigation was promoted during the

pre-colonial period, which only extended to colonial period, with the only difference

being the insistence of payment of tax in cash by the colonial rulers.

Saurashtra enjoyed flexibility of paying taxes in the form of cash or kind. The local

officials exercised discretion on the rate, concession or exemption, including on the tax

holiday for new well.

Usurers, belonging to baniya or luhana communities, controlled the entire rural economy

of Saurashtra with the backing of the state. Peasantry was the overarching occupation,

and the usurers were authorized to purchase agricultural produce, and debit the cost share

of the produce to the garasiyas minus the share of the government and their own

commission; the garasiyas could encash the bill of exchange given to them with the

banker. Although landlords, these garasiyas were generally in deep debt with not much

of cash flow; so payment in kind was the mode operating at that time.

The description of river inundation by farmers (Hove as described in Hardiman, 1998),

throws a lot of insight into the historical connection with the present dug well recharging

practice in Saurashtra. The farmers usually filled up the reservoirs (tanks) by opening up

the entrances (similar to sluice gates) to the reservoirs to allow the water to flow. After

the reservoirs are filled up, the entrances are closed down. In the following days, the

farmers created narrow channels, to facilitate water flow from the reservoirs to the fields.

Interestingly, during later months, the water from the fields located in higher elevations

was drained into the reservoirs on the down side using narrow temporary channels. Once

these wells and tanks are filled up in about three months from the advent of monsoon, the


temporary channels were levelled and leafy vegetable (spinach) and methi (fenugreek)

raised82

.

Maintenance of the water harvesting structures and the practices of inundation were

organized by the bhagidars (that is the shareholders) of lands; there was a variety of

arrangements entered into by the shareholders with the tenants who generally had

occupancy rights. The shareholders usually kept good fertile land under their direct

cultivation while inferior land was given on lease, or on rent under different terms. This

also meant that the shareholders could direct the tenants to maintain the water harvesting

structures in addition to paying taxes. They could also have first call on the rainwater to

fill up their reservoirs (tanks) and their wells. David Hardiman believes that this was

what was got termed as village community maintenance. This system, which provided

nothing more than subsistence to the tenants, perpetuated the system that had been highly

beneficial to the landlords and sahukars.

Another factor was the drastic fall in the prices of the widely grown cotton. Irrespective

of the losses that occurred due to fall of prices through good part of the 1800s, the state

did not provide any succour. All the above factors have resulted in a large number of

families going out of agriculture and consequently loss of the agrarian practices. Only

towards mid-nineteenth century that cotton as a non irrigated crop started coming back.

Well irrigation and policy of water taxation

The British after settling down in India, introduced laws to the effect that the government

was the ultimate owner of the land and thereby of all the natural resources such as water.

We have such laws prevailing even today. The land-tax is thus supposed to be equivalent

of a rent to be paid by the user, which was augmented by further rents for water used, and

similar things. The result was that the customary laws and right of use have all

disappeared, including the systems that were introduced for any type of community

82 Tarun Bharat Sangh, an NGO facilitated regeneration of a river Arvari in Alwar district of Rajasthan, by

building both masonry and earthen structures across the river. At many places along the river, farmers

make temporary earthen barriers (bunds) that impound water on part of their farm land. Post rainy season,

this water is used for winter crop, and a large amount of land cultivated, compensating for “loss” of land

from cultivation during monsoon.


management. The quantum of taxes levied on the land depended upon whether it was

rain-fed, canal-fed, or river-fed through inundation. Taxes had to be paid whether the

land was cultivated or not with the state having no responsibility to see whether there was

water in the river or in the canal.

Interestingly, the wealthy and influential Charotar83

farmers of Gujarat put up a fight on

the unfairness of taxing based on water availability when the farmer himself did all the

investment. After a prolonged fight spanning more than two decades, in mid-eighties, the

Bombay government ruled that the occupants of the land were entitled to enjoy the entire

profits of improvements made at their own cost. This by implication meant that the

landholder has rights over groundwater and not the state.

The British also subsequently encouraged farmers to go in for wells for which they

spread the tax burden depending upon the depth of the well, the investment made, the

quality of water struck in the well and the quantum of yield. They have also prepared

maps that indicated depths at which water would be struck and the quality of water to

encourage farmers to go in for new wells. This map also later became the basis for a new

land tax structure that took water potential into consideration, irrespective of whether

water was extracted or not by the farmer.

The famine at the end of eighteenth century, and the above policy changes, left no choice

to the farmers other than to go in for new wells or develop old wells to tap groundwater.

