Chapter 5

SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE LOCALITIES

Each area or locality in a city has different type

of social structure because of the differential nature of

population living J.n there. Before analyzing social

structure, J.n this chapter, of the three areas or

localities selected for the present study, it is

necessary to have a brief look at the conceptual

understanding of the term social structure extensively

analysed in sociology :and social anthropology. For

Marx, 1 the economic system of production and

distribution or the means and relations of production

constitute the basic structure of society on which are

built all other social structures or institutions

particularly the state and the legal system. Thus,

according to him, social structure consists of economic

structure-basic structure-in its core and the political

legal and cultural structures as sub-structures or super­

structures. Contrary to this, Nadel2 emphasises that the

term social structure refers to the network of social

1

2

Marx, Karl, "Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy", (translated by T.B. Bottomore), 1965, pp.51,78.

Nadel, S.F. Theory of Social Structure, 1951, p.12.

96

relationships created among the human beings when they

interact with one another according to their social

statuses. Radcliff Brown3 also writes, "the components

of social structure are human beings, the structure

itself being an arrangement of persons in relationship

institutionally defined and regulated".

Thus, social structure is an abstract entity and

individuals form institutions which thereby become its

units. An institution, on its part, has been defined "as

that collective mode of response or behaviour which has

outlasted a generation, which prescribes a well defined

way of doing things and which binds the members of the

group together into an association by means of rituals,

symbols, procedures and offices possessed of regulatory

power or Danda". 4 These institutions are inter-related

and they create a pattern of social structure.

Notwithstanding the abstract nature of social

structure, it may be mentioned here that every community

has a social structure of its own. Such social structure

is always subjected to change by .forces which are both

3

4

./

Brown, A.R. Radcliffe. African System of Kinship and Marriage, 1967, p.82.

Majumdar, H.T., Grammar of Sociology, 1966, p.162.

97

internal and external. The social structure readjusts

itself to these forces. The specific forces functioning

in the form of processes are industrialization,

urbanization, economic development and, ~n a word,

modernization which are most si~Jnificant to the change

in social structure. Social structure also influences, to

a great extent, the institutions of family, caste,

kinship ties, marriage, neighbourhood, etc. which are the

real elements of a given social structure with specific

sub-structures of their own.

We shall discuss below the structure and changing

patterns of social relationships in the above mention€d

social institutions to substantiate the nature of socia~

structures and changes in them in the localities under

study. In the process we shall also analyse roles of some

forces including the process of urbanisation which

contribute to consolidation and changes in these social

structures.

Structure of Family

Family is the basic and universal social institution

of human society not only in rural but in urban areas '

also also. As an institution, family is regulated and

98

governed by certain values, norms, roles and role

expectations, etc. Besides, it 1s also a group in the

sense of a collectivity of members who are related with

one another through both descent or lineage and conjugal

ties. Each member in the family is expected to perform

certain prescribed role and is assigned status

accordingly.

The dominant form of family in India has remained

till recently the joint family. We have mentioned in

chapter 3 that a number of studies5 have found joint

families also in urban areas though their number is

relatively small specially in the metropolitan cities.

Even longer urban stay of such families has not changed

considerably their character of jointness, though such

families are usually found among the businessmen. Gore6

in his study of the Agarwal families of Delhi has found

75 percent of his respondents in favour of staying in a

joint family. Migration and occupational mobility

generally lead to formation of nuclear families in urban

areas but such families continue their ties with the stem

5

6

Desai, I.P. Some Aspects of Jointness in Family in Mahuva: A Sociological Study of Jointness in Small Town, 1964, See also, Kapadia, K.M., Marriage and Family in India, 1968.

Gore, M.S., Urbanisation and Family Change, 1968.

99

family. In other words, a nuclear family in urban areas

is often nuclear in its organisation but functionally it

is very much like a joint family in the sense of relation

and status or position of each members.

