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CHAPTER FOUR

4.0: The Treatise: Hokumat-el Islami (Islamic Government)

4.1: Introduction, Features and Contents of the Treatise

This is the treatise by the Iranian Shi’ite Muslim cleric and revolutionary

leader named Imam Khomeini. The treatise is probably one of the most

influential documents written in modern times in support of theocratic rule,

governance and administration. The treatise argues that government should

be run in accordance with traditional Islamic Shari‘ah, and for this to happen

a leading Islamic jurist (faqih), must provide political ‘guardianship’ (wilayah)

over the people. A modified form of this theory was incorporated into the

1979 Constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran following the triumph of Iranian

Revolution, with the doctrine’s trailblazer, Imam Khomeini as the first

Waliyyu’l-Faqih or Supreme Leader of Iran. Accurate translations, essentially

from the Persian manuscripts (and or its adaptations from a second

language) of Hokumat-el-Islami exist in French, Arabic, Turkish and Urdu. The

only reliable translation in English is generally agreed to be that of Hamid

Algar,1 a British-American Professor at the Faculty of Near Eastern Studies,

University of California at Berkeley, United States of America. The current

translation is published in 1980 by Alhoda Press, London, England. The

Institute for Compilation and Publication of Imam Khomeini Works,

(International Affairs Department), Tehran- (henceforth ICPIKW), adapted

the translation and published it under the same title in 2000 with a patent

copyright of the Ahlu’l-Bayt Digital Islamic Library Project, Tehran from the

Alhoda Press2. In effect, the ICPIKW edition is used in this study.3Prior to

these developments, it suffices to mention that in the fall of 1978, the Joint

Publications and Research Service- the Translation Service Unit of the United

States Central Intelligence Service, Washington DC., commissioned an

English translation, not from the original Persian text, but from the

translation in Arabic. The resulting version which parades crude and an

unreliable rendition was consequently published in a vulgar and sensational

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format by Manor Books, a commercial publisher in New York, United States

of America.

The treatise, Hokumat-el-Islami (Islamic Government) is the compendium of

thirteen speeches of His Eminence Imam Khomeini delivered during his stay

in Najaf, Iraq from 21st January to 8th February, 1970. The speeches had been

reproduced and disseminated in various forms as lessons and instruction

materials. By autumn of 1970, the texts of the speeches were edited and

prepared for printing. Following the approval of the Imam, it was printed in

Beirut, Lebanon by friends of the Imam, then secretly sent to Iran, whilst

copies of which were simultaneously sent to the revolutionary Muslims in

Europe, United States, Pakistan and Afghanistan.

In 1977, before the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the treatise was

published in Iran entitled: A Letter from Imam Musawi Kashifu’l-Ghita’ and

Jihadu’l-Akbar as its addendum; obviously to prevent being censored by the

then government in power. The treatise was smuggled into Iran and widely

distributed. Much controversy surrounds the nature of the book; especially

its success which emanates from the persuasive power and the sagacious

political skills of its author4. Like the other works of Imam Khomeini, the

treatise, Hokumat-el-Islami, is therefore mostly interchangeably used to refer

to the theory of wilayatu’l-faqih, hence the Governance of the Jurist: Islamic

Government had been considered on top of the list of prohibited books for

publication during the Shah’s regime5. Many people were imprisoned and

tortured on the charge of publishing, possessing, or reading the book.

However, despite all pressures exerted by the SAVAK (the Shah’s notorious

secret police) and restraints imposed by the Shah’s regime, the notion to

support the establishment of an Islamic government whose legislative

principles are expounded herein by Imam Khomeini, gained a widespread

adherence amongst the revolutionary Muslim forces at the religious

seminaries, universities and other notable centres; and with the 15th

Khurdad uprising and Imam Khomeini’s movement, the idea of establishing

an Islamic government based on Governance of the Jurist was crystallized as

fundamental idea.

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The Islamic jurists (fuqaha’) have generally been involved in the issue (and or

concept) of the governance of the jurist in different subject matters in fiqh

(jurisprudence), some briefly and some in details. However, no

comprehensive and orderly discourse is found in jurisprudential books of

predecessors; the reason being the unfavourable political and social

conditions prevailing over Islamic countries in the past and the dominance of

tyrannical ruling cliques that had made it impossible to touch upon such

discourse. Regardless of the difference amongst fuqaha’ (Islamic jurists), the

extent of authority and case application of the theory, during the period of

Occultation; these have been compiled and published in some books. Aside

from Naraqi,6 Imam Khomeini was the only faqih (jurist) to deal tacitly with

the theory for the first time and proved the point. As indicated earlier, the

Imam had once discussed the question of Guardianship of the Jurist at Najaf,

Iraq in thirteen instructional sessions of which the present treatise is the

transcription and edited form of the same course instructions. He further

discussed the theory in the second volume of his five-volume book entitled,

Kitabu’l-Bay’ in the same profound style.

Generally, three major discourses emerged from the treatise, which

invariably form its content namely:

The necessity for the establishment and maintenance of Islamic

political power for Islamic goals, precepts and criteria;

The duty of the religious scholars (fuqaha’) to bring about an Islamic

state and to assume legislative, executive and judicial positions within

it; i.e. the theory of Wilayatu’l-Faqih and;

An examination and review of setting out a programme of action for

the establishment of an Islamic state, including various measures of

self-reform by the establishment.7

Expectedly, the three areas are thoroughly expounded against a backdrop of

particularly concern with Iran. In the treatise, Hokumat-el-Islami (Islamic

Government), Imam Khomeini lays great emphasis on wilayat (guardianship,

authority, governance or custodianship) as a principle, serving as the base,

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bedrock or foundation for all duties. He especially examines guardianship

from governmental and political points of view. In addition to expounding

the political and social factors causing the neglect of the most important

Islamic issue, he has methodically examined the question, and based on the

same sturdy approach exercised in fiqh; (jurisprudence) proceeded with

introductory practicable programmes for realization of Governance of the

Jurist in government.

Imam Khomeini begins by disclosing the plots and conspiracies made by the

enemies to annihilate Islam. Then he continues logically to discuss insinuated

misgivings, such as: “Islam is not a competent religion to govern the society

at the age of industrial civilization” or that “legal provisions of Islam are

inadequate to resolve the social problems, and to provide us with

appropriate answers”.8

In this regard, Imam Khomeini points out that the negative remarks

articulated by the enemies which are aimed to pave ways for the faulty

notion of separation of religion from politics have unfortunately been so

much effective; even in the seminaries, one dares not freely about the

Islamic Government. He further indicated the domestic shortcomings and

infatuations for the new civilization, all of which are the souvenirs of the

devilish propaganda of imperialism. He warned the seminarians, the young

clergy students, and the Muslim thinkers to endeavour enourmously to carry

out their political and social duties and be careful not to be deceived. Islam is

not aversed to technological and industrial progress; but social problems

require ethical and religious solution and Islam is that all-embracing religion

that can solve all problems provided the thinkers and scholars of the Islamic

world would face the challenge.

Similarly, Imam Khomeini in the treatise gives instances proving the necessity

for establishing the Islamic government as follows:

It was an action taken by the Holy Prophet (s) to establish a

government;

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The fact that divine precepts are to be enforced perpetually; they are

enacted not only for the time of the Holy Prophet (s); they are meant

for all time;

The nature and characteristics of Islamic laws and regulations like

fiscal, national defence, and legal penal precepts are such that they are

not executable without a government.9

Having given quite well-reasoned explanation on the necessity of Islamic

government, Imam Khomeini refers to the historical background of deviation

from this principle during the Umayyad era and its continuation during the

Abbasid who had adopted unIslamic rule, imitating the Persian monarchical,

the Roman imperial and the Egyptian pharaonic systems. He stresses on the

logical demand for alteration of such systems, and that it is therefore

necessary to revolt against tyrannical governments to pave way for the

establishment of Islamic government and the enforcement of Islamic

precepts, unification of Islamic ummah that have now fallen into the trap of

disunity caused by various domestic elements as well as foreigners, and

consequently, to save the oppressed and the deprived people as a religious

duty of all Muslims, especially the scholars. An integral part of the treatise,

deals with the difference between an Islamic government and other type of

governances, pointing out that Islamic government is a special kind of

constitutional government that is anchored on the Islamic laws. Imam

Khomeini believes, therefore that Islamic legislative power or law making

assemblies are bound to devise all governmental plans and programmes

within the framework of Islamic precepts; not according to regular

procedures followed by other nations. He further deals with the prerequisite

qualities of the ruler, as derived directly from the nature of Islamic

government. In addition to the regular requirements such as: intelligence and

prudence, there are two principal prerequisites for the ruler: his knowledge

about the law and his justness.

The Guardianship of the Faqih (jurist) during the Ghaybah (Occultation) is the

next to be thrashed. Following the earlier discourse, Imam Khomeini asserts:

“Now we live at the Occultation period. On the one hand, Islamic

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precepts are to be enforced, (and no one is designated by God Almighty

to fulfil this task), and on the other hand, what should we do then?” He

examines the subject matter and come to the conclusion that: God

Almighty has given the quality which is required for rulership to a great

number of religious scholars from the very outset of Islam to the

advent of the Imam of the Age. This quality is the knowledge about law

and justice. A great number of our contemporary scholastic (fuqaha’)

possess this quality and they should join hands. They will be able to

establish a just government in the world.”

He then points out that governance of the jurist is an extrinsic and rational

issue, and the fully competent faqih is entrusted with al l the authorities;

that the Prophet and the infallible Imams were entitled too, for governance;

and that this wilayat (guardianship) cannot be realized except through

entitlement and that it implies in itself no dignity and status, but only a

means of carrying out one’s duty and enforcing religious precepts.

The exalted aims of government, and characteristics required for the ruler

are then referred to. Relying on traditions, Imam Khomeini deduces that

Guardianship of the Jurist implies entitlement to government as well as

argumentation that constitutes the greater part of the treatise.

The concluding part of the treatise deals with the necessity for a long-range

planning to achieve this divine objective. Here, the Imam points out the

importance of propagation and instructions, whilst saying:

“Meeting must be directed to serve these two important tasks.

Struggles must be stirred as ‘Ashura to create waves of crowds insisting

on the establishment of Islamic government, and prepared for a long-

term struggle whilst not bearing in mind an immediate achievement”

The necessity for proper attention to instructions and propagations, moral

and cultural reformation of seminaries, annihilation of the moral and cultural

effects of imperialism, correction of the pseudo-saints, purging the

seminaries of the court ulama’, and finally, taking effective measures to

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overthrow the oppressive and tyrannical governments, are amongst the

concluding discourses of the treatise.10

4.2: Content Summary of the Treatise

4.2.1: The Necessity for Islamic Government

Imam Khomeini makes case for executive power and administrative

institution to support the divine ordinances of Shari’ah, thus he argued that

the Holy Prophet(s) headed the Executive and Administrative structures of

the government. He was therefore an embodiment of Executor through his

Sunnah and righteous path respectively. By extension, both the divine law

and reasoning glaringly demonstrate the necessity and the need for Islamic

government. By these points, no one can claims that it is no longer necessary

to defend the frontiers and the territorial integrity of the Islamic homeland;

that taxes such as the Jizyah, Kharaj, Khums, and Zakat 11 should no longer be

collected; that the penal code of Islam, with its provisions for the payment of

blood money and the exacting of requital, should be suspended. He equally

maintains that anyone who claims that the formation of an Islamic

government is not necessary implicitly, denies the necessity for the

implementation of the Shari‘ah (Islamic law), the universality and

comprehensiveness of that law, and the eternal validity of the Islamic faith

itself.

4.2.2: The Form of Islamic Government

The Imam resolves that the fundamental difference between Islamic

government and constitutional monarchies and republics is that whereas the

representatives of the people or the monarch in such regimes engage in

legislation. Rather in Islam the legislative power and competence to establish

laws that exclusively belongs to God Almighty. To him, the Sacred Legislator

of Islam is the sole legislative power. No one has the right to legislate and no

law may be executed except the law of the Divine Legislator. It is for this

reason that in an Islamic government, a simple planning body takes the place

of the legislative assembly that is one of the three branches of government.

8

Furthermore, he claims that Islamic government is a government of the

(Shar’iah) divine law. It is not a monarchy; neither an imperial one, but its

absence could be likened to an unguarded territorial integrity. In effect, the

fuqaha’ (jurists/scholars) are inexpediently needed to hold guardianship

authority.

4.2.3: Programme for the Establishment of an Islamic Government

The apparatus laid down by Imam Khomeini in this respect includes;

propagation, instruction, and promulgation. These are the sine qua none in

establishing and sustaining an Islamic government. For example, scholars and

jurists are expected to spread message to the course of Islam, and also cause

the people to immerse import of its mission and vision; instruct them about

it, and convince them all of its validity and vitality. More to this is to generate

a wave of intellectual awakening, to emerge as a current throughout the

society, and gradually to take shape as an organized Islamic movement made

up of the awakened, committed, and religious zealous masses that will rise

up and establish an Islamic government. He contends that there is need to

dispel and discard scepticism and doubts about our faith and creed that have

been created and misrepresented. The howzeh (seminaries) are much

expected to contribute to propagation and proselytization, these according

to Imam Khomeini are some of the ingredients to be used to herald and plan

for institutionalizing the structuring for an Islamic government.

4.3: Critical Appraisal of the Treatise

The treatise, Islamic Government, or otherwise known as Wilayatu’l-Faqih:

Hokumat-el-Islami is an exact translation of the original Persian manuscripts

generated from a series of public lectures given by Imam Khomeini at Najaf,

Iraq whilst in exile over there. The lectures were recorded and transcribed by

a seminary student, and then published in book form. In this regard, readers

should bear in mind that the treatise does not purport either a complete

scheme of Islamic political philosophy and or a detailed conceptual plan for

the establishment and functioning of an Islamic state. Its purpose therefore,

is rather narrower and thus, more specific and geared to the audience to

whom the lectures were delivered; seminary students of religious sciences,

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who are been anticipated to assume positions of influence in Muslim

societies.12

The process by which a judgement is passed about a situation after thinking

carefully or to calculate the value of something is succinctly referred to as an

assessment.13 By the term theory as interplayed in the scheme of this work-

An assessment of the Theory of Wilayatu’l-Faqih in the Light of Imam

Khomeini’s Hokumat-el-Islami, semantically implies a set of organised

concepts which are related to each other and whose aim is to define, explain

and elucidate a particular fact.14 Critical appraisal does not portend being

critical by literal definition of being negative or destructive; looking for

faults, or pointing them out, is traditionally and certainly one of the features

of critical appraisal. Prior to this particular feature which may or may not,

appear in the process of being critical of the ability to distinguish, discern,

and separate things or loosely, to be precise and to the point, and to take an

encounter for what it is worth. If we intend to follow the path of truth, we

have to use our mind and sift, separate, discern, distinguish, the objects of

experience as well as the whole range of attitudes, opinions and meanings,

and thus judge by reason, as truth and reason demand. Since we are able to

distinguish the one from the other, and, as a result of this ability, to connect

things variably in accordance with their components, it is not only possible to

analyze the world and to form judgements about it, but, as we are actively

involved in shaping ourselves and the environment, it is also necessary to

assess what we are doing and to analyze and judge judgements as well as

deeds, thoughts, and attitudes. In the process of discernment and connection

we can be mistaken, and if we focus on our deeds, thoughts and attitudes,

we discover that things are often brought together that had better stay

apart, for the sake of truth and well-being, and that others are kept apart

that should better be brought together. But whatever the result, there can be

no doubt that discernment is at the root of all cultural developments (socio-

political culture inclusive), and that the ability to be critical is essential to

their improvement and the realization of humanity.15

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Indeed, if we think of the ability of being critical, we have to add that the

ability turns into a principle that, in whatever form it becomes operative, is

both an implication of cultural reality and a means to modify and to

transform this reality. To the extent that this principle has been applied, it

has found its expression in forms of knowledge and self-awareness as well as

in the various ways of being human and the different orders that structure

human life. But as we are free to apply this principle, it inevitably confirms

and compulsorily shares in the dynamics of cultural reality, and solemnly

points to the specific responsibility we have with regard to the pursuit of

meaning, truth and fact. In speaking about the critical potential of theocratic

theory, one thinks primarily of the usefulness of such conceptual thought(s)

with regard to a critical assessment of religious principles, values and

mores.16

The benefit of a socio-political theory lies in its explaining and explicating the

social realm. Although the real efficacy of a theory ordinarily lies in its

analytical and explanatory role, it at times is used for evaluation and judging;

this latter use is especially prevalent in political studies. In this regard,

political theories therefore contain advice, evaluation of method and

recommendations.17 However, in the contemporary political philosophy a

number of theories about governance and administration have been

theorized and or propounded, the analysis of which would require a separate

academic effort. An important question which is raised here is: Do we have in

Islamic political thought, or narrowly, at least in Shi’ite political thought, a

single theory about governance, or are there numerous theories in this area

of academic endeavour? In other words, does a Shi’ite fiqh (jurisprudential

thought) offer a single theory on governance or have numerous theories

been propounded on the basis of recognised fiqh (jurisprudential) criteria? A

study of Shi’ite jurists’ views clearly show that the 20th century and perhaps

beyond appears to be a period of stability, maturity and excellence of the

Shi’ite political thoughts. For instance, numerous theories of governance

were put forward, discussed and critically analysed in the howzeh-e-ilmiyyah

(Shi’ite Seminaries). Be that as it may, we have presented in this work only

those theories that have been developed by some acknowledged faqih

11

(jurist) and that are based upon recognised and prevailing fiqh

(jurisprudential) criteria and to which attention has been paid in the

Seminaries in the form of analysis and criticism. The presence of numerous

theories indicates that no theory of governance is considered a necessary

part of Shi’ite jurisprudence in the sense that its rejection entails

punishment; further there is no consensus of opinion of all the fuqaha’

(jurists). The comparison of these theories with one another will bring to

light their academic value and relevance to solve the riddles of ideal

governance as it affects many nations in our contemporary settings. Such

studies, analysis, evaluations and criticisms of theories of governance are the

most important step in the growth and development of modern political

thought. Whilst comparing the theories of government and governance in

the Shi’ite jurisprudence with the theories of government and governance of

the Ahlu’s-Sunnah, the Christians as well as those propounded in political

thought and philosophy of the West is a very germane and necessary

exercise.18

4.4: Applicability of the Treatise to the Nigerian Setting

Perhaps the story of Nigeria’s sojourn into nationhood is generally believed

to be jagged and oblique. It has always been punctuated with tales of its

failure to live by the founding fathers’ desires to accord it the status of a

giant. Since the past five decades, the impression is that Nigeria has been

trudging along in hopelessness well accentuated by the crippling effects of

unveiled corruption. Bookmakers agree that corruption is ferociously

gnawing at every facet of the Nigerian life. The menace of insurgences of the

so-called Boko Haram with its attendant spate of acts of suicide bombings

and bombers; ostensibly linked with Islamic fundamentalism, the now rested

restiveness in the Niger Delta arising from the revolts of the Ogoni people,

the crass level of acts of oil bunkering and other economic and financial

sabotages, the frail and fragile security mechanisms and porous border posts,

the overstressed social amenities; roads maintenance, jobs security and

creation, educational sustainability, healthcare delivery, religious unrest, the

scourge of Islamic banking beclouded in religious frenzy, amongst others. It is

only of late that a glimmer of hope is appearing in the horizon at the heels of

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democratization process; coming strongly with the transformation agenda of

the government, though with ongoing bureaucratic challenges, specifically in

the spheres of security problems, economic instability and socio-political

mediocrity.19

The issue of intermingling of religion and politics has long been a discourse of

continual controversy amongst the proponents and opponents of the theory

under study.20 Therefore the application of the theory of Wilayatu’l-Faqih

might not be totally absorbed in a secular setting like Nigeria. Meanwhile, it

suffices to state that there are common grounds that could sustain its

applicability, albeit in a highly limited situation(s) as the case may be. The

Nigerian ummah enjoys a seemingly strategic relevance as one of the largest

concentrations of Muslim demography in the sub-Saharan African. Such

numerical strength is expected to be a source harbinger for the Muslim

populace. Contrarily however, the reverse has been the case with a long

catalogue of woes, insinuations, depressions and above all fundamentalist

tendencies. Perhaps the entry of Islam into Nigeria from the North Africa

during the reign of Umm Julme, through the Berbers, Mohammad Ibn Mani

was instrumental to this between 11thand 12th centuries is crucial and

instructive here, wherein there are entrenched Islamic values across the

Kanem-Borno and by the 14th century Islam has gradually penetrated and

subsequently reached virtually all the Hausa-Fulani states that has hitherto

been Islamized especially through the Sokoto Jihad crusade of Shehu Uthman

Fudi (1808-1817). It is the progeny of the Shehu who are today recognised as

the Amiru’l-Mu’minin (the Head of the Muslim Faithful). The office holder is

only permitted to wield religious verdicts only, but not recognised in major

decision-making process of the state.21

Trying to appreciate the nature of Nigeria, as it is the case with all other

socio-political formations, is a continuing task. The linkages between the

emergence, evolution and history of the country and its peoples, their culture

and the achievements, contradictions, challenges and failures of the

moment, require continuing interrogation with a view to attaining a higher

level of truth. As long as a wide gap continues to exist between the

13

aspirations of the people and the reality of their existence in a secular, but

religiously hostile and suspicious entity, the more unsaved they are.22 The

rifest area that both the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Federal Republic of

Nigeria could be compared is the realm of political economy. The

complexities and or interrelatedness of politics and governance of both

nations, though glaringly differs makes an interesting comparison venture.

Both belongs to an age-long cultural heritage and both were (and or still)

thrive in heathen religious beliefs; Zoroastrianism with the Iranians and

various African Traditional beliefs with Nigerians like any other Africans.23

In essence, the relevance of the theory of Wilayatu’l-Faqih, at least into the

Nigerian setting, therefore demands ventilation of various spiritual leaders

and their patrons to head or partake in major decision makings in national

governance and administration, but which were not to be till date because of

the multi-religious background of the Nigerian society. The effect will be an

accommodation of a myriad religious sage due to heterogeneous nature of

Nigeria, compared to a rather homogeneous Iranian setting, albeit a few

disparage of socio-religious allegiance. Furthermore, the query is often posed

whether Islam is compatible with democracy. It is striking to note that those

who say it is not are such a heterogeneous group, they hardly share anything

else. Just as groups of Muslim intelligentsia at the turn of the century were so

fascinated by the West that they called for the adoption of the good as well

as the bad in Western experience, thus the present time witnesses such

disillusionment with the moral decline and the political injustices of the West

that may reject, by way of reaction, all that is Western, including theocracy

and or democracy.24

The importance of religious leaders in governance is underscored by the fact

that successive governments in Nigeria have always recognized their worth

and potentials in mobilizing and moulding the opinion of their followers. The

Nigeria constitution of 1999 emphasized the point that Nigeria is a secular

society, but in reality, the country is a multi-religious society.25

14

Notes and References

1. I. Khomeini. H. Algar (Trans.) Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist. 2nd Ed.

Tehran: ICPIKW. International Affairs Department, 2005, pp. xix-xx. He delivers a lecture

on the 30th Anniversary of the founding of the Islamic Republic of Iran titled: The Impact of

the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Its Impact on the West. See also:

http://en.wikipeadia.org/wiki/Hamid_Algar;http://nes.berkeley.edu/Web_Hamid

Algar.html. Accessed on 20th July, 2011.

2. Alhoda Press is a subsidiary of International Islamic Thought Foundation- a cultural

outfit founded in 1983 based in Tehran with branches in many parts of Europe. The Press

has a world-class bookshop located in London and has published series of works on

Islamic Thoughts amongst others.

3. Edition used in preparing this dissertation is the ICPIKW version, 2nd edition published in

Tehran. See: supra, reference no. 1.

4. B. Moin, Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2000, p. 10.

5. See: ibid., pp. 12 - 14.

6. M. Kadivar, “Theories of Government in Shi’i Fiqh”. M. Husayn (Trans.) Hikmat: A

Quarterly Journal of Islamic Research. 1 (3), winter, 1996 /1416, pp. 306 - 21. Cf. M. A. Al-

Qasimi, Nadhratun ‘abiratun ‘ala ’li qada’i wa’l-qudat fi’l- lslam, Al-Ba‘ath –el-Islami (47),

Rajab, 1423 / October, 2002, pp. 32-43; See also: R.D. Marcotte, “Religion and Freedom:

Typology of an Iranian Discussion”. ARSR: The Journal of the Australian Association for the

Study of Religions. 18 (1), May, 2005, pp. 49 - 67.

7. H. Algar, op.cit., p. ix.

8. See: ibid. p. iv.

9. ibidem., p. iii.

10. These paragraphs are the gists of the contents of the treatise based on the three main

discourse thrashed therein, viz: Necessity for Islamic Government, Form of Islamic

Government and Programme for the Establishment of an Islamic Government respectively.

11. These levies are well discussed in A.Y. Al-Farra’, al-Ahkamu’s-Sultaniyyah (A Treatise

on Weights, Measures and Price Control). M.H. Al-Faqi (Ed.) 2nd Edition, Beirut: DKI, 2006,

pp. 153 ff.

15

12. The target audience for the lecture which later grew and developed into the treatise

titled- Hokumat-el-Islami are the upcoming Islamic clerics and their patrons.

13. See details of the meanings and other analyses in: D. Summers (Ed.) Longman

Dictionary of Contemporary English: The Living Dictionary. 4th Ed. London: Pearson

Education Ltd., 2005, pp.75, 318 and 1719 respectively.

14. M. Kadivar, op.cit., pp. 308-9.

15. See: ibid., p.310.

16. W. Dupre, “The Critical Potential of the Concept of Implicit Religion”. Implicit Religion:

Journal of the Centre for the Study of Implicit Religion and Contemporary Spirituality. 6

(1), April, 2003, pp. 6-7.

17. M. Kadivar, op.cit., p.308.

18. M. Kadivar, