45

Chapter – 2

ARISTOCRATIC WOMEN, SULTAN AND RULERS

Beside various examples of the women rulers of the Hindu kingdoms in India

(mentioned in previous chapter) we find the practice of women rulers among

Mongols, Turks and Persians. The idea of female sovereignty was not an innovation

for them and also it was not a novel idea in the contemporary Islamic world. In the

present chapter we gauge the various female sovereigns in the Islamic world in the

eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Interestingly enough the Khitai Turks, from whom many nobles of Delhi

Sultanate trace their genesis, were for several years in the 12th century, successively

ruled in full sovereignty by women namely the widow of deceased Gur Khan and his

daughter Koyunk Khatoon.1 Minhaj us Siraj gives information of one of the feudatory

rulers of Khwarizm (khiva) who was succeeded by his only child who was a daughter,

she after her marriage retained her sovereign power and title.2

Safia Khatoon (1242) widow of Ayubide prince, Malik-al-Zakir, son of

Salahuddin ruled the principality of Halab in Northern Mesopotamia. She ruled the

principality in full sovereignty till her death in 640/1242.3

The crown of Egypt came to a beautiful slave girl and the widow of Mameluk

Sultan Ayub named Shajarat-ul-Durr. She was unanimously accepted by the nobles as

fully fledged sovereign in 1249. After the death of Sultan Ayub she ruled with the title

of Malikat-al- Muslimin, khutba was read in her name along with the name of

Abbasid Caliph al-Mo’tasim. She also issued coins and edicts.4

An important example in the history of Persia is of the daughters of Khusrau

Pervez of the Sassanian dynasty, names were Purandukt and Arjumandukt.5 These

1 Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Oriental Books Reprint

Corporation, Delhi, 1970, Vol. II, pp. 927-28. 2 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 239; see also A.B.M. Habibullah, ‘Sultanah

Raziah’, in Indian Historical Quarterly, Dec. 1940, p. 752. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 3.

46

daughters ascended the throne during 7th century. Their rule ended by their death. One

finds the mention of Queen Saba in Holy Quran.6

The Persian political traditions were supplemented by Turks and Mongols.

According to their monarchial theory they can have a female sovereign. Their

monarchial theory had place for a daughter to succeed her father as a female

sovereign. According to this theory, divinity was believed to reside in the person of

the monarch. Since this divinity could not be transferred except through direct

descent, the possibility of a daughter succeeding her father could not be excluded.

Moreover, their racial history had taught them to respect ability and fitness of the

candidate to rule.7

Equally common are the examples of queen regnant in Islamic History.

Alauddin Mohammad of Khwarizm (1200-1220), left the charge of administration to

his mother, Turkan Khatun, the widow of Ogtai Khan, she ruled over the Mongol

empire for four years till the accession of Koyuk Khan.8 Similarly, the queens of the

great Khan of the Golden Horde (nomenclature ascribed to the tribe) held court and

received visitors. Thus by the means of various examples we can discern that women

exercised enormous power in the history of Persia, Turkey and Mongolia.

During the period of our study, since the accession of Razia we find the idea

of female sovereignty entering the politics of India. Ironically existence of female

sovereign did not last long. The state of male dominance prevailed in the Sultanate

amidst which Razia rose to the throne and the same became the cause of her downfall.

Razia ruled the Sultanate directly like a sovereign. Sultanate period also had some

prominent ladies who indulged themselves in politics directly or indirectly.

The idea of queen regnant was a novel experiment for the Muslims residing in

India. The chapter is divided in two parts; the first part of the chapter throws light on

Razia, as the first ‘lady monarch’. We shall pursue the conditions when Razia

ascended the throne, what were the difficulties in front of her after accession, her

6 M. Habib, K. A. Nizami,, A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People’s

Publishing House, Reprint 2006, Vol. V, Part one, p. 237, footnote. 13. 7 Yogeshwar Tiwari, ‘Influence of Harem on Politics in the Sultanate Period’, in Mahendra Pratap

and S. Z. H. Jafri, ed., Region in Indian History, Anamika Publishers, New Delhi, 2008, p. 131. 8 Ibid., p. 132.

47

campaigns and how her reign came to an end. In the Sultanate a woman in the royal

household enjoyed a privileged position and sometimes, she could be able to change

the course of events. How Razia managed to reach this position and by whom she was

supported is a matter of great importance. This chapter also entails the views of

different historians regarding her relations with Jamaluddin Yaqut, his trusted slave.

There were also other ladies in the Sultanate period who indulged deep in the

political affairs. Most of the times, these royal ladies involved themselves in intrigues

to promote their son. Without the study of these women personalities the study of the

Sultanate period remains insipid. The aim of the second part of this chapter is to

discuss the position held by important royal ladies and role performed by them in the

politics of the Sultanate of Delhi. This part of the chapter concerns these women of

the Sultanate period.

Sources taken into consideration for this chapter are Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of

Minhaj us Siraj, Futuh-us-Salatin of Abdul Malik Isami, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of

Ziauddin Barani, Deval Rani Khizr Khan of Amir Khusrau, Zafar-ul-Walih of Al-

Makki Mohammad Abdullah, Rehla of Ibn Battuta, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Shams

Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani of Khwaja Niamatullah,

Tarikh-i-Shahi or Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana of Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Daudi of

Abdullah Khan Daudi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya Sirhindi, Tabaqat-i-Akbari

of Nizamuddin Ahmad, Muntaqab-ut-Tawarikh of Abdul Qadir Badauni and Tarikh-i-

Ferishta of Muhammad Qasim Ferishta

The first lady monarch, Razia tactfully dealt with the conspiracy of Shah

Turkan and directly ruled the Sultanate for four years. Mention worthy are two other

royal ladies of this period. They are the daughter and the widow of Sultan Iltutmish.

Among brave women of the Sultanate period Razia is of great importance for

the medieval historian. She was the first woman empress of India who ascended the

throne when no woman appeared publicly unveiled. Thirteenth century was time

when purdah was a compulsory feature of the harem, in that situation Iltutmish was

bold enough to consider his daughter Razia as the future Sultan of the Sultanate.

Though, it was against the theory of kingship of Ghaznavides and Ghorids.9

9 R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959, p.

28.

48

Contemporary historian Minhaj observes about Razia’s accession that Sultan

Iltutmish used to notice in her signs of sovereignty and high spirit although she was a

daughter and veiled from public gaze.10

Empire of Iltutmish had expanded into a strong, eminent and powerful entity

which needed courageous and powerful successor to safeguard the empire from the

Mongol invasion. Nasiruddin Mahmud was his eldest son and could be a competent

successor but his sudden death decided the succession issue in favour of Razia. Man

proposes but God disposes was once more proved. This premature death of the prince

shook the Sultan’s ambition of having a vast empire and all his dynastic plans met no

expected results.11

Razia was the eldest daughter of Sultan Iltutmish12. Her mother was

Qutubuddin Aibek’s daughter married to Sultan Iltutmish. She was one of the most

respected and loved wife of the Sultan.13 During her childhood days she lived in

Kushk-i-Firozi (royal palace). She was very good at reciting Quran, and as Iltutmish

was concerned about the education of all his children she must have been well

educated.14

During the lifetime of Iltutmish she used to interfere in the affairs of the state.

As the result of which in 1231 A.D when Sultan left for Gwalior campaign he

entrusted Razia the task of administering the Sultanate and she efficiently carried her

responsibility.15 To nominate his successor was an important question in front of the

Sultan and after returning from Gwalior campaign, Iltutmish unhesitatingly ordered

Mushrif-i-Mumalik to write a decree in favour of his daughter Razia. Compared to his

sons he found Razia more capable to become his successor. The decision of Sultan

was supported by contemporary historian Minhaj as he finds in Razia all attributes

10 Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, Anjuman-i-Tarikh-i-

Afghanistan, Kabul, 1963 A.D, VoI. I, p. 456. 11 A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad, 1961, p. 96. 12 Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 405. 13 Ibid., pp. 457- 458. 14 M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, Oriental Books

Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, 1972, p. 193 . 15 Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 458.

49

necessary for being a ruler.16 The opposition came from the nobles who asked the

Sultan that instead of young sons why he wanted his daughter to be his heir apparent.

A question was raised by the nobility regarding the eligibility of a daughter to

be a Sultan. The Sultan did not bother about the question raised by the nobility against

his decision of appointing a daughter as heir apparent. Iltutmish justified his decision

by asserting that Razia had the capability and necessary qualities to be a Sultan. He

also at same time condemned his pleasure loving sons and stated them incapable of

managing the affairs of the country.17 Iltutmish had complete faith on his daughter

Razia, as he also says that after my death this decision of mine will be justified.18 This

decision of Sultan was supported by contemporary historian and Qazi, Minhaj-us-

Siraj as he finds in Razia all attributes necessary for being a ruler.19

Rekha Joshi is of the view that the nobles were perturbed by Iltutmish’s

decision of raising Razia to the throne not because she was a woman but because she

had inherited some of the talents of her father20. It was not that they considered it

inappropriate to take orders from a woman but they anticipated the boldness, courage,

farsightedness and bravery of Iltutmish inherited by her.

A commemorative coin was struck in silver by the orders of Sultan Iltutmish.

The coin had the name of Razia along with the name of reigning Sultan.21 It was a

daring innovation. The Turk nobles could not reconcile with the idea of a woman

ruling over them. This practice also lacked in the history of Ghaznavides and Ghorids

and was opposed to the conception of sovereignty.22

There are some reasons which are against the accession of a woman on the

throne. Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The

free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which

were necessary for the Imamat. But these above mentioned qualifications were not

16 Tabaqat, Vol. I, op. cit., p. 457. 17 Ibid., p. 458. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. 20 Rekha Joshi, Facets of Delhi Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1978, p. 17. 21 Thomas Edward, The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi,

1967, p. 107. 22 Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp. 28- 29.

50

necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the congregational prayers

were lead by the Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the

congregational prayers and also a woman cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers

was one of the most important duties of an Imam and as a Sultan a lady monarch was

incompetent for it.23 Regarding the accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not

show any disfavour. This is evident from the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer

and qazi at the time of her accession. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason

to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons

Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would

have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was

any.24

Despite certain courtiers who challenged the claim of Razia to the throne, the

Muslim jurist did not question the legality of such a proposal. The change of

sovereign was the privilege of the nobles, of ulema and of the people of Delhi. It

seems, the question of the hereditary was gaining ground but the voice of the nobles,

ulema, and inhabitants of Delhi were the three other factors which were to determine

the fate of the crown.

It was only a later theologian of 16th or 17th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq

Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the

accession of a woman as a Sultan.25

R.P Tripathi asserts that fitness to rule was the most decisive factor not only

in the eyes of Iltutmish but also of the Turkish commanders as well. Also he notices

that if the time period is considered, the selection of Razia was unique effort and

general outlook of Muslim people particularly military and religious classes made it a

daring experiment.26

After the death of Iltutmish, as the nobles could not reconcile themselves with

the idea of a woman ruling over them Shah Turkan was quick to act on the question of

23 ‘Sultanat Raziah’, op. cit., pp. 750-751. 24 Ibid., p. 755. 25 Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, p. 237, footnote n. 13. 26 Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp. 28- 29.

51

succession.27 Ruknuddin Firoz was made the king by the consent of provincial

governors and military officers who had joined the late king in his last expedition and

was present at the capital at the time of his death. No doubt, the support was gathered

by Shah Turkan, whose intrigues must have strengthened the objection of the nobles

in placing Razia. It was done on the same night of the demise of Iltutmish. In

medieval India perhaps it was the first instance of the influence of women in court

politics.

Immediately, after the death of Sultan Iltutmish, Ruknuddin Ibrahim was

crowned as Sultan with the title of Ruknuddin Firozshah. After which he immersed

himself in the pleasures of the world, forgot the responsibilities of a Sultan and

entertained musicians and jesters in the court. He opened the door of imperial treasury

(Bait-ul-Maal) and spent it lavishly. Taking advantage of these situations his mother

Shah Turkan started to interfere in the matters of the state.

She was a Turkish hand maid 28 and during the life time of Sultan she had

been treated as inferior by her co-wives which resulted in her envy and jealousy

towards them.29 At a place, Minhaj praises her for her benevolent nature towards

ulema, Sayyids and pious people. After her son was made the king she indulged

herself in the matters of state by enforcing direct control in politics 30 and decided to

take revenge with the co-wives of the deceased Sultan and their progeny.

The incompetence and sensuality of the Sultan along with cruelty and revengeful

activities of Shah Turkan excited the feeling of disgust and indignation among the

nobility. And the vicious petticoat rule soon led the disillusioned governors, along

with the wazir and other officers of the capital, marching against Delhi to undo, if

possible, their own mistake.31 Extreme anger resulted in an outrage which ran among

27 Anjali Chatterjee, ‘Role of Women in the Early Delhi Sultanate- A Case Study of Shah Turkan’,

Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 59th session, Patiala, 1998, p. 405. 28 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 454; see also Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, ed., M.

Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1931, p. 21; Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Calcutta, 1868, Vol. I, p. 69.

29 Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1875, Vol. I, p. 31. Minhaj is of the view that she has experienced envy and jealousy from some of the ladies of the harem and Nizamuddin Ahmad is of the view that she had been jealous of the other ladies of the harem.

30 Tabaqat, op. cit, Vol. I, pp. 454- 455; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 21;Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p. 67.

31 ‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., pp. 757- 58.

52

the nobility when another son of Iltutmish, Qutbuddin was blinded and put to death by

the orders of Shah Turkan. Combined atrocities of mother and son resulted in

outbreak of rebellion by Maliks in different parts of country.32

Malik Ghiyasuddin Muhammad Shah, a son of Iltutmish and younger than

Ruknuddin Firoz displayed hostilities in Awadh and took possession of treasure in

Lakhnauti which was being conveyed to the capital. He also sacked and plundered

several towns of Hindustan. Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari feudatory of Badaun,

Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz feudatory of Multan, Saifuddin Kuji feudatory of

Hansi and Malik Alauddin Jani who held the fief of Lahore united together and began

to act with hostility against Ruknuddin Firoz. It was a formidable combination of

some of the most influential and powerful maliks of the empire.33

Worried with the revolts, Sultan Ruknuddin moved an army from Delhi in

order to deal with the rebellion. The wazir of the kingdom, Nizam-ul-mulk

Mohammad Junaidi became frightened and leaving the army, he fled from Kilu-

gharhi and retired towards Koil from there joined Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari.

Afterwards, Junaidi and Salari joined the company of the rest of the rebellious nobles.

The Turkish nobles and slaves who formed the centre of the army enhanced the chaos

in the country by killing Tajik (of non-Turkish origin) officials.

Taking advantage of this disorderly condition Razia entered in an open

hostility with Shah Turkan with whom she never had cordial relations. Shah Turkan

conspired against Razia to put her to death but all her efforts went vain. Razia

skillfully exploited the general discontent against Shah Turkan’s rule and incited the

people of Delhi to capture her. The populace of Delhi was aware of the high esteem in

which the princes had been held by her father. Before Firuz could reach Delhi, the

people of Delhi supported Razia, they attacked the royal palace and took Shah Turkan

a prisoner. In the meantime, Ruknuddin reached the capital. By the time Razia had

already ascended the throne by the support of common people, army and Turk nobles.

By her orders Ruknuddin was taken prisoner, where after, he died.34 What happened

32 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 455. 33 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 235. 34 Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 457.

53

to Shah Turkan is not known 35 perhaps she also died in the prison. No wonder that

the son and the mother both met out the fate which they deserved.

The throne now belonged to Razia, the daughter of the deceased Sultan. Ibn

Battuta describes the event of the accession of Razia, he writes that on a certain

Friday Ruknuddin was out for prayer. Taking advantage of the situation Razia

pleaded to the Delhi population by mounting the old castle adjoining the great

mosque. She was dressed in the robe worn by a person against whom a wrong has

been done. She addressed the public thus My brother killed his brother and now he is

trying to kill me as well. Then she recalled the days of her father and his good actions

and beneficence to them. This action of her resulted in the seizure of Ruknuddin by

the population of Delhi. They rushed upon the Sultan who was there in the mosque,

seized him and brought him before her and she said to them, the slayer shall be slain,

so they put to death in retaliation for the murder of his brother. As their brother

Nasiruddin (third brother) was still a child the people agreed to ascend Razia on the

throne.36

Mohammad Habib and K. A. Nizami are of the opinion that, the people of

Delhi had for the first time in the history of Delhi decided a succession issue at their

own initiative. The Delhi populace was the main strength behind Razia’s success.37

Razia’s rise to the throne was due to the support of Delhi’s population. This fact is

highlighted by Isami and Ibn Battuta but contemporary historian Minhaj is silent on

this.38

Peter Jackson in his article ‘Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish’ asserts that who

played important role in Razia’s accession were Iltutmish’s slave officers, who at that

moment were identified as powerful part of royal court politics.39 Without the support

of public and nobility, accession to the throne would not be possible for Razia. In this

35 ‘Role of Women in the Politics of Early Delhi Sultanate-A case Study of Shah Turkan.’ op. cit., p.

406. 36 Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng.Tr., H.A.R.Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,

1993, Vol. III, p. 631. 37 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 237. 38 K.A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,

1982, p. 46. 39 Peter Jackson, ‘Sultan Radiyya Bint Iltutmish’, in Gavin Hambley ed., Women in Medieval Islamic

World, Hampshire Macmillan Press, Houndmills, Basingstoke, 1998, p. 185.

54

way, after the imprisonment and death of her brother she vested power in her hand by

winning the confidence of the common man at the capital and nobility at the court.

According to Isami, she treated her accession to the throne as a contract with the

people of the Sultanate who could depose her if she could not fulfill their expectations

of successfully ruling the Sultanate.40

Razia had now achieved what her father desired for her. In spite of the purdah

system which was strictly followed in the royal families Iltutmish had the courage to

nominate her and she was ascended to the throne. She ascended the throne on 18th

Rabi I, 634 A.H / 19th Nov. 1236 AD. She was a crowned sovereign with the official

name and the royal suffix, generally referred in her coins ‘Sultan Raziat al- Dunya-

wal-Din bint al-Sultan. Silver and copper coins weight 47 and 49 gms.41 Later she had

coins issued which had another title Sultan jalalat al Dunya wal- Din, and we also

find this name in non-Muslim accounts and inscriptions.42This was possibly in 1237-

1238, when Razia alone was named on the coins.43

Isami gives a partial description of her first public court. He writes that it is

interesting to notice that the throne on which she was seated “with the consent of the

notables of Hind” was separated from the courtiers and the general public by a screen-

the persons stationed nearest to it being, first the female guard and relatives and then

her own blood relations.44

Condition of the Sultanate on her accession.

Political conditions of the Sultanate were not so peaceful when she ascended

the throne. Her reign marked the beginning of a military setback to the Muslim state

and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The Chauhans not only swallowed up

the whole north eastern Rajputana, but also, with the help of Mewatis, commenced

attacks towards the end of Nasiruddin Mahmud’s reign, right into the city of Delhi

too. It was because of them that the Gwalior campaign sent by Razia proved equally

40 Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us- Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Dept.

of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, pp. 250- 51; see also A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 237.

41 Chronicles of Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p. 108. 42 See footnote n. 55 in ‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., p. 761. 43 ‘Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish’, op. cit., p. 187. 44 Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, ‘Sultanah Raziah’, p. 760.

55

abortive. There had been always the threat of Mongol invasion on the north-western

provinces of Sultanate.

Besides these problems she had to deal with factional politics. Factional

politics was the result of the creation of forties (Bandagan-i-Chihalgani) by Sultan

Iltutmish. Quoting the views of Habib and Nizami regarding the power of the Turkish

slave officers we can assume how much terrible they proved for Razia, “had

Shamsuddin Iltutmish been told that during the ten years after his death the Turkish

slaves whom he had purchased at a great cost and nurtured with sedulous care,

would put four of his descendants on the throne and then kill them like sacrificial

goats and that thirty years after his death one of his slaves would totally exterminate

all the male members of his dynasty, the great emperor would have been pained but

not surprised” and it happened so that the Turkish nobility emerged as the real threat

for the crown of Razia and ultimately proved fatal for her.

After she ascended the throne of kingdom, all the things became usual. She

followed most of the traditions of her father 45 and renewed the laws and regulation of

her father. A slave of Iltutmish whom Razia showed great favour was Ikhtiyaruddin

Altunia. He was only the sar-chatrdar (head of canopy bearers). After Iltutmish

death, Razia appointed him first as iqtadar of Baran and later on to Tabarhinda (or

Bhatinda). Another slave of Iltutmish on whom Razia showered special favour was

Ikhtiyaruddin Aitigin, he was purchased by Iltutmish. She first appointed him as

iqtadar of Badaun and afterwards given the post of Amir-i-Hajib at the court.46

The Sultanate itself was not a peaceful place to rule, her own provincial

governors showed disobedience to her and after sometime, opposition came from the

sides of the provincial governors. The opposition was inevitable to some extent

because the accession of Razia was the collective result of the army, the officers at

Delhi and the people of Delhi. This made the provincial governors humiliated and

consequently they could not reconcile with the reality of her accession. The famous

wazir of Iltutmish, Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi refused to accept her accession and other

eminent Turkish nobles such as Malik Alaudin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji, Malik

45 Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p. 197. 46 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 241.

56

Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz and Malik Mohammad Salari assembled from different

parts before the gates of Delhi and commenced hostilities against Sultan Razia.

Razia dealt with the formation of this clique tactfully. Malik Nusratuddin

Tayasi marched from his province to assist Razia. After he reached Delhi and crossed

the river, the hostile maliks who were before the city of Delhi unexpectedly advanced

to meet him and took him prisoner and due to suffering he died. This stay of the

hostile Maliks was continued for a considerable time. Razia ordered to pitch a tent on

the banks of river Jun (Yamuna) and conflict took place between the two groups of

Maliks, one group of Maliks was of those who favoured Razia and another one the

recalcitrant group who had pitched the tent before the gates of Delhi. Finally, two of

the Turk nobles Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari and Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-

Ayaz secretly came over to Sultan’s side. The plan was to summon and take Malik

Alauddin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji and Nizam-ul-mulk Mohammad Junaidi into

custody in order that the sedition might be quelled.

When the hostile Maliks came to know about the deceptive plan they left the

camp and fled. The Sultan’s horsemen followed them and Malik Saifuddin Kuji and

his brother Fakhruddin fell into their hands and were put to death. Malik Alauddin

Jani was killed at a village named Nakawan and his head was brought to the capital

and Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi fled towards the hills of Sir Mir Bardar, where he died.

After crushing the revolts of provincial governors peace was restored in the empire.

Now Razia distributed important offices among the trusted nobles, whom she found

honest towards her. The office of the wazir was given to Khwajah Muhazzabuddin,

with the title of Nizam-ul-mulk. The charge of the army was given to Malik Saifuddin

Aibek-i-Bihaq with the title of Qutluq Khan. Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz,

received the fief of Lahore and this was done by the Queen regnant to pacify the

empire.

Minhaj explains the extent of Razia’s empire by writing that ‘her empire

extended from the territory of Lakhnauti to Diwal. All the Maliks and Amirs with full

obedience and respect accepted Razia as their Sultan.’47 By her tactfully breaking the

unity of the hostile Maliks she proved her political capabilities.

47 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 459.

57

Some of her military campaigns were the evacuation of the fort of Gwalior

and Ranthambor. Her reign marked the beginning of the military set-back to the

Muslim state and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The first campaign

undertaken after crushing the rebellious nobles was of regaining the fortress of

Ranthambore in order to release it from the Hindus which had been in the control of

them since the death of Iltutmish. A concentrated attack was opened on Ranthambor

under the leadership of Bhagavata.48 Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghori marched

towards Ranthambor with a large army successfully conducted the forces to that fort,

withdrew the Musalman Amir from that fortification and returned to the capital again.

The evacuation of the fort of Ranthambor was the virtual surrender to the rising

Chauhans of Ranthambor. After withdrawal of armies from Ranthambor, the

Chauhans emerged as a powerful clan. They in alliance with the mewatis commenced

hostile acts like guerrilla warfare against the Sultanate till the end of the Mahmud’s

reign.49

Similar, was the Gwalior expedition sent against the Jajapella ruler, Chahara

Deva of Narwar.50He had a great army and was known to be the greatest of all the

Rais of Hindustan. This expedition was sent under Tamur Khan towards Gwalior and

Malwa. The position soon became indefensible and after sometime she sent another

force to withdraw the military and civil personal and escort it back to Delhi. The first

attempt became unsuccessful and a second army was sent to reinforce the garrison

and evacuate the fortress.51 Gwalior had thus to be abandoned to Chaharadeva who

therein found the securer base for aggressions against the Muslim dominions.52

About this time Razia promoted Malik-i-Kabir Ikhtiyaruddin Aitkin to the post

of Amir-i-Hajib and Malik Jamaluddin Yakut, an Abyssinian,to the post of Amir-i-

Akhur or Lord of stables.53 Regarding the promotion of Jamaluddin Yaqut, Isami is of

different view. He writes that Jamaluddin Yaqut was made Amir-i-Akhur from the

48 The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 127. 49 ‘Sultanah Raziya’, op. cit., p. 762. 50 Ibid. 51 Ibid. 52 The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 127. 53 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 460.

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time of Iltutmish and Ruknuddin Firoz.54 Suddenly, the in charge of the army Malik

Saifuddin Aibek-i-Bihaq died and the charge of the army was given to Malik

Qutubuddin Hasan Ghuri. He was appointed as naib-i-lashkar. Only once in the reign

of Razia, we hear the appointment of a naib-i-lashkar. He was made in charge or

placed over the central standing army to which the Sultan delegated her command of

the fighting forces. The office was also a temporary one, and is not heard of again

after her deposition.55 The appointment of the new office of naib-i-lashkar by Razia is

enough to explain her military capabilities.

Isami is critical of Razia, when he writes about the so-called relations of

Jamaluddin Yaqut and Razia. He writes that Yaqut used to stand by her side when she

mounted her horse. He further writes that he (Yaqut) with one hand used to hold her

arm and help her to mount her horse. Similarly, later historian Badauni is of the view

that Jamaluddin Yaqut who was the master of the stables became her confident and

trusted advisor to such a point, that Sultan Razia whenever rode horse or elephant; she

used to rest upon his arm, or shoulder. He became object of envy to the Amirs.56The

Turkish nobles became suspicious of his intensions (Yaqut’s) and political ambitions

and felt apprehensive that he may completely overpower Razia.57

The contemporary authority Minhaj gives testimony to the statement that

Sultan Razia rode an ‘elephant’. Yaqut was the Amir-i-Akhur and it was customary in

those days that Amir-i-Akhur assisted the sovereign to mount, but H. G. Raverty

observes that, what is applicable to male sovereign may not be applicable to female

sovereigns.

Thomas Edward is of the view that “it is not so that a virgin queen was

forbidden to love- she might have indulged herself in a submissive prince consort or

reveled almost unchecked in the dark recesses of the Palace Harem- but wayward

fancy pointed in a wrong direction, and led her to prefer a person employed about her

54 Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 253; see also A Comprehensive History

of India, op. cit., p. 240, footnote. n. 21. 55 The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, p. 220. 56 Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 84. 57 Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 253-54.

59

Court, an Abyssinian moreover, the favours extended to whom the Turkish nobles

resented with one accord.”58

Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi of Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi writes that Sultan Razia

raised the rank of Jamaluddin Yaqut to the post of Amir-i-Akhur but regarding the

intimacy of their relationship the historian is of the same view as the other historians

are. He writes that Yaqut became the constant companion of the Sultan and for this

reason he became the object of jealousy of the nobles and of the Amirs.59Contrary to

this view Isami holds the opinion that the appointment of Jamaluddin Yaqut was not

made by Razia but he was appointed as Amir-i-Akhur by the former Sultan whether

Iltutmish or Firoz.

The act of raising Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian, to the post of Lord of

Stables annoyed the Turkish nobility and they became acting force behind their

downfall.60

The favours given to non-Turks aroused the jealousy of Turkish Amirs and

created an outrage among the Turkish nobility which played important role in

uprooting her and proved their united power against the Sultan. Sultan Raziya

controlled them with her strict determination; she came out of seclusion (purdah) and

appeared in public. The purpose was to have a direct control of affairs. She abandoned

her female attire, wore qabah (cloak) and the kulah (hat). She rode out in public on

the back of an elephant, and acted in the same way as other former Sultans of Delhi.

Shortly afterwards, Sultan Razia ordered her forces to proceed to Gwalior.

Malik Tamar Khan-i-Qiran and Malik Tajuddin Sanjari, the feudatories of Qannuj and

Baran respectively were also directed to join the expedition. Both the maliks rendered

valuable services and were duly rewarded. On the death of Malik Nusratuddin Tayasi,

Awadh and its dependencies were made over to the charge of Malik Tamar Khan-i-

Qiran. Having established himself in Awadh, he led expeditions into the neighboring

parts of the territory as far as Tirhut, several times plundered the territory of

Bhatghura, and extracted tribute from the Rais and Ranas of that part of the country. 58 The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p. 106. 59 Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26. 60 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 460- 461; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 26; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Vol. I, p.

68

60

Malik Tajuddin Sanjari Qutluq received the territory of Saraswati as his fief for his

excellent service he rendered during the Gwalior expedition.61The author of Tabaqat-

i-Nasiri, Minhaj us Siraj, the Amir-i-dad of Gwalior, Ziauddin Junaidi and other

notable persons in obedience to the royal commands, came out of the fort on March

1238 A.D and started for Delhi. Soon after that, Qazi Minhaj was given the charge of

the Nasiriah College at the capital along with the Qaziship of Gwalior.

These are the events of her reign that clearly show the vigor of her rule and the

uncompromising determination to assert the royal authority. She also showed

relentless pursuit while chasing the rebellious governor of Multan, Malik izzuddin

Kabir Khan –i-Ayaz.

Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz was the governor of Multan at the time of

Iltutmish, the Sultan dissatisfied with his work at Multan and took back the province

of Multan and gave a place pulwal for his livelihood.62 Ruknuddin Firoz appointed

him as the iqtadar of Sunam, inorder to give him once more his lost prestige and a

place among the leading officers. Later on, when he joined Razia, she appointed him

as the officer at Lahore and all its territories. After some time, he revolted, Razia led

an army towards Lahore; he crossed the Ravi and fled to the Sodra. Razia was

determined to pursue him, since the land of Sodra was in the hands of the Mongol he

had no alternative but to submit. The iqta of Lahore was taken by him and the iqta of

Multan which was earlier with him was taken back from Ikhtiyaaruddin Qaraqash

Khan, (the present holder of the iqta of Multan) and again given to Kabir Khan-i-

Ayaz. Sultan Razia then returned to the capital on March 16, 1240 A.D.

By now started the plots and cliques against Razia which ultimately ended her

life. The effective rebellion against Razia now began. When she was away on the

Lahore campaign, the two important nobles, Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin

Altunia on whom she relied upon, planned an effective conspiracy against her. About

the same time, another powerful rebellion came from the side of Ikhtiyaruddin

Altuniah, who had the province of Tabarhindah. Ferishta writes that, he revolted on

61 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng.Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 643-644. 62 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 240.

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the plea of queen’s partiality towards the Abyssinian.63 Some Turks secretly joined

the revolt of Altuniah. Razia returned to Delhi after settling the affairs of Kabir Khan

on 3rd April 1240. She heard of Altunia’s rebellion on her arrival and started for

Tabarhinda after ten days. She along with Jamaluddin Yaqut led an army towards

Tabarhindah in the month of Ramzan (637 Hijri) for the purpose of putting Malik

Altuniah’s rebellion to an end. When they reached Tabarhinda, Jamaluddin Yaqut was

killed by rebellious Turk Amirs and Razia was sent as a prisoner to the fort of

Tabarhinda. Once again by the support of nobility, Bahram Shah, brother of Razia

was made the king and important offices were distributed among them ignoring the

claims of Malik Altunia. Aitign was appointed naib-i-mamlakat but the new Sultan

after sometime got him assassinated and Altunia had already been deceived by no

reward for his rebellion. While Razia was imprisoned Malik Altunia espoused her,

reached a matrimonial contract with her and brought her out of the captivity. Together

they marched towards Delhi for the purpose of recapturing the throne. In their quest to

regain possession of Delhi they were joined by Malik Izz-u-ddin Muhammad Salari

and Malik Qaraqash. Malik Ikhtiyar uddin Aitigin who was a loyal noble of Razia had

been already killed by the new clique of nobles and Baha-ud-din Sanqar-i-Rumi

succeeded him as Amir-i-Hajib.

In the month of September 1240, Bahram Shah led an army out of Delhi for

the purpose of resisting Razia and Altuniah. They were routed and fled when they

reached Kaithal all their soldiers deserted them and they felt captive into the hands of

Hindus and were killed. Thus, ended the brilliant reign of Razia which was of three

years, six months and six days.64

Ibn Battuta gives the following description of Razia’s death. “Razia was

defeated and compelled to fly. Pressed by hunger and fatigue, she asked a farmer for

some food. He gave her bread to eat. After eating she felt asleep. She was dressed in

the garment of a man but when the peasant looked at her as she slept he perceived

under her upper garment a tunic trimmed with gold and pearls. Seeing that she was a

woman he killed her, stripped her of valuables, drove away her horse and buried her

corpse in the field. He then carried some of her garments to the market for sale. The

63 Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 68. 64 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 648.

62

dealers suspected him and took him before the magistrate, who caused him to be

beaten. The farmer then confessed that he had killed Razia and told his guards where

he had buried her. They exhumed her body, washed it and wrapping it in a shroud

buried it again in the same place. A small shrine was erected over her grave which is

situated on the banks of the Jamuna and is still visited by pilgrims in order to obtain

blessings.65

Razia’s enthronement was an important juncture in the history of Sultanate

period. Without the support of Turkish nobility her accession would not be possible. It

indicates the freshness and boldness of Turkish mind in the thirteenth century which

then seemed to be capable of taking such a bold step and open mindedness of

contemporary jurist and ulema who confirmed the accession of a woman.66

Her downfall was the result of the support withdrawn by the nobles. Historians

ascribe different views behind the withdrawal of support by nobles. Contemporary

historian Minhaj says that after Jamaluddin Yaqut started acquiring favours from the

queen, the nobles became an envious threat to her and revolted in different parts of the

Sultanate.67

Minhaj states in praiseworthy tone that she was prudent, just, benevolent, strict

in administering justice and well-being of common people of Delhi was her priority.

She is also credited by Minhaj for extending liberal patronage to the men of letters

and piety68. As a military general she could overpower her enemy, yet, in spite of

these excellent qualities she could not succeed because she was a woman for whom it

was a difficult to deal with male chauvinism.

Like Minhaj, Amir Khusrau also refers to the good qualities possessed by

Sultan Razia when he says that she was accepted as Sultan by her well-wishers

because her brothers were incompetent. That she ruled successfully for three years

and then came out of purdah, and asserted her power, with the result that the nobles

become fearful and turned against her.69

65 The Travels of Ibn Battuta , op. cit., Vol. III, p. 632. 66 Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, op. cit., p. 29. 67 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 461. 68 Ibid., p. 457. 69 Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Cf. I. H. Siddiqui, ‘Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of

Delhi’ in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision and Venture, Delhi, 1996, p. 89.

63

Isami, a later contemporary of Amir Khusrau describes her differently.

According to Isami, the nobles became suspicious of her relations with Jamaluddin

Yaqut, the Amir-i-Akhur because he took liberty with the Sultan openly.70 I. H.

Siddiqui when compares the views of these historians regarding Razia’s character

finds the like views of Minhaj and Amir Khusrau authentic because Minhaj was the

contemporary historian and eyewitness of the events and Khusrau must have known

much about the past from his maternal grandfather, Imad-ul-Mulk, the Rawat-i-arz

(pay master general of the army) who had started his career under Sultan Iltutmish as

his slave. Thus we can discern by these views that there was no fault in her character

and she did not have such kind of relation with Jamaluddin Yaqut.71

Satish Chandra writes that there is no evidence that the queen wanted to build

a bloc of non-Turkish nobles. Nor there is any reason to believe that there was any

personal intimacy between Razia and Malik Yaqut. Even, the charge that he had to lift

Razia by her armpit to her horse is a later concoction because it is not mention by any

contemporary historian. It was apparently Razia’s firmness and desire to rule directly

which was the major cause of dissatisfaction of the Turkish nobles with her.72 She

discarded veil and adopted qabah and kulah (س ��دان�)73 as a result of it she

emerged as a courageous and brave woman ruler in front of them. In spite of excellent

qualities possessed by her she could not succeed in male as well as Turk dominated

politics. Minhaj asserts that her womanhood was a drawback against her qualities.74

K.A. Nizami is of the view that, Turkish nobles were a powerful part of politics

that time and Razia must have discovered their ambitious nature. She must have felt

them as an obstacle in the maintenance of law and order. So, she decided to create a

nobility of non-Turks as a counterpoise against the Turks.75

It is not clear whether she wanted to divide the nobility or not. If we consider

that she wanted to divide the nobility, it is clear that she lacked the farsightedness of

70 Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 253- 54. 71 ‘Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of Delhi’, op. cit., pp. 89- 90. 72 Satish Chandra, Medieval India from Sultanate to the Mughals, Haranand Publications, New

Delhi, reprint 2001, p. 49. 73 Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26. 74 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 457. 75 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, p. 243.

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dividing the nobility on racial grounds. Firstly, support extended to an Abyssinian,

secondly appearing unveiled in public aggravated the situation and Turks initiated to

plan her downfall.

Abdul Malik Isami is found writing against Razia in his work Futuh-us-Salatin.

Isami makes silly and scandalous remarks for Razia’s relationship with Jamaluddin

Yaqut. These remarks reveal an abnormal and misogynist strain in him76 and no

contemporary and later historians corroborates this view.

Minhaj says that the noble who enjoyed this post used to be a reliable person to

the king and thus was Jamaluddin Yaqut. 77 This must have ignited a feeling of

insecurity among the Turkish nobles which is not even denied by contemporary

historian Minhaj. All the later historians are of the view that the so called relation of

Razia and Jamaluddin Yaqut was baseless and place no reliance on Isami’s remarks

for this relationship and state him a bachelor and write his approach as “misogynist

approach.” K. A. Nizami is of the view that Isami’s presentation of Razia’s character

is damaging and unconfirmed by any earlier evidence.78

Razia was the ablest of the successors of Iltutmish can hardly be denied. Very

soon after her accession she found purdah an obstacle in direct and efficient

administration so she came out of it. She discovered that the ambitions of Turkish

nobles were a serious obstacle to the maintenance of law and order and set about to

create a nobility of non-Turks as a counterpoise against the Turks. The chain reaction

that followed this policy overwhelmed Razia.79

Razia gave example of her excellent wisdom when she in a clever way dealt

with the Khwaramian governor of Ghazni, Malik Hasan Qarligh. It happened so that

in 1238 A.D Hasan Qarligh was disposed of his territory by the Mongols resulting

which he faced towards the western provinces of the Sultanate of Delhi. Malik Hasan

Qarligh sent his son to meet Razia and negotiate for some sort of military help. Razia

received the prince with courtesy and honour and assigned the revenues of Baran for

76 On History and Historians of Medieval India, op. cit., p. 119. 77 Tabaqat, Vol. I, p. 460. 78 K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in Medieval India, Oxford University Press,

New Delhi, 2002, p. 388. 79 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 243.

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his expenses. She politely declined to form a coalition with the Khwarazmian

governor, against the Mongols. This was a very sound political decision in order to

save the Sultanate from a Mongol invasion. Hence she proved herself to be an able

administrator which Iltutmish anticipated when he was alive. A big achievement of

Razia was that after this incident, the western frontier along the river Chinab remained

secure against the Mongol invasion until her reign ended. It seems that the polite

refusal of Razia to the son of Hasan Qarligh pleased the Mongols and in directly it

was an effort to maintain friendly relations with the Mongols who were always a

danger to the Sultanate.80

An important event of the reign of Razia was the revolt of Carmathians (a

secret sect of Islam having faith in the theory of bloodshed of Sunnis) or heretics

under their leader Maulana Nur Turk. It is noteworthy to mention here that Muslim

religious tradition as developed by the Chisti saints avoided the contact with the

ruling power. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya regarded Maulana as an extremely pious

and saintly person. Nur Turk looked down upon contact with the ruling power. His

only source of income was a jital a day which his liberated slave used to give him.

Razia once send to him a bag full of gold coins. He did not touch it but beat the bag

with the stick and asked the people to remove it from his sight.

It happened so that heretics (Ismailis)81 under their leader Maulana Nur Turk

collectively from different part of the country such as Gujarat, Sind and the banks of

Jamuna and Ganga gathered one thousand82heretics and conspired against Islam.

Incited the people to defy the hanafi and shafi’I doctrines and called the Sunni ulema

as Nasibi (the enemies of Ali) and Murji (procrastinators). In March 1237 A.D an

armed body of heretics entered the Jama Masjid from two directions and attacked and

killed a great number of Musalmans who had gathered there to offer Friday prayer.

When confusion spread some persons from the city-Nasiruddin Aitam Balrami and

Amir Nasiri came around armed with spears, steel caps and stones at them from the

roof of the mosque. The account of Minhaj was contradicted by Shaikh Nizamuddin

80 ‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., p. 763. 81 For the explanation of Ismailis see, M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of the Early

Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p. 196. 82 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 243.

66

Auliya. He in one of the mystic gatherings said that Maulana Nur Turk was purer than

rain water.

Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The

free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which

were necessary for the Imamat. These above mentioned qualifications were not

necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the prayers were lead by the

Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the prayers and a woman

cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers was one of the most important duties of the

Imam and the Sultan which a lady monarch was incompetent for.83 Regarding the

accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not show any disfavour. This is evident from

the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer and qazi at the time of her accession, later

on he became the chief qazi by Razia. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason

to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons

Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would

have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was

any.84

It was only a later theologian of 16th or 17th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq

Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the

accession of a woman as a Sultan.85

Observing the facts of the reign of Razia and views of the historians we can

conclude that the author of Tabaqat-i-Nasiri counts upon many merits of Razia when

he says that she was a great sovereign, she was just, sagacious, beneficent, the patron

of the learned, a dispenser of justice, the cherisher of her subjects and of warlike

talents.86 But these qualities were of no use because she was not a male. Razia was the

eldest of the surviving children of Iltutmish. Although she was a female, her father,

Sultan Iltutmish issued an order according to which she was to be made next heir

apparent after his demise. The decree was unacceptable to the nobles of his court as

his sons were also present who could be the next Sultan. Like Minhaj, the

83 ‘Sultanah Raziah’, op. cit., pp. 750-751. 84 Ibid., p. 755. 85 Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, footnote. n. 13, p. 237. 86 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty., op. cit., pp. 637-38.

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contemporary historian her father must have noticed the qualities in her which are

necessary for a Sultan. The accession of Razia was a very courageous act on her part.

It was a bold step of a female because it was a male dominant society where office of

the Sultan was considered a male monopoly. Moreover, purdah which did not allow a

woman of royal family to deal with nobles and common people did not stop her to

snatch the opportunity of getting on the throne.

Amidst chaos and confusion she unhesitatingly caught the attention of the

people of Delhi. The imprisonment of Ruknuddin Firozshah and his mother was the

result of the same. The prestige of Sultan Iltutmish was maintained when his Turkish

nobles accepted the decree issued in his life and placed Razia on the throne. The

opposition came from a non-Turkish noble and his supporters. Razia was not

disturbed by this disturbing situation but crushed the insurgents with courage and

astuteness.

Considering purdah as an impediment in the administration she discarded it.

The main reason of her downfall was her idea of avoiding the concentration of powers

in the hands of a particular section of nobility (Turkish nobility). The inclusion of

non-Turkish nobles was used as one of the means to create a new force to serve her

political ends. Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian slave, received special consideration

for being a non-Turk. This attempt of Razia gathered the opposition of nobles

Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia conspired together and as a result of

their conspiracy Razia lost her life.

When Razia was fighting with the rebellious nobles she gathered an army of

Hindus such as khokhars and jat tribes of Punjab.87 She was such a courageous ruler

that the Hindus of the area did not hesitate to support her. When she marched with

Altunia, whom she espoused when in prison to regain the throne she was supported by

Hindu band of soldiers. But the attempt to regain the throne went vain and both

Altunia and Razia were killed by the Hindus near Kaithal.88

It is evident that the Delhi Sultanate was struggling with various problems

when Razia occupied the throne. Through her capabilities as a ruler and strict

87 Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 219. 88 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 648.

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perseverance she overcame almost all the difficulties. If on one hand, she was not

successful in occupying Gwalior and Ranthambor, she on the other hand saved the

empire from Mongol invasions. No doubt this was one of the praiseworthy

achievements of Razia which proved her sharp farsightedness. The only reason which

can be attributed for her failure was the idea of diluting the powers of Turkish nobles.

She tried to counter balance the power of the Turkish nobles by encouraging the

nobles of non-Turkish origin. This policy of Razia strained her relations with the

nobility. The support and cooperation of nobility was a necessary feature to run the

Sultanate. The nobles in order to keep themselves as an active force conspired to

bring to an end the regime of Razia. After the end of Razia’s reign we do not find any

woman ruler who would have directly ruled the medieval period so successfully.

The Harem Influence in the Politics

The harem or the residing place of the royal ladies had a special place in the

history. Sultans had large seraglio. It comprised of the mother of the Sultan (called

Sultan Valide by the Turks),89 his chief queen, his wives, sisters and daughters,

concubine and slave girls. Nobles also maintained large harem. The Lodi period is

famous for the harem of Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan, a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi.90

When Muslim rule was established in India, the royal ladies of the harem of the Delhi

Sultans cast an effective influence on contemporary politics. Harem, the residing

place of the Royal ladies witnessed a lot of influence in the court politics directly or

indirectly, especially during the war of succession. The history of Sultanate has many

references where the wife, the mother or the sister of the Sultan used to advice the

Sultans on political matters and had interference in the political matters. These ladies

were also bestowed with gifts, awards and titles reflective of their position and

importance. Among the royal ladies mother of the Sultan was titled Makhduma-i-

Jahan and chief Queen was titled Malika-i-Jahan.

The daughter of Iltutmish who happened to be the real sister of Sultan

Muizuddin Bahram Shah (1240-1242 AD) was first married to the son of Qazi

Nasiruddin but the marriage was dissolved afterwards. After that she was married to

89 K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 84. 90 Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng.Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi, 1993, p.

98.

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Aitigin, who had become the Naib-i-Mulk (regent) after her brother’s accession to the

throne in 1240 AD91.

Another widow of Sultan Iltutmish also married a senior noble, Qutlugh Khan

and with the support of her husband and his friends at the court she compelled Sultan

Alauddin Masud Shah (1242-1246) to release from prison the sons of Sultan

Iltutmish, Prince Naisiruddin Mahmud (her own son) and Prince Jalauddin. On the

advice of nobles, her son Nasiruddin Mahmud was entrusted with the charge of the

territorial unit of Bahraich, while Jalauddin was posted as Wali (Governnor) of

Qannauj. She is also said to have accompanied her son to Bahraich because the latter

was still a minor, aged less than fourteen years92.

Daughter of Balban is known for influencing the politics during the Ilbari rule;

Balban had married her to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1249 AD93. Balban took

advantage of this new relation and became Naib -i- Mumaliqat. People lodged several

complaints against the working of Balban but Sultan Nasir-uddin Mahmud did not

take any notice because of the influence of Balban’s daughter. Ultimately her

influence in political matters had strengthened Balban’s position and he succeeded to

the throne after the death of Nasiruddin Mahmud.

During the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji his wife had a lot of interference in court

politics and the wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji too indirectly influenced the life of

Alauddin khilji in his early life and later on also.

The mother of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq was a respectable lady at the court.

She was known for her benevolent nature. Khudavandzada sister of Mohammad Bin

Tughlaq indulged in politics and supported the cause of her son Davar Baksh against

Firoz Tughlaq. She was so willing to enthrone her son that she even planned the

murder of Firoz Tughlaq.

91 Tabaqat, op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 463; Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi

Husain, op. cit.,Vol. II, p. 345. 92 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 478- 479, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Vol. II, p.

352. 93 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 275.

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Mubarak Shah Sayyid had a daughter Bibi Raji who was married to Mahmud

Sharqi, she is well known for her love for architecture. Jaunpur has many buildings

built by her.

Lodi period had three influential ladies, first was Bibi Matto wife of Islam

Khan Lodi, Shams Khatoon the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, and an another wife

of Sultan Bahlol Lodi named Bibi Amba known for her beauty and cherished manners

Khilji Period

Khilji period witnessed the presence of the two powerful ladies in the harem.

The first was Malika-i-Jahan and another was Mahru.

Malika-i-Jahan was the wife of Jalaludddin khilji and mother-in-law of

Alauddin khilji.94 According to Barani she was a wise and ambitious lady, he calls her

naqis aqal that is deficient in judgment.95 Immediately after the death of Jalaluddin

Khilji she wasted no time in placing her son Qadr Khan on throne with the title of

Ruknuddin Ibrahim. For this she was supported by some of the nobles at the court.

The queen mother and her son left Khilugarhi and took up residence in the kaushak-i-

sabz (the green palace). She began to rule in his name, received petitions and issued

orders.96Arkali Khan, eldest son of Jalaluddin was the real heir with all the qualities

needed to be a king, but he was greatly perplexed by the actions of Malika-i-Jahan

and decided to remain at Multan.97

Sultan used to take decisions after consulting his wife. Once (as described by

Barani) Sultan wished to adopt the title of Almujahid fi Sabiullah in the khutba read in

the Friday prayers. Sultan asked his wife to instruct about this idea to the chief justice

and other nobles at the court and ask them to request in open court that he should

grant the permission of addressing him with this title, but when they really did it,

94 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh Muslim University,

Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 50. 95 Ibid.,p. 76 96 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 69-70 ;Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p.67 ;Muntakab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., p.180

;Tarikh-i- Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 101. 97 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 69-70 ;Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 67.

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Sultan confessed to them, that he himself was responsible for the suggestion and

refused to take the title.98

Malika-i-Jahan was a farsighted lady. This can be proved by narrating the

incident, when she warned Sultan Jalauddin Khilji about the intension of Alauddin

Khilji of establishing an independent principality in some remote corner of the

country.

Sultan Alauddin Khilji was dejected by the behavior of his wife and mother-in-

law. Alauddin wished to move far away from the capital and to settle there in order to

get rid of the atrocities of his mother-in-law and wife, who was the daughter of

Jalaluddin Khilji.99 Sultan Alauddin Khilji was afraid of the queen mother and his

wife, as Malika-i-Jahan had a powerful position and had complete control over her

husband. In spite of Malika-i-Jahan and his wife’s humiliating nature towards

Alauddin Khilji, he never tried to complain about this to Sultan.

Due to Jalaluddin’s power and riches he did not even attempt to speak against

the two influential ladies of the harem. Due to this he always remained unhappy. The

daughter of the king oppressed her husband.100 Malika-i-Jahan played treacherous role

in court politics. After the death of her husband, Jalaluddin Khilji, she laid aside the

claims of her eldest son Arkali Khan who was then at Multan and supported and

placed on throne her younger son Qadr Khan with the title of Ruknuddin Ibrahim.

Contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani writes that she had no patience and

never had she consulted nobles at court, nor she waited for Arkali Khan to reach Delhi

from Multan. Malika-i-Jahan ruled in the name of her younger, inexperienced son

Ruknuddin Ibrahim, she heard petitions and gave orders.101

To gain support of the nobility Malika-i-Jahan provided them with important

offices and assigned territories to them.102

98 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 23- 24. 99 Ibid.,Vol. II, p. 50. 100 Ibid.; The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 638. 101 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 69-70. 102 Ibid., p. 70.

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Once again nobility proved its power. Bowed in front of power, a section of

Jalali nobles deserted mother and son and joined new, mighty King, Alauddin Khilji.

Some of the nobles at Delhi already had become against as the result of setting aside

the claims of the elder son, Arkali khan.

At such a juncture when no nobles were at her support, Malika-i-Jahan called

her son Arkali Khan. She wrote a letter to him asking his support.

Malika-i-Jahan wrote “I was wrong in placing your younger brother on the

throne.” She requested Arkali Khan to pardon her for her foolishness. She confessed

blaming herself that “I am a woman and women do not have wisdom. But her

petitions had not any effect on Arkali Khan and he refused to come by answering that

the situation had gone beyond his control and it was not possible to check Alauddin’s

action.103

Taking the advantage of this dispute between mother and son Alauddin

marched to Delhi. After ascending the throne Alauddin ordered the killing of Jalali

nobles. Sultan Ruknuddin Ibrahim and Malika-i-Jahan fled towards Multan 104 but

were captured and brought back to Delhi.105

Sultan Alauddin Khilji was Sultan Jalaluddin Khilji’s nephew and son-in-

law.106 About Sultan Alauddin’s wife, who was Jalaluddin’s daughter Barani writes

that his wife oppressed him and he was dissatisfied with her. Due to Jalaluddin’s

riches and power, the son-in-law was reluctant to complain about his wife to his father

in law. She was arrogant towards her husband and her behavior so disgusted him that

he often said in despair: “a beggar’s son is better than the son-in-law of the king.”107

Apart from Jalaluddin’s daughter another lady in the life of Alauddin was

Mahru. She was daughter of Alauddin’s uncle and sister of Alp Khan.108 Haji Dabir in

his work Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar walih writes that Alauddin was in love with his

103 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. II, p. 76. 104 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 70; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 67. 105 Ibid., see also Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 67 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 101. 106 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. II, p. 50 ;The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p.

638 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta,Vol. I, p. 68. 107 Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 85. 108 Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alihi, Eng.Tr., M.F. Lokhandwala,

The M S University of Baroda, Baroda, 1974, Vol. II, pp. 639- 40.

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uncle’s daughter, Mahru. This relationship was the cause of the disturbed relations of

the husband and wife as he concealed this from his wife. Jalaluddin’s daughter got

hint of this relation and appointed spies to find out the reality.109 Once, Alauddin’s

wife found her husband sitting in a garden with Mahru. She suddenly appeared and

got enraged seeing them together she took her shoe to beat Mahru. Alauddin became

furious and attacked her with his sword. She escaped with few minor injuries.110

After the death of Jalaluddin, his father-in-law, he married Mahru with the title

of Malika-i-Jahan later on she became mother of prince Khizr Khan. She wanted

Khizr Khan to marry her niece, daughter of Alp Khan. But Prince Khizr Khan refused

as he was deeply involved in a love affair with a Hindu princess Deval Rani. Mother

of Khizr Khan came to know about the relationship of Khizr Khan and Deval Rani

through the ladies of the harem. The ladies advised Malika-i-Jahan to separate the two

lovers and she tried to follow the advice.111 Khizr Khan was forcefully married to the

daughter of Alp Khan by the queen mother. Malika-i-Jahan overpowered her husband

so much that he bowed in front of her will. The forcefully marrying of Prince Khizr

Khan with a girl of her choice explains her ambitious and domineering nature towards

her husband and her son.

Malika-i-Jahan made elaborate preparations and invited rajas from different

parts of Hindustan. According to Isami, Rama Deva of Devagiri was invited to this

function; the marriage took place on 4th February 1312.112

Prince Khizr Khan felt difficult to forget Deval Rani.113 He displayed no

affection towards his wife and remained sad by remembering Deval Rani. Ultimately

Khizr Khan sent an envoy to his mother. The envoy requested Malika-i-Jahan for the

well-being of her son. He narrated the whole situation to Malika-i-Jahan, she felt sad

of her doings and by the consent of Alauddin Khilji, Khizr Khan and Deval Rani were

married.114

109 Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alihi, op. cit., p. 640. 110 Ibid. 111 Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 35. 112 K. S. Lal, History of the Khiljis, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1980, p. 264. 113 Deval Rani Khizr Khan, pp. 36-37. 114 Ibid., p. 44.

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Once Mahru was the dearest wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji but as time passed

and Alauddin lived his last days of life, she became careless and arrogant Malika-i-

Jahan.

Habib and Nizami observe that Ferishta on the basis of the originals has

briefly depicted the situation.

………………As Khizr Khan and Malika-i-Jahan were devoting themselves to

interminable feasts and celebrations and did not care about his (Sultan Alauddin)

nursing and treatment, the Sultan attributed his illness to their negligence and his

heart was deeply alienated from them. Khizr Khan had his amusements, feasts,

drinking parties, polo, elephant fights. A lot of undesirable companions had collected

around him and Amir Khusrau has no hesitation in telling that the character of the

hero of his poem had greatly degenerated. His mother also spent her time in

arranging functions so dear to uneducated purdah women-marriage ceremonies,

circumcision ceremonies and the like. The one thing that never drew their attention

was Sultan Alauddin and his illness, and every day they were guilty of some act that

increased his resentment and suspicion.115

Tughlaq Period

Ibn Batuta describes the palace of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughalq’s mother.

The Sultan’s mother is called Makhduma-i-Jahan.116 He praises her as one of the most

virtuous of women, who is munificent in charity and has founded many hospices and

endowed them to supply food to all travelers. Men and women lived a peaceful life

during her life time.117 Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq never disobeyed her and

always acted on her advice.118 During the transfer of capital Sultan shifted

Makhduma-i-Jahan with other Sufi saints, amirs, nobles, ulema, along with the royal

treasury to Daulatabad.119

115 A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, pp. 422-423. 116 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 736. 117 Ibid.; see also Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Syed Ahmad Khan, Cap. William

Nasolies and Maulvi Kabiruddin Ahmad, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1862, p. 483. 118 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Calcutta, p. 506. 119 Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 99 ; Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., p. 224 ;Tarikh-i-

Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 136.

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Mohammad bin Tughlag was deeply respectful towards his mother. Once Sultan

proceeded ahead to receive her and got down from his horse and kissed her feet

publicly in view of all.120

Makhduma-i-Jahan, the wife of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq (1320-25) and

mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq was a virtuous, benevolent and charitable woman.

Barani describes these qualities and call her a pious lady (pak daman).121

Ibn Batuta gives a detailed account of his visit to the court of Makhduma-i-

Jahan. When he visited the Sultanate, Mohammad bin Tughlaq was away at that time.

He was entertained by his mother Mukhdama-i-Jahan. A sumptuous feast was

arranged in his honor. Two dinner carpets were spread on which visitors sat in two

rows, the food was served in utensils of gold. The chamberlain called Bismillah

whereupon they started eating. After Ibn Battuta and his companions took the food

they were given silken and cotton clothes. He also praises her virtuous qualities and

writes that ‘she is one of the most virtuous of the women and munificence of charity,

and has founded many hospices and endowed them to supply food to all travelers.122

Her acts of charity were a boon for several families which survived merely because of

her help.123 Thus, Malika-i-Jahan was a kind and benevolent lady who was known for

her charitable and kind nature. It was her kind disposition and timely intervention that

the marriage of Bibi Rasti, daughter of Mohammad bin Tughlaq with the grandson of

Baba Farid, Sheikh Fathullah was solemnized.124

Ibn Battuta has mentioned that the mother was visually handicapped. The

reason why she lost her eye sight given by Ibn Battuta is very interesting and hard to

believe. According to him when Mohammad Tughlaq was enthroned “she was visited

by all the princesses and daughters of the kings’ and the amirs wearing their finest

apparel. As she was sitting on a golden couch encrusted with jewels and they all made

120 Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., pp. 86- 87. 121 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Calcutta , p. 483. 122 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,Vol. III, p. 736. 123 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Calcutta, p. 483. 124 S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, pp.

130-131.

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obeisance before her, her sight went suddenly and although she has been treated in all

kinds of ways it has done no good”.125

Mohammad bin Tughlaq is known for his caring attitude towards his mother

and sisters.126 The way he arranged the marriages of his sisters and the personal

interest he took in their well- being shows his strong family sentiments. But his sense

of discipline was such that his sisters were afraid of him. Ibn Battuta has reported that

once his brother-in-law Amir Ghadda, was convicted in an offence and was

imprisoned. His sister could not send bedding to her husband because she was afraid

of the Sultan and anticipated dire consequences of such an action.127

When in the year 1341 A.D Sultan was busy in crushing the revolt of Sahu

Afghan, the governor of Multan he received the news of the demise of his mother at

Delhi. The news of her death immersed Sultan in grief.128 He immediately left Multan

to perform the burial ceremony of his mother. The Sultan generously distributed the

alms and fed the poor and organized the recitation of Quran. It was intense love and

regard for his mother that he returned to Delhi for performing the funeral rites of his

mother.129

Sultan Mohammad bin Tughalq’s death (20th March 1351 A.D) led Delhi

Sultanate into the issue of succession. The deceased Sultan’s sister Khudavandazada

intervened in the matter of succession. She put forward the claims of Davar Malik to

the throne against Firoz Tughlaq.130 This attitude of Khudavandazada infuriated the

nobility and they became against her. Malik Saifuddin Kuju an important noble was

sent to Khudavandzada. He strictly told her that her son is incapable and could not be

given the responsibilities of a ruler. In this critical hour there was need of a competent

person on the throne who could save the Sultanate from disruption. And if she desired

for peace and harmony for the Sultanate she should accept what the eminent nobles

have decided. Finally, Malik Saifuddin Kuju succeeded in pacifying

125 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Vol. III, p. 736. 126 Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 86. 127 Ibid. 128 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Calcutta, pp. 481- 482. 129 Ibid. 130 Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1891, p.45.

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Khudavandazada’s stubborn attitude and Davar Malik was assigned the office of Naib

Barbak.131

Firoz Tughlaq was coroneted as Sultan by the hands of Khudavandzada on the

day of 20th march 1327 A.D.132 Since then Firuz Tughlaq made a routine to pay

tribute by visiting his aunt, every Friday after evening prayer. During these visits,

Sultan Firoz Shah and Khudavandazda sat on the same carpet and discussed the issues

of importance.133

After sometime Khudavandazada, aunt of Firoz Tughlaq planned her

assassination. Due to jealousy, Khudavandzada along with her husband planned the

killing of Firoz Tughlaq.134 But their plan could not succeed and Firoz Tughlaq escape

unhurt. Instead of this conspiracy Sultan had a moderate attitude towards his aunt and

granted her a fixed allowance. Her scheming husband was deported while Davar

Malik was ordered to visit the Sultan every month attired in a robe and slippers. All

her property was confiscated by the state and made a part of the royal treasury.135

Shams Siraj Afif mentions about Firoz Tughlaq’s mother who was a Hindu

girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Afif narrates an interesting story behind the

marriage of this girl with Rajab (father of Firoz Tughlaq). After the marriage,

Ranamal Bhatti named his daughter as Bibi Naila and Mohammad bin Tughlaq named

her as Bibi Qadbano

Without the mention of mother of Firoz Tughlaq, the history of women of

Tughlaq period would remain incomplete. Sipah salar Rajab, father of Firuz Tughlaq

was cousin brother of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq. Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq wanted to marry

Rajab to a Hindu girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Sultan Tughlaq sent envoys to

Ranamal Bhatti to get his daughter married to Rajab. The raja refused the proposal,

resulting which the Sultan forced the raja to submit annual revenues in cash.

Ultimately, Ranamal Bhatti agreed to marry her daughter to Rajab. Ranamal Bhatti

named his daughter as Bibi Naila and Sultan named her as Bibi Qadbano.136

131 Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, op. cit., pp. 45- 46. 132 Ibid., p. 96. 133 Ibid., pp. 100- 101. 134 Ibid., p. 101. 135 Ibid., p. 104. 136 Ibid., p. 39; N. N. Law, Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, Longmans,

Green and Co, London, 1916, introduction, xxii.

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Saiyyid Dynasty

Bibi Raji was the daughter of Sultan Mubarak Shah Sayyid married to

Mahmud Sharqi, (mother of Mohammad Shah Sharqi) the crown prince of Jaunpur, in

accordance with a treaty of peace. This treaty of peace resulted in war between the

Sayyid Sultan and Ibrahim Sharqi in 1427. She is known for her numerous charitable

and beneficent public works during the life time of her husband.137

She was not only associated with numerous charitable and beneficent public

works during the life time of her husband but was the actual ruler of Jaunpur after the

death of her husband till her death in the town of Itawah. Such was her love for power

that she may be compared with Catherine di Medici of France minus her foibles, or

more properly she may be termed the Indian Irene.138

During the conflict of Bahlol Lodi with Mohammad Sharqi, brother-in-law

(Qutb Khan) and brother (Hasan Khan) of Bahlol Lodi were imprisoned by

Mohammad Shah Sharqi. Sultan Bahlol Lodi moved from Delhi and Mohammad

Sharqi from Jaunpur, they both encamped near river Sarsuti and Rabri. Mohammad

Shah Sharqi from there wrote an order to the kotawal at Jaunpur directing him to put

to death to Hasan Khan and Qutb Khan. This came to the notice of Bibi Raji and she

put her efforts in protecting the two resulting that the kotwal could not kill them. The

kotwal sent a representation to inform Mohammad Shah Sharqi that Bibi Raji

protected them in such a way that he was unable to put them to death. Thus Bibi Raji

the mother of Mohammad Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, who was the daughter of Mubarak

Shah Sayyid also interfered and influenced the politics of those days.139

Lodi Period

According to the authentic history of Lodi period there were three important

ladies in the harem who had a place in history. They were (i) Shams Khatoon, the

chief queen of Bahlol Lodi.140 (ii) Bibi Ambha141, another wife of Bahlol Lodi, a

137 S. A. Halim, ‘Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India’, Muslim University

Journal, October, 1938, Vol. V, No-2, pp. 52- 53. 138 Ibid. 139 Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 155. 140 Khwajah Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, ed., Sayyid Mohammad

Imamuddin, Dacca, 1960, Vol. I, p. 149.

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goldsmith’s daughter.142(iii)Bibi Matto, the wife of Islam Khan Lodi, famous for her

ingenuity.

In the year 1452 A.D when Sultan Mahmud Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur

besieged the fort of Delhi 143 to defeat the Lodis, Bibi Mato played an important role

in that critical situation. It was her ingenuity that outwitted Sultan Mahmud Sharqi.

She made a wise plan to deceive the enemy as Sultan Bahlol Lodi was in Sirhind.144

Sultan Bahlol Lodi was at Sirhind and the soldiers in the fort were less. She

ordered the women in the fort to dress up like men and asked them to take their

position on the rampart of the fort in order to deceive the enemy by a false show of

numbers.

Darya Khan Lodi, the Sharqi commander was won over by the Afghans (Lodis)

who suggested Mahmud Sharqi to postpone the capture of the fort till the defeat of

Bahlol Lodi. Bahlol arrived with a large force and gave battle to the Sharqi forces at

Narela, a village about 28 miles from the then Delhi. The battle resulted in defeat of

the Sharqi and the capture of sharqi commander-in-chief Fath Khan. The beaten

Sharqi army retreated to join their Sultan engage in the siege of Delhi fort. When the

report of the coming of the Sharqi army reached the fort, Bibi Mato asked the soldiers

to watch whether the sharqi army joined the Sultan or went to the camp. When it was

reported that the army went to their camp to pick up their baggage, she ordered the

beating of the drums of victory.145

Though Lodis owed their victory mainly to the treachery of Darya Khan Lodi,

yet it was the action of this heroine which infused courage into the heart of the men

defenders and prevented the early surrender of the fort before the reaching of succor

and maintained the Lodi dynasty against Sharqis.146

141 The author of Tarikh-i-Shahi names her Hema. 142 Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Shahi, ed., Mohammad Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal,

Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1939, p.17. 143 Abdullah Khan , Tarikh-i-Daudi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Dept of History, Aligarh Muslim

University, Aligarh, 1954, p.132. 144 Tarikh-i-Daudi, p.13 ; see also Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., p. 11. 145 Tarikh-i-Daudi, pp. 15-16; ‘Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India’, op. cit., p.

52. 146 Ibid.

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The exploits of Bibi Mato, the widow of Sultan Islam Shah Lodi, the governor

of Sirhind and uncle147and father-in-law of Bahlol Lodi, are worthy to rank her in the

list of brave women.148

The lady who actively participated in the politics of Lodi period was Shams

Khatoon, the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi 149 and sister of Qutb Khan.150

During Sultan Bahlol Lodi’s struggle with Mohammad Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur,

his brother-in-law, Qutb Khan was taken prisoner.151 Soon Sultan Bahlol Lodi sought

for peace treaty and after entering into terms with Sultan Mohammad Sharqi, returned

back to Delhi. On reaching Dan Kaour he received a letter from his wife, Shams

Khatoon urging him not to opt for a cease fire and not to relax until and unless her

brother was freed from the clutches of Mohammad Sharqi.152

The words provoked Sultan Bahlol Lodi, who at once retraced his steps back

towards Jaunpur to meet Sultan Mohammad Sharqi with greater force. The Sultan

also started from Jaunpur. Mohammad Shah came to Sarsuti and Sultan Bahlol Lodi

encamped at Rabri near sarsuti, and for some time they fought with each other.

Thus, it was intervention of Shams Khatoon which led Sultan Bahlol Lodi to

march once again to Jaunpur. She became the cause of re-opening the war with Sharqi

ruler, though the Sultan had earlier entered into a peace treaty to end it.

Another wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi was Bibi Amba, daughter of a Hindu

goldsmith. She was known for her charm and pleasant manners.153 Niamatullah and

Ferishta write that due to her beautiful appearance Bahlol Lodi fell in love with her.154

Her role in politics emerged after the death of Bahlol Lodi, when she fought for

the claim of her son. She opposed Isa Khan Lodi and pleaded the nobles to extend

their support in favour of her son Nizam Khan. Nobles especially Khan-i-Khanan

147 Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 149. 148 ‘Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India’, p. 49. 149 Khawaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, op. cit., p. 38. 150 Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 154. 151 Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., p.14 ; Tarikh-i-Daudi, op. cit., p. 17; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p.153. 152 Tarikh-i-Daudi, p. 17 ; Tarikh-i-Shahi, p. 14 ; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 154 153 Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani, p. 24; Tarikh-i-Shahi, p. 17. 154 Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani , p. 38 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 179.

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Farmali extended full support to her, enthroning Nizam Khan under the title of Sultan

Sikandar Lodi.

Sultan Sikandar Lodi had great reverence for Niamat Khatoon, the widow of

Qutb Khan Lodi.155 The Sultan treated her with due respect and honour. To show

reverence to Niamat Khatoon, Prince Jalal Khan (Niamat Khatoon was his his foster

mother) was assigned the jagir of Kalpi. He was provided with a huge sum of

money156, one hundred and twenty horses157, and fifteen elephants158 and was

entrusted by Sultan Sikandar Lodi to take Niamat Khatoon to Kalpi, where she was to

be given all comforts. Sultan made all these special arrangements in consideration and

sympathy for the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi.

Thus, one can conclude that there was considerable influence of royal ladies

on the politics of the Sultanate period. It varied according to their personality and the

circumstances at their disposal. The one who was closer to the Sultan yielded more

influence on him and also on the nobility. These were usually chief queen of the

Sultan or his mother. Other than Sultans mother and wife sometimes his sister was the

dominant and influential character in the court politics.

The influence varied with the connections with the reigning Sultan. The

qualities like virtue, intelligence and diplomacy played as important factors in the

designing of the strategies and intrigues against anyone whom they did not wish to

succeed to the throne. The Sultan sometimes consulted in the political issues the lady

close to him. She advised the Sultan in political matters and advice was accepted.

However the influence of nobility was considerable .

155 Tarikh-i-Daudi, op. cit., p. 62. 156 Ibid. 157 Ibid. 158 Ibid.