This was done with a view to obtain higher returns to meet the tax burden. Since the

water levels had gone deeper due to droughts and famine, the government hired out well-

boring equipment in Gujarat early nineteen hundreds. A large number of boring machines

was in operation although the boring was expensive. Kerosene driven pump sets were

introduced for drawing water from 20-30 m depth. Since all this called for heavy

investments, farmers adopted a strategy of raising cash crops and sell as much water as

possible. Water was transported through networks of pipelines to very far distances (one

and a half kilometres), sometimes to the neighbouring villages. All this contributed to

further decline of water levels.

83 The region comprising Anand and Kheda districts is known as Charutar, meaning „beautiful land‟.


David Hardiman believes that the village elites in fact controlled the village community

which was often differentiated along caste and class lines. During the colonial period, the

village corporate elites actually got strengthened and continued to hold sway and power,

and controlled the village economy. This scenario was common in Gujarat and in

Saurashtra. The economic individualism, although promoted by the British, could not

break the caste and class control of the elites even today in many parts of the state.

Selling or sharing of water to their own kith and kin or the clan members is still very

common in rural areas, although there are considerable dents in this solidarity. David

Hardiman also goes on to say that the argument advanced by Tushaar Shah that the

groundwater market in Gujarat is highly competitive, efficient and individualized,

bearing all the marks of what economists define as „economic rationality‟ does not hold

as caste and class considerations are still very strong.

SECTION 3

GOVERNMENT PROGRAMMES TO DEVELOP GROUNDWATER

This section has two parts: the first part describes the problems and shortfalls connected

with data collection and analysis for resource estimation arising due to, and factors

concerned with, historical multi institutional administration of the water resource. Put

differently, absence of a strong governance mechanism led to ever increasing

overexploitation and quality problems. The second part describes the government

programmes being implemented for water conservation.

GROUNDWATER POLICY, INSTITUTIONS AND MANAGEMENT

This sub-section examines the National Water Policy, the institutions involved with

groundwater in particular, their mandate and issues. The section also examines the

creation of a National Ground Water Authority to address overexploitation conditions

occurring across states in India and its effectiveness.

Eighty-five per cent of the rural, and 50% of the urban and rural needs, are met by

groundwater (Joy et al., 2008). Among the rural requirements, 60% goes to meet


irrigation needs, which forms a major chunk on groundwater demand. Due to reducing

surface flows and increasing number of closing or closed basins84

, the dependency on

groundwater is only increasing with time. Add to that, the increasing dark zones are a

clear indication that the limits to groundwater extraction are fast approaching. Alongside,

a large number of conflicts are emerging. Water Conflicts in India: A Million Revolts in

the Making (Joy et al. 2008), a publication by Routledge Taylor & Francis, clearly brings

out a number of conflicts categorized under a variety of typologies, of various

hierarchies.

Conflicts are widely acknowledged as clear portents of deficiencies in water governance.

What exactly is water governance? The World Bank defines governance as the “manner

in which power is exercised in the management of a country‟s economic and social

resources for development” (World Bank, 1992). United Nations Development

Programme (UNDP) defines governance as “the exercise of economic, political and

administrative authority to manage a country‟s affairs at all levels. It comprises the

mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their

interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences”

(UNDP, 1997). Thus, governance recognises the plurality of the actors involved. There is

greater emphasis on participation, decentralisation, accountability, responsiveness, and

even broader concerns, such as those of social equity and justice (Ballabh, 2007).

During mid-seventies, India suffered severe water crisis, when even drinking water

became scarce across India, leave alone irrigation, giving rise to debates on the need for

groundwater augmentation, regulation and management. The debates over the subsequent

decades have proposed a number of regulatory and incentive based approaches, but very

few have been implemented (World Bank and Ministry of Water Resources-GoI, 1998;

Shah et al. 2003; COMMAN, 2003; Rathore, M.S. 1996, 1997).

84 A river basin is considered closed when all its water is allocated to different uses. A closing river has

water available for part of the year.


The National Water Policy of India, 2002 (GoI, 2002), a revised version of the 1987

policy, talks about river basin as a unit of management. Specific to groundwater, the

policy recommends regulatory measures so as not to exceed recharge rates, social equity,

integrated development of surface and groundwater resources, conjunctive use, and

avoidance of excessive withdrawals from coastal areas to prevent salinity ingress. The

recommendations in the National Water Policy, (2002) and the National Environment

Policy (2004) are supported by neither institutional infrastructure nor mechanisms nor by

enabling legislation nor by supporting economic incentive structure (Planning

Commission, 2007). In the context of groundwater, Central Ground Water Board is the

apex organization vested with the responsibility of assessment, development and

management in India. It is essential to understand the genesis of the CGWB in order to

understand the importance accorded to groundwater historically.

Gujarat was one of the many states, which participated in the green revolution. Though

the agriculture production has gone up subsequently, and the country moved from food

grain deficit to food grain surplus situation, the many adverse fall outs included depleted

water levels, overexploited areas, contaminated soils, polluted water bodies, and most

importantly, reduced recharge rates affected the water balance cycle including in Gujarat

state.

SETTING UP OF THE GROUND WATER AUTHORITY AND INSTITUTIONAL

LIMITATIONS

In spite of all these adverse impacts on the precious groundwater resources, it took the

Supreme Court, while responding to public interest litigation in 199685

, to give specific

directions to the government of India to halt the groundwater deterioration in many parts

of the country by forming a special national level authority. The Central Ground Water

Authority was thus set up in 1997 under the Environment Protection Act (1986) under the

85 The Supreme Court of India took notice of a news item titled “Falling Ground Water threatens (Delhi)

City ” published on March 18, 1996, in a leading English daily and inquired into the matter as a public

interest litigation. The Court expressed its concern on the urgent need for regulating the indiscriminate

boring (drilling) and withdrawal of underground water in the country.


directions of the Hon‟ble Supreme Court of India within in the Ministry of Environment

and Forests in order to protect and preserve the groundwater resources in the country.

(http://cgwb.gov.in/GroundWater/CGWA). The CGWA is housed in the CGWB, does

not have own paraphernalia86

or infrastructure, and all regulatory activities87

of the

Authority are to be discharged by the CGWB personnel. This is one specific area where

except for normal, functional linkages, each institution is busy with its own agenda. For

implementation of regulations88

, the CGWA has to depend upon the state machinery. In

addition to own agenda, the central and state government institutions often have

difference of opinion, and consequently, lack of cooperation from the state governments

due to water being in the concurrent list. Delays in addressing complaints, for whatever

political or other reasons, provide scope for erring agencies to become further indifferent.

Further, the state groundwater departments on their part are routinely busy with

collecting data from their network of stations and analysing to help assess the status of

the aquifers for categorisation. What has been missing is not only a systematic survey of

the aquifers, but also making available data to the users in an easy-to-understand format

86 The curious position is that CGWA is CGWB under another name; as the former has the same

composition as the latter (with some additions). Due to dual reporting system to both Ministry of Water

Resources and to the Ministry of Environment and Forests, CGWA has not yet become effective or even

fully operational as a regulatory body (Iyer, 2003). 87 The areas of activities of the Central Ground Water Authority are (Planning Commission, 2007): i)

Notification of areas for regulation of ground water development in severely overexploited areas in the

country. ii) Regulation of ground water abstraction by industries in over exploited/critical areas in the

country. iii) Registration of drilling agencies for assessment of pace of development of ground water and

regulation of well drilling activities. iv) Representation in the National Coastal Zone Management

Authority and other Expert Committees of the Ministry of Environment & Forests. v) Undertaking

countrywide mass awareness programmes and training in rainwater harvesting for ground recharge. 88 “Decline in ground water levels has been observed in various parts of the country in consultation the

State Governments. As per the latest assessments of ground water resources carried out by Central Ground

Water Board (CGWB) and States in 2004, out of 5723 assessment units (Blocks/Mandals/Talukas), 839

units are 'over-exploited' (where stage of ground water exploitation is more than 100% with significant

decline in long term trend of ground water level in either pre-monsoon or post-monsoon or both), 226 units

are 'critical' (where ground water exploitation is between 90% and 100% with significant decline in long

term trend of water level in both pre-monsoon and post-monsoon periods.” Reply by Minister of state for

water resources to a Parliament (Rajya Sabha) starred question No.422 on 14.08.2007. The CGWA so far

has notified 43 over-exploited blocks for the purpose of regulation of ground water development and 65

over-exploited blocks for the purpose of registration of ground water abstraction structures. Further,

CGWA is regulating the withdrawal of groundwater in these 1615 identified overexploited, critical and

semi-critical blocks. Industries in these blocks are given exemption only on a case to case basis.

(http://cgwb.gov.in/GroundWater/CGWA).

http://cgwb.gov.in/GroundWater/CGWA


for the common person. The reappraisal hydrogeological surveys, for example, is a step

in the right direction, but has come very late; in any case, how these surveys are

dovetailing into the recharge efforts by individuals and civil society organisations is

unclear. A major weakness has been the inter-departmental coordination and

participation, and groundwater departments at the state or national level have often had

minimal or negligible role even in critical projects designed and implemented. For

example, their role in watershed programmes is never seen whether at planning level or at

implementation level. Similarly, in Gujarat, the role of the groundwater department is not

clear in the SPPWCP project or the SJSY project. Given this scenario, implementation of

regulatory directions of the Authority becomes last priority for the state groundwater

institutions.

During the Ninth Five Year Plan, a fully sponsored Central Sector Scheme on “Studies

on Recharge of Ground Water” was undertaken by the CGWB, in which 165 artificial

recharge pilot projects were implemented in 27 States/UTs in coordination with

organizations of State governments & NGO / VOs, etc. Although the impact studies have

shown good results, and the CGWB has come out with a manual for implementation of

such schemes (CGWB, 2000), the demonstration was not cost effective89

. The role of the

civil society organisations, which is very critical for scaling up, was very selective and

limited. Further, why these artificial recharge schemes did not link up with any of the

recharge movements in India is not clear. The guidelines are purely technical and do not

deal with the process of social mobilisation, nor convergence aspects of technical and

social factors, essential for socio technical approach. Many believe that large scope

existed for effectively converging these technically rich experiences with the highly cost

effective, mass based water movements in India, or with some of the non-governmental

organisations that pioneered innovative experimentation in water harvesting. This

convergence would have helped bring government work into the mainstream and build

bridges with the civil society; instead, it remained in its own tract. Almost totally absent

is the effort towards demand side management.

89 The costing of drilling component for example is quite high as departmental rigs function on a routine

basis resulting in huge overheads. The time duration of project implementation is also quite longer

(personal communication from a senior scientist-now retired).


In sum, if the mandate does not include these key elements of local groundwater

management, involving the local communities, collectives and non-governmental

organisations, it is high time there is a relook at the same. However, the situation is no

different now although the decentralised local self-government is now in charge of water

resources development at village, taluka and district levels, since they generally lack the

necessary technical understanding and skills to manage the same.

International conventions such as the United Nations Conference on Environment and

Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro introduced a program of action called the

Agenda 21, which strongly advocated an integrated approach to development,

management and use of water resources, as against the centralised, sectoral approach.

India is also a signatory to the Agenda 21, which proposed that water management should

cater for multiple users and objectives. These include drinking water supply, sanitation,

agriculture, fisheries, industry, urban development, hydropower generation, water

transport and recreation. The program also called for institutional transformation within

the government, provision of stakeholder dialogue, inclusion of civil society and local

community organisations in decision-making, and conflict resolution.

The need for sustainable management of water resource is also a key UN Millennium

Development Goal. MDG number 7, which is to „ensure environmental sustainability by

2015‟, recognises the inter-dependence of natural systems and basic services. The

environmental flows too are implicit in the goal, with the need for an integrated,

multidisciplinary, and multi-sectoral approach to policymaking and implementation.

However, the predominantly sectoral approach to water resource management continues;

and, within the sector, there is a narrow focus to approaching the constituent elements.

For example, people‟s participation was more of an imposed, invited activity than owned

by the people. Even in the watershed programme, the flagship programme of the Ministry

of Rural Development, Government of India, participation, equity and transparency are

found to be the weakest links (GoI, 2006). Though there is some change, the change is

too slow to warrant any visible impact. In sum, the governance requires a lot more


strengthening especially on the inter-institutional coordination, holistic policy making

and people‟s participation.

Here, it is important to recall the efforts of the Ministry of Water Resources, Government

of India, to introduce a Model Bill to Regulate and Control the Development of

Groundwater, first in 1970 and later in 1992 with revisions. The Groundwater Model Bill

(in short) has raised more problems that it sought to address. Some of these issues relate

to the jurisdiction of groundwater between the state and the central government, due to

water being a state subject, the issue of groundwater rights of the landowner although

limited in theory by the Easement Act Irrigation laws which proclaim the absolute rights

of government in all natural water (Singh, 1992), lack of effective mechanisms for

implementation of the provisions in the model bill for regulation, control and

development functions, stringent punishment of fines and prison terms, and above all,

lack of people‟s participation or consultation process in the formulation of the bill

(Moench, 1993; Mudrakartha, 1993). Further, at a practical level, people have been for

decades enjoyed groundwater connected with their land which had its origin in the

“dominant heritage” principle implicit in the Transfer of Property Act IV of 1882 and the

Land Acquisition Act of 1894. Under the law, the ownership of groundwater accrues to

the owner of the land above, and the tenancy laws govern its use and disposition. By

virtue of these laws, groundwater is attached like a chattle to land property and cannot be

transferred separately from the land to which it is attached (Singh, 1992; Mudrakartha,

1999); there is also no limitation on how much groundwater a particular landowner may

draw (C. Singh, 1991). People in general tended to feel that the bill was an attempt to

take away their control over groundwater, and that became a contentious issue due to

water being the key resource for their agrarian livelihoods90

.

Alongside, due to hardly any takers of the model bill, the groundwater situation in India

was deteriorating in terms of the depleting water levels, pollution and contamination. At

90

For more discussion and debate, see Moench (1993) (ed) “Groundwater Law: The Growing Debate,”

Vikram Sarabhai Centre for Development Interaction (VIKSAT) and Natural Heritage Institute;

Mudrakartha (1999), “Status and Policy Framework of Groundwater in India,” VIKSAT Nehru Foundation

for Development, Ahmedabad.


this point of time, the Supreme Court of India reacted to an article in the media and

instructed the Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India, to create a

Ground Water Authority (CGWA) within the Central Ground Water Board91

(CGWB)

and exercise powers under Section 5 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 for

checking, controlling and regulating the fast depleting roundwater resources in various

parts of the country92

. However, historically tuned to playing a resource monitoring role,

the CGWB by and large could not rise to take on the larger resource management and

regulatory roles. This was mainly because the new expanded mandate required a

thorough institutional and work cultural overhaul (Sunderrajan & Shah, 2006). In

addition, the Board also did not have infrastructure, human and financial resources to

take up the gigantic task. Further, they were not welcomed by the states, in view of the

contention of Water being a state subject. Also, the Supreme Court‟s direction envisaged

formation of Ground Water Authorities to function at the state level. Here, the issue of

jurisdiction cropped up which has not been sorted out yet. Above all this, the dual

reporting system of CGWA has also created confusion. The CGWA was set up under the

Ministry of Environment and Forests under Supreme Court guidelines viewing water

depletion and pollution as an environmental condition. CGWA is CGWB under another

name, as the former has the same composition as the latter (with some additions). The

CGWB is within the administrative purview of the Ministry of Water Resources, the

CGWA is within the functional purview of the Ministry of Environment and Forests. The

CGWA is functionally responsible to the Ministry of Environment and Forests while the

91 The Central Ground Water Board has the mandate to “develop and disseminate technologies, and

monitor and implement national policies for the scientific and sustainable development and management of

India‟s ground water resources including their exploration, assessment, conservation, augmentation and

protection from pollution and distribution, based on principles of economic and ecological efficiency and

equity”. The Board also undertakes exploratory drilling of tube-wells in the country. Successful wells are

handed over to the States at a nominal cost for their utilisation for irrigation, drinking and other purposes.

As on November 2000, the Central Ground Water Board has drilled 8,484 exploratory wells, out of which

2,715 wells have already been handed over to the States/UT Administrations. Another 2,439 wells have

been offered to the States. Further, 1,474 wells are in the process of being offered to the States by CGWB.

The CGWB is focussing specially on the drought affected States like Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh,

Chattisgarh and Orissa. The CGWB has handed over 620 wells to these States whereas 890 wells have been

offered and 495 wells are in the process of being offered. The Board has also prepared a contingency plan

for drought proofing in these States at an estimated cost of Rs. 43.50 crores under 1,440 exploratory wells

would be drilled (www.cgwb.gov.in) 92 The CGWA has registered over one lakh such structures all over the country. In the development blocks

categorised as "dark" and "over-exploited" the re-financing of wells and tubewells by NABARD is

discouraged so as to prevent a further decline in water table (www.cgwb.gov.in).

http://www.cgwb.gov.in/http://www.cgwb.gov.in/


CGWB is administratively reporting to the Ministry of Water Resources. This is a

conflict area (Mudrakartha, 1999; Iyer, 2003). In other words, virtually the same body

functions in two different personae and capacities, under two different legal dispensations

and within the areas of responsibility for two different Ministries. In theory, it is an

independent, autonomous organisation, but in practice, it is acutely dependent on a

constructive, supportive attitude of the bureaucracies of the two Ministries. More than

five years into its existence, the CGWA is yet to become very effective or even fully

operational as a regulatory body (Iyer, 2003).

Thus, we see from the above that in spite of its indispensability, and primary importance

to the farmer, groundwater continued to be neglected with issues related with multiplicity

of reporting and absence of standardised guidelines for potential estimation. As concerns

about groundwater abuse and depletion continued to grow, it was now the turn of the

Indian Parliament during mid eighties to mandate the Planning Commission of India to

appoint a high-powered Expert Group to recommend a suitable plan of action for

strengthening groundwater governance in India. The process adopted by the Expert

Group and the recharge estimation methods recommended are described in chapter 5. The

following section describes CGWB‟s efforts towards better monitoring of data, and

identification of groundwater status of talukas/blocks.

REAPPRAISAL HYDROGEOLOGICAL STUDIES FOR IMPROVING DATA

THROUGH MONITORING

The Reappraisal Hydrogeological Studies is a clear step forward towards periodic

monitoring and improvement in quality of data. The groundwater resource has depleted

to alarming levels, and contaminated, with adverse effects on the productivity and

efficiency of dependent agriculture, animal husbandry, industry and other sectors. The

Central Ground Water Board has initiated reappraisal hydrogeological surveys in areas

registering abnormal fall or rise in water levels and areas having quality problems (Kittu,

1995) followed by use of technological advancements such as the GIS, Remote Sensing

and other geophysical instrumentation. To ensure quality data by the reappraisal studies,

detailed operational guidelines were formulated in 2003. Among other things, the


exhaustive guidelines describe the person-power required, the number of days to be spent

in field, description and formats of data to be collected, preparation and submission of

reports along with a time schedule. Such reappraisal surveys, also re-named as District

Ground Water Management Studies, are to be carried out in survey teams for areas

ranging from 1500-3000 square kilometres every 5-10 years for the purpose of revision

of data and the groundwater situation. The periodicity of re-visits is determined based

upon the severity of groundwater and related issues. While areas with serious

groundwater problems are recommended to be surveyed every five years, the Regional

Offices of the CGWB could determine the periodicity based on local conditions. The

survey findings will be presented in the form of reports and maps. Key wells serve as

important data points for water level monitoring and related information. The number and

their matrix will be determined by the Regional office based on the topographic

conditions, accessibility and the severity of the problem. Guidelines suggest 3 key wells

per 100 square kilometres in drought/ overexploited/coastal and other problem areas, 1

key well per 100 square kilometres in hilly areas and as per convenience in

desert/marshy/glacial/mountainous regions. In other areas, 2 wells is the norm suggested.

The CGWB, therefore, has been strategically conducting the reappraisal hydrogeological

surveys at the district level so as to identify the overexploited zones for necessary

categorisation and protection. However, issues exist as regards limitations of CGWB in

terms of personnel and resources available, and coordination with State government

departments, apart from its inability to involve the civil society, which is the majority

user of the groundwater resource.

GOVERNMENT SCHEMES ON WATER CONSERVATION IN SAURASHTRA

This subsection examines the government schemes that were launched in Saurashtra as

well as routed by the government of Gujarat. The government has constructed a large

number of medium and minor reservoirs to harness surface runoff in the central uplands

of Saurashtra, where most of the rivers originate, for the purposes of irrigation, drinking

and domestic uses, and industry. The total surface water availability from these reservoirs


is estimated to be 5,458 MCM. About 88 dams, 1938 check dams, 1170 percolation tanks

and 5000 farm ponds support only about 5 % of irrigated area of total cultivable land.

The shortfall is complemented, although not completely, from groundwater (see Table

3.2).

According to the Minor Irrigation Census 1986, more than 60% of wells and tube wells in

Saurashtra were not in use. These include failed wells as well as those that go out of use

due to physical reasons (collapse, obsolescence) and secular water level depletion. The

Saurashtra recharging movement, which began during mid-eighties, has perhaps seen the

dry wells as an opportunity, which will be discussed in the later chapters. The community

felt the need to capture water in their wells as they realised that the water in their wells

alone can make a big difference to their primary livelihood income, that is, agriculture

and animal husbandry. This belief of the community is also borne out by data which

shows that any good year of monsoon produced dramatic increase in the irrigated area,

which also meant enhanced income (Nagar, 2002).

Retrospectively thinking, although the groundwater recharging efforts by farmers have

started during mid- eighties and continued for two decades, it is only during the late

nineties that the political government started taking note of the movement. Two

programmes were launched by the state government., namely, the Sardar Patel

Participatory Water Conservation Project during 1998-2000 and the SJSY (60:40)

scheme from the year 2000. The Government of India has launched the watershed

programme all over India from 1995. This is implemented through the district

administration. The study villages also have the watershed programmes implemented by

movement agencies.

SARDAR PATEL PARTICIPATORY WATER CONSERVATION PROJECT

The government of Gujarat was implementing water conservation works like the

construction of check dams under for many years which works were carried out through

tendering or departmentally. Till 1999, only 2500 check dams could be constructed in the

entire state against an outlay of Rs.55 crores, out of which 1341 were constructed during


1991-99 under the government-sponsored “Own your checkdam” programme93

. When

the then Chief Minister attended mammoth public function, he was impressed by the

people‟s participation to the check dam construction and other recharge activities. Three

reasons appear to have compelled the government to launch the Sardar Patel Participatory

Water Conservation Project on the 17th of January 2000. The previous 90:10 scheme was

modified as 60:40, with 40% contribution by the farmer(s). [a] During 1998-2000, there

was the 90:10 scheme launched for construction of check dams with 90 per cent of the

cost as subsidy and ten % as local contribution from the „beneficiaries‟. In spite of the

high subsidy, there were not many takers; only less than 200 check dams were

constructed in two years of the scheme in Saurashtra. In contrast, people were

contributing several times of 10 per cent in the privately supported well recharging

activities, for many years then. [b] The grand conventions organized by NGOs (like the

one on 19th December 1998 by the Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust for which the chief minister

of the state was invited as chief guest was followed by five grand one-day conventions

for five consecutive days from 1st November 2000 at five different places (Bagdana,

Bagasara, Kalawad, Sayala and Vikaliya (Saurashtra Jal Dhara Trust Brochure: Marching

towards Green Revolution through Collective Series of Check Dams by United

Villagers). The Chief Minister, many ministers, local leaders, and religious leaders of

Swaminarayan Trust were dignitaries in these conventions. The chief minister was so

impressed that he announced the 60:40 scheme94

. [c] There were clear political

advantages that could be derived from collaborating with the promoters of the movement

which has stood the test of time for more than a decade by that time (in 1999-2000). [d]

During 1999 (the worst drought in ten years period), the 113 dams in Saurashtra region

could store only 140 MCM out of a storage capacity of 2200 MCM (Nagar, 2002). This

storage, which is hardly 6 per cent of the total storage capacity available, could not even

meet drinking water requirements. In contrast, good number of the villages which have

participated in the well recharging movement not only did not face drinking water

93 http://www.rajkotdp.gujarat.gov.in/english-htm. 94

Mark Tully (2000). When in drought, help yourself. Times of India, 13.6.2000. The former BBC

Correspondent toured the drought-stricken Gujarat and found that people are helping themselves in the

form of recharge activity.


problem, but had reasonable amount of returns from their crops and animal husbandry,

even during the low rainfall years.

The SPPWC Project was perhaps a step in the right direction as can be seen from the key

guidelines given below which were simple and clear. [a]Any group/NGO could apply to

the concerned deputy executive engineer of their area, who would give his approval. [b]

Flexibility existed for own designs by the NGO/group; but technical approval needed by

the concerned government engineer. [c] On completion of the construction activity, the

deputy executive engineer would visit the site, carry out measurements, verify bills and

forward the same to the executive engineer for final approval. The entire procedure was

to be completed within seven days of submission of the bills by the beneficiary group.

Strict instructions existed to avoid any delays at any levels of approvals.

However, like most policy instruments, the implementation of SPPWCP faced major

lacunae as described herein and therefore could not achieve its desired objectives. While

it is noteworthy that the hierarchy of implementation has come closer to the arena of

action, that is, to the level of executive engineers and deputy executive engineers

functioning under the district panchayats and the local democratic bodies, the politics,

however, became murkier.

The following are some of the reasons for the failure of the SPPWCP scheme, in

particular, from the point of view of people‟s participation and owning of the check

dams: [a] Delayed payments: The payments were to be made in three stages, that is, at the

completion of foundation, structure and finish. However, at each of the stages, there was

inevitable delay due to the limited number of engineers available on the staff role, and the

large number of check dams under construction simultaneously. Further, there were also

significant delays in monitoring visits by engineers, making verifications, or releasing

bills. [b] At each stage of construction, the group/NGO had to invest money in advance

and wait for releases which were inordinately delayed due to various reasons, including

rent-seeking. Only those persons/groups that could complete and wait for the release of

money were getting into this. Obviously, while very few farmers or NGOs could afford


these delays, or had financial capacity to invest and wait, the local contractors secured the

work orders in the names of local groups/farmers and made profit. This was just like

another business activity for them. Gradually, the check dams were construed to be

government-owned, and hence people did not feel any ownership. The contractor was

also saving a lot of money by various means including compromise on quality; he was

also adjusting the people‟s contribution component without people actually paying

anything. Thus, the whole spirit of participatory programme was defeated. [b] Ten per

cent of the approved cost of check dam was to be released after the overflow of rainwater

during the succeeding monsoon, perhaps to ensure quality of construction of the check

dam. [c] Many complaints were made regarding favouritism in allocation of check dams;

totally unconnected, inexperienced agencies such as a marriage bureau and a travel

agency were also sanctioned projects. [d] Although monitoring mechanism was in place,

it was bureaucracy-driven and target-driven with no very impactful functioning. [e] The

scheme was also open to farmers, either as individuals or as a group. Many individual

farmers have taken advantage of the 40% subsidy to construct check dams close to their

farmlands, which have benefitted them immensely (Mudrakartha, 2005).

Where the non-governmental promoters have leveraged these projects, the work went on

well with people‟s participation, ownership and work quality ensured. However, the

goings on from the areas in the neighbourhood where contractors were implementing,

and no people‟s contribution was collected (it was „subsidised‟ by the contractor), led to

certain amount of „weakening‟ of the contributory fabric of the people. To counter the

undue from such areas, leaders of NGO groups had to put their foot down to maintain

their quality and level of work. In the ultimate analysis, two key points may be said to

have emerged: [a] Large number of structures have come to be installed, with mixed

„success‟. In any case, the amount of recharge has increased considerably making a

difference to the farmers in terms of irrigation water availability through wells. [b] Where

contractors were involved and people were indifferent, such structures provided

employment. A shade better was the situation when local contractors from villages were

involved; the quality of structures was reasonably good, as the contractor-farmer had


sense of belongingness to the area. [c] There was a significant dilution of people‟s

emotional and physical contributions, overall in the whole process.

As can be seen from the guidelines, a lot depended upon the attitude and commitment

level of the concerned engineers, which was highly varying, and who were the key to

effective implementation of the project.

One important aspect was that when the programme that aimed at capitalising on the

people‟s participation was launched, there was no „preparation‟ of the engineers in terms

of how to deal with the people and the process. In other words, due to absence of any

“project appreciation programmes”, this was yet another departmental project for a

majority of them.

The impact was that the recharging movement suffered a serious setback during 1999-

2000. The reasons could be summarized as: [a] The SPPWC project was launched all

over Saurashtra, North Gujarat and Kachchh. [b] Except those areas where strong

institutions were present, which were not many, the farmers waited for the government

project, and someone else to come and construct check dams. The movement was saved

from total collapse due to committed efforts of some leaders efforts who managed to

wean away people from the “expectation trap” (Shah, 1998).

SECTION 4

THE RECHARGE MOVEMENTS OF GUJARAT-AN OVERVIEW

Wells, agriculture and livelihood have been historically, interwoven, intricately, in

Gujarat. What we have witnessed in the past two decades as Saurashtra Recharging

movement is essentially a revival of wells that went dry due to depleting water levels.

What started as a recharge activity has turned into a movement around water because of

committed efforts of local leadership in many villages across Saurashtra. However, it

should be stated upfront that all the villages in all districts of Saurashtra did not respond

with equal enthusiasm. Some critical mass existed that helped in promotion and


sustenance of the recharge movement. The following gives a brief account of the key

leaders and institutions and the processes that were adopted.

Gujarat in India has been among the forerunners in social movements driven by social

leaders such as Shri Dongre Maharaj and Shri Morari Bapu, and religious trusts such as

the Swadhyay Parivar, the Swaminaryan Sect, Saurashtra Lok Manch and Vruksh Prem

Seva Trust. Different strategies were adopted to ensure that large masses participated in

the social movements and took responsibility for sustaining the initiatives.

Dongre Maharaj was among the forerunners who combined social matters such as the

need for water harvesting with religious discourses. An eloquent story teller, Dongre

Maharaj astutely interspersed social messages while discoursing on the great epic

Ramayana. His simplicity, forthright honesty, and selfless approach had a universal

appeal and drew large gatherings to his congregations. Dongre Maharaj deftly converted

this massive goodwill into developing awareness and sensitivity needed for proper

resource use and resource management, in addition to improving social living. People

from all walks of life, castes and classes were attracted to him and became his followers.

Similar is the effect of the living saint Morari Bapu who adopts his Ramayana discourses

as his medium for communicating messages on resource management, and for leading a

frugal, pious life. He adopts a communication style that is simple and easy-to-understand,

laced with examples and anecdotes from the day-to-day experiences. Further, alongside,

two major institutions, namely, Swaminarayan Sampradaya and the Swadhyaya Pariwar

have catalysed the local initiatives on recharging wells into a major “movement” in the

Saurashtra region.

Swaminarayan

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