In his study of the 'urban poor in Delhi 1 I

Majurndar7 has concluded that the family structure is

increasingly changing towards nuclearisation. In the

present study also, the joint family sentiment has often

been seen among the respondents which is evident from the

fact that though being member of the nuclear family they

feel obliged to their kith and kins who mostly join them

at the times of festivals'· marriage, death, illness I etc.

They also extend financial help to them occasionally and

seek their help at the time of an exigency. More

specifically, we have found that most of the respondents

from both Mehrauli and Safdarjung Enclave have favoured

to stay in joint families. This may be so as their main

profession or occupation happens to be business of the

various types. In fact, 44 respondents both from Mehrauli

and Safdarjung Enclave have been living in joint

families.

7 Majumdar, T.K., "The Urban Poor and Social Change: A Study of Squatter Settlements", in Delhi in De Souza, Alfred. ( ed.) , The Indian City: Povertv. Ecology and Urban Development, 1978, p.57.

100

Table 5.1: Family structure of respondents in the

localities

Localities Family Structure

Nuclear Joint Extended Total

R.K. Pur am 80 6 86 (93%) ( 7. 0) (100)

Safdarjung 35 47 4 86 Enclave (40.8) 54.6) (4.6) (100

Mehrauli 32 52 2 86 (37.2) (60.5) (2. 3) (100)

Total 147 105 6 258 (56.1) (41. 6) ( 2. 3) (100)

Figures 1n paranthesis are percentages.

Though family structure in R.K. Pur am is

predominantly nuclear due to respondents being employed

in the government jobs, a few respondents from both

Mehrauli and Safdarjung Enclave do maintain extended

families where either some members of their stem families

or a few relatives of the spouses stay with them.

However, nuclear families have been found more in m1mber

in all the three localities. Out of the total respondents

from all the three localities, 147 were living residing

in nuclear families. In most of the cases relatives

stayed in the nearby localities who visited or were

visited quite frequently. In Mehrauli, almost all the

respondents had relatives staying in Delhi and in 52

101

cases their relative had been staying 1n the city for the

last 30 years or so.

With the increasing strain of new types of

activities in urban areas, the role-expectations from the

traditional joint family have changed fast in the recent

years. 8 Children now often tend to be more independent

on certain issues. The traditional division of labour

between husband and wife has broken down in an urban

nuclear family as the husband has to share some household

chores which were traditionally in the domain of the

wife's duty. In the urban nuclear families, the wife

enjoys an important status. She shares and is consulted

in al important family decisions. But the family still

continues to hold its strong authority and is the most

important social institution and organisation for

enforcing discipline among the members. Yet, a number of

new social institutions have emerged in the urban areas

which perform many functions traditionally played by

family. 9

8

9

Ross, Aileen. op.cit. 1961.

Goldstein, Sidney and F. Patterns of Urbanization: Studies, Vol.2, 1974, p.825.

102

SLY, David. (ed.), Comparative Country

The respondents from R.K. Puram, Safdarjung Enclave

and Mehrauli had acquaintances and friends from their

native places living in Delhi. The nature of contact was

of a very informal type and most of them were of very

much help to the r·2spondents and the vice-versa as stated

earlier.

As mentioned in Chapter 3, the help of a domestic

extra hand has become a necessity in.an urban life. This

has also added a new dimension to the structure of family

and by extension social structure in urban areas.

Table 5.2: Types of the family having the helping

hands

Type of Family Helping Hands

Yes No Total

Nuclear 108 48 156

" (69.2) (30.8) (100.0)

Joint 48 46 94 ( 51.1) ((48.9) (100.0)

Extended 4 4 8 (50) (50) (100.0)

Total 160 98 258 (62) (38) (100)

Figures ~n paranthesis are percentages.

The table 5. 2. shows that nuclear families were in

103

greater number 1n all the three localities which took

help of the domestic servants in managing their household

chores. This was because in nuclear families usually both

husband and wife were working outside. Hence, it was

difficult for the wife to work outside as well as manage

the domestic affairs. However, in the joint and extended

families specially in Mehrauli, "fbe work was shared among

the women-folk of the houses.

The hiring services of helping hand goes along with

the class or socio~economic position of the people. In

fact, hiring the service of helping hand is not only

status symbol but even necessity of middle class families

in cities. For instance, a few respondents living in

joint families 1n Safdarjung Enclave had hired the

services of helping hand. So was the case of such

respondents from R.K. Puram. Contrary to this, most of

the respondents living in nuclear families in Mehrauli

did not hire services of the helping hand as they could

afford to do so. This was also due to the absence of an

overall ethos of that in the locality.

Marriage

Marriage 1s another important institution which is

an integral part of social structure of a community or of

104

an area. Generally speaking, the age at marriage both for

the girls and boys had increased not only in a urban but

in rural areas also though in most of the places people

do not always observe the prescribed age for the purpose.

Almost all the respondents from the three localities

under study were in favour of marriage of both boys and

girls after 18 years. They were also of the view that

both boys and girls should be married after completing of

their education and getting settled in employment.

It is interesting to note here that majority of the

respondents preferred marriages of their children within

own caste and communities. They also preferred such

marriages to be arranged by parents and by relatives in

those cases here parents were not alive. Regarding

selection of mate, a few were of the view that both boys

and girls should be given freedom to choose their life

partners but of course from one's own caste and

community. This simply shows that endogamy is a

predominent form of marriage among different castes and

communities even in a city like irrespective of socio­

economic status. However, a few respondents especially

from the localities of R.K. Puram and Safdarjung Enclave

were willing even to go out of one's caste and community,

if the 'suitable life partners were not available from

105

one's own caste and community. The following table

indicates approval/disapproval of the respondents from

all the three localities about the patterns of marriage

of children.

Table 5.3: Approval of children's marriage

Marriage Patterns approval by parents

Yes No Not Mention Total

Marriage within the 186 46 26 258 caste (72.1) (17. 8) ( 10.1) (100")

Marriage by choice 160 10 88 258 (62.0) (3. 9) (34. 1) (100)

Total 346 56 114 516

Figures in paranthesis are percentages.

Majority (74) of the respondents, from R.K. Puram

approved the marriage by choice, whereas in Safdarjung

Enclave it was a 50-50 ratio with 46 of the respondents

approving on one's choice and the rest ( 40) of the

respondents strictly, emphasising it on the caste lines,

Though all respondents in Mehrauli adhered to marriage

within the caste, 46 of them were willing to approve

their children's marriage by choice.

106

Gender equality within the family

One of the factors contributing to greater degree of

urbanisation in India is the people's urge for equality

and individual freedom. It is generally held that both

social equality and individual freedom are seen more in

urban areas specially in the metropolitan cities. This is

true in both the cases of males and females. In other

words, there is greater degree of gender equality in

metropolitan cities which is easily visible in the case

of more and more girls going for education including

higher and technical and taking up employment like boys

though regional or locality-wise variations within the

city are not ruled out. Such equality ~s also

demonstrated in interpersonal relations and treatment to

both boys and girls within the family.

Keeping this n view, we have enquired into gender

equality within the family. We have found that almost al

the respondents from the three localities under study

were in favour of giving equal education to both boys and

girls. They also favoured in allowing higher education,

both technical and professional to the girls. Not only

during the financial hardships of the family but also

during the ordinary times daughters and daughter-in-laws

107

should take up employment, though most of the respondents

considered teaching job best suited for girls as it

provided sufficient times for them to manage with the job

and look after the household chores.

Like those from R.K. Pruam and Safdarjung Enclave,

the respondents even from Mehrauli were not hesitant in

expressing their views for sending their daughters or

daughter-in-laws in the armed forces. This may be so as

a significant number (16.3%) of respondents belong to the

Jat caste from this locality who happened to be in this

profession. Therefore, they did not have any objection

in sending the female members of their family to the same

profession. The gender eqvality was further demonstrated

by the fact that parents (respondents) from all the three

areas d{d not object their children in cultivating

friendship with the opposite gender. Of course, such

friendship was permitted with certain restrictions like

not allowing them to stay out late in the evening or for

going for a movie. Permitting cultivation of friendship

between children of the opposite sexes varies locality

wise due to their differential spatial structures and

degree of urbanisation which is given in the following

table:

108

Table 5.4: Permitting friendship among children of

opposite sexes in the localities

Localities . Permitting Friendship among children of opposite sexes

Yes No not Total mentioned

R.K. Pur am 76 8 2 86 (88.4) ( 9. 3) ( 2. 3) (100.0)

Safdarjung 52 34 - 86 Enclave (60.5) 39.5) (100.0)

Mehrauli 14 72 - 86 (16.3) ( 83 . 1) (100.0)

Total 142 114 2 258 (55) (44.2) ( 0. 8) (100.0)

Fl. g ures 1.n paranthes1.s are l.n percentages.

The table reveals that as compared to parents

(respondents) from R.K. Puram and Safdarjung Enclave, the

parents (respondents) from Mehrauli were far less liberal

in allowing their children to have friends with the

children of opposite sexes. This went along the

relatively traditional social structure of the locality

which is at~ributed by lower level of education and less

number of people employed in the white collar jobs. This

was attuned to their adherence to the functions of a

number of socio-cultural and religious institutions. This

was also due to the fact that the overall socio-cultural

ethos of the locality 1.s relatively conservative 1.n

comparison to that in the other two localities.

109

Caste structure in the localities

We have stated earlier in this chapter that in

general parlance caste either as an institution or as

social and cultural organisation is said to be not

playing very significant role in the urban social

structure. In fact, some scholars10 have gone to the

extent in subscribing to their views that caste is being

replaced by class (status group) in urban areas.

Others11 have however, found that both caste and class

are components of the urban social structure in India.

Not going into details of the debate at this juncture we

simply subscribe to the view that the cultural aspect of

caste namely ritual purity and prejudices no longer

operates and the class structure usually cuts across the

caste structure in urban areas. In other words I people in

urban areas do live with their caste though they

generally do not demonstrate it in public.

The occupational diversification among the different

castes and thereby socio-economics status of their

members are often mistaken as replacement of caste by

10

11

Berreman, G.D. Caste and other Inequities, 1979.

Ramu, G.N. Family and Caste 1n Urban India, 1977

110

class. 12 Kshatriyas, for instance, who once regarded

business as a degrading occupation have no hesitation 1n

taking up this occupation. They have even taken to

leather business and rikshaw pulling. ·The Nadars

epecially of urban 'Ta.mil Nadu13 have moved from the

lower rung of the ritual hierarchy to a position of

status and power during the last hundred fifty years or

so~ fhey have abandoned their traditional occupation of

todday taping and have arisen in education and wealth.

They have also differentiated in occupation.

The economic opportunities started a series of new

activities for the villagers of nearby cities taking them

away from their traditional caste occupation. For

example, the Ahirs (milkmen) of Yadavpur, a fringe

village of Delhi took to vegetable growing and gardening

in preference to the dairy farming due to hig12her demand

of the former in the market and thereby fetching more

economic gains and entering the market economy. 14 Though

their caste remained same, change was visualised at the

12

13

14

Kolenda, Pauline.Mahar. Region, Castes and Family Structre: A Comparative Study of the Indian "Joint" family in Singer, M., and Cohn's, B.S., Structure and Change in Indian Society 1970.

Hardgrave, R.L., 'Urbanisation and the Structure of Caste', in Rao, MSA, (ed.), op.cit, 1991, p.265

Rao, MSA. op.cit, 1970, p.396.

111

economic and social interactional levels. Besides, there

has been increased strengthening of caste through the

emergence of numerous caste ad communal associations for

management of educational and other cultural resources at

the caste level15 in urban areas. Even modern media of

communications are used for spreading the traditional

culture of different castes and communities in cities.

In the present study also a majority of the

respondents were of the view that a lower caste or

community person if educated, employed and wealthy was

similar to an upper caste person though his such position

or status did not obliterate caste background or the

status of his caste and community. It was also gathered

from the respondents that no one generally took note of

the caste or community background of a person who visited

their house. At the face of it, this appears to be over-

generalised due to the fact that caste often does not

transcend one's marital alliance and c>ther close

interaction in urban areas. The degree of its closeness

or openness also varies from locality to locality

depending upon the nature and type of its (locality's)

spatial structure.

15 Gadgil, D.R., Poona: A Socia Economic Survey, 1945, Poona.

112

One important aspect of caste in the localities

under study lS the formation of caste-associations.

Though such associations are completely absent in R.K.

Puram and Safdarjung Enclave where exist residents

Welfare Associations or Society, a number of caste and

community associations like Jat association, Christian

association, etc were found in Mehrauli The Indian

cities, thus, become centres of caste patriotism where

caste serves as a source or force for mobilization of its

members for its strengthening and empowerment. It also

becomes a basis forgiving preferred treatment to the

members. Besides, it contributes to retaining tradition

amidst modernisation in Indian cities as is evident from

the fact that in the month of February every year a week

long cultural programme is held at the site of Gaushala

in Mehrauli where the local folk songs and dances are

performed by the village artists fr'om the Jat caste.

Urbanisation is, therefore, not only having a modernising

impact on the growing culture in Indian cities,it also

tends to reinforce the tradition.

The rural migrants16 generally arrive to cities for

seeking employment besides achieving education in some

cases. In the case of the former they usually stay either

16 Majumdar, T.K. op.cit, pp.40-46.

113

in or near the vicinity of their friends, castemen,

relations, fellow-villagers or -those from the

neighbouring areas. We have stated earlier in Chapter 3

that most of the people living in the Christian colony,

Islam Colony and Balmiki Colony in Mehrauli are related

to one another and had come over here because of their

Kin's presence. This is similar to Matunga, a residential

locality in Bombay which has become a 'Little-Madras' in

Bombay city where the Tamilians have made a world of

their .own. 17 Similar situation exists i~-part of Karol

Bagh area which has become the major concentration of

South Indians. 18

The process of urbanisation, industrialisation and

the ,formal education have created new types of

occupations in urban areas. The employers do not consider

caste or community background of the people when they

employ them. Though the preferential policy protecting

interests of the people of weaker sections of the society

helps and encourages them to enter all types of jobs and

occupations, these jobs and occupations are confined

17

18

Mythilli, Rao, MSA p. 241.

K.L. (ed),

'Little Madras' in Bombay City in Urban Sociology in India, 1974,

Sigh, A.M. Neighbourhood and Social Networks in Urban India, 1976, p.68.

114

mostly to the government organizations and public

undertakings. However, the choice of occupation is often

limited where educational and skill level of the people

is low. The occupational pursuits of a majority of the

urban poo1- usually belonging to the lower and the /

scheduled castes represent change in the occupational

structure in urban areas. They are still found in the

lowest status occupation consisting mostly of unskilled

works like construction and manual works. According to

Holmstrom, 19 the South Indian factory workers belonging

to the lower castes are usually employed in the lower

categOry occupations in ~oona city. This has also been

found by Ramu in his study of the Kolar Gold Field. 20

The Table shows considerable differentiation in

occupational pursuits of the respondents belonging to

various castes and communities 1n all the three

localities. Majority of the respondents from the upper

castes were 1n different kinds of occupations like

Government job, business, skilled, professional, etc,

whereas the lowest number of respondents 1n these

occupations were from the lower castes who usually have

preferred the government jobs over all these years.

19

20

Holmstron, M., Industry and Inequality: A Social Anthropolgy of Indian Labour, 1984.

Ramu, G.N., op.cit.

115

Table 5.5: Castewise occupational pursuits of the

respondents

Caste Occupational pursuits

Not Busi- Skilled Unskilled Govt. Profess- Total Mentio ness Work Work Servant ional n

Not 8 2 - - 6 - 16 mentioned (50) (12. 5) (37.5) (100)

Upper 36 36 16 - 68 10 166 castes (21. 7) (21. 7) (9. 6) (41.0) (6) (100)

Middle 10 12 - - 22 2 46 castes (21.7)" (26.1) (47.9) (4.3) (100)

Lower 10 4 - 4 12 - 30 castes (33. 4) (13. 3) (13.3) (40) (100)

Total 64 54 16 4 108 12 258 (24.8) (20.9) (6.2) (1. 6) (41.9) (4. 7) (100)

Figures in paranthesis are in percentages

Neighbourhood and the localities

Neighbourhood is defined as an informal group of

persons and families having cordial relations among

themselves. Such relations \

are· based on exchange of

regular visits if some members stay away and on their

interdependence. Neighbourhood is considered to be not

only an important aspect of residential environment, it

also consists an integral part of social structure in

urban areas.

Studies on urban neighbourhood show that there are

enclaves of culturally homogeneous groups based on caste,

116

linguistic division or religion. 21 Taking two

traditional caste-oriented neighbourhoods in the city of

Ahmedabad, Doshi22 has examined continuity and change 1n

them. He has found that if a given neighbourhood responds

to change by integrating t 11e new industrial facilities to

the system of reciprocity, the mutual visits and helps

are still maintained in the traditional form.

Such system of reciprocity in terms of mutual visits

and helps is also maintained in the locality of Mehrauli

but it is mainly confined to the kith and kins and all of

them do not re:~ide in the same locality. Hence, the

notion of neighbourhood in the sense of reciprocity among

kith and kins does not exist in the locality. Instead,

the notion of urban neighbourhood in the most usual sense

. exists 1n all the three localities across caste and

communal lines wherein the residents are often guided by

selectivity in reciprocity or exchange of relations,

gifts and even eadable commodities. Though neighbourhood

in Mehrauli is generally engrossed by caste and community

considerations as stated above and, hence, reciprocity is

also guided by that. The other two localities with their

21

22

Singh, A.M., op.cit, 1978.

Doshi, H., "Traditional Neighbourhood in Modern Ahmedabad: The Pol", in Rao, MSA (ed.), A Reader in Urban Sociology, p.l79.

117

relatively complex social structure are examples of a

typical urban neighbourhood where the residents extend

their relationships including the intimate ones on the

basis of their socio-economic standings. It is also

necessary to mention here that as the residents from

these two localities are often busy in their own affairs,

the very nature of neighbourhood is simple and mechanical

which is often reinforced and strengthened by children

and the aged residents.

Going by the other characteristics of neighbourhood

such as its boundary with its openness or closeness, the

nature and frequency of interaction and relationship,

etc, we find qualitative variations among all the three

localities. For instance, the neighbourhoods in both R. K.

Puram and Safdarjung Enclave are relatively closed and

selective as stated above whereas these are, to some

extent, open though usually confined to the residents of

the same primordi~l groups in Mehrauli~We may hasten to

add that there may be a number of neighbourhoods in a

given locality. Hence, there are number of neighbourhoods

in all the three localities going by various

considerations of the residents. These neighbourhoods yet

usually occupy the physical space consisting of a number

of households living in the close vicinity, and also the

118

social interaction and relationships of the respondents

are generally confined to their such neighbourhoods in

the respective localities.

We have stated above that both social interaction

and relationships of the people in their neighbourhood

are usually guided by their socio-economic standing. It

is interesting to note here that their such standing

along with the requisite amount of social prestige is

fetched by the types of jobs in which they are employed.

It is evident from the fact that majority of the

respondents from Mehrauli were aware that not only their

socio-economic star1ding but the prestige of work in which

were they engaged was considered to be low by the people

of middle classes 1n the urban areas, though they also

emphasised that their· labour made significant

contribution to the efficient functioning of the urban

economy. However, the respondents maintained a cordial

relationship in their neighbourhood especially with their

next-door neighbours and the surrounding households

irrespective of their socio-economic standing and social

prestige as such. It 1s also true that the social

interaction and relations of majority of the respondents

from all the three localities were mostly formal rather

informal which may be seen from the following table.

119

Table 5.6: Social relationships of the respondents

in their neighbourhood

Locality/Neigh- Type of relationship bourhood

Formal Informal Total

·R.K. Pur am 66 20 86 (76.7.) (23.37) (100)

Safdarjung 86 - 86 Enclave (100.0) (100.0)

Mehrauli 30 56 86 (34.9) (65.1) (100)

Total 182 76 258· (70. 5) (29. 5) (100)

Figures in paranthesis are 1n percentages.

It is clear from the table that even less than one-

third of the respondents from all the three localities

had informal relationship their respective

neighbourhoods. This may be simply due to the fact that

the people living in urban areas do not wish to share

with others secrets of their household affairs. The

informal social relations and interaction in their

neighbourhood generally provide such avenues where

household secrets are liable to get known to the

neighbours. This in turn may tarnish the 'image' of the

family or household and 'social prestige' of the

person(s) in the eyes of the neighbours.

120

Table 5.7: frequency of interaction of respondents in their neighbourhood

Locality/ Frequency of responses Neighbour-hood

Very Some tim Rarely Not Total Often es mention

ed

R.K. Pur am 56 26 4 - 86 ( 65. 1) (30. 2) (4.7) (100)

Safdarjung 52 20 - 14 86 Enclave (60.5) (23. 3) (16.2) (100)

Mehrauli 42 34 10 - 86 (48.8) (39. 6) ( 11. 6) (100)

Total 150 80 14 14 258 (58. 1) ( 31. 1 ( (5.4) (5.4)

(100)

Figures in paranthesis are in percentages.

Though interaction and social relationship of

majority ( 69%) of the respondents from all the three

localities in their neighbourhood was very frequent, it

was all the same formal. This also shows that the people

in urban life are o=tll the time busy J..n their daily

routines and have very little time for informal social

relations and interaction in their neighbourhood. Thus,

interaction even in terms of social contacts and

relationships are secondary and yet more complex at the

same time.

121

Conclusion

In Sum, it may be said that the people of all the

three localities under study with different types of

social structures are well aware of their social position

in terms of their education, 1ncome, occupation and

social prestige. So also, the nature of urbanisation in

these localities is not homogeneous as seen in the

previous as well as present chapters. We have analysed,

in this chapter, the social structures of all the three

localities in terms of structures and functions and the

interplay of a number of socia~ institutions like family,

caste, kinship, marriage, neighbourhood, etc.

Since the structures and functions of these

institutions along with their inter-relationships have

also undergone change in urban areas due to differential

levels of educational achievement, economic opportunities

and occupational pursuits of the people, the social

structure of a locality has also changed considerably.

Such change in social structure is also contributed by

the differential forms of social relationships and

interaction patterns of the people in their neighbourhood

which still continues to be an inherent part of urban

social structure in spite of existence of a number of

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emergent social institutions intending to replace it.

This is, however, not to suggest that social structures

found ~n all the three localities are uniform. Instead,

these vary considerably in accordance with variations of

the respondents' socio-ecunomic standing based on their

socio-personal attributes, spatial structures of the

localities and the degree of urbanization found there.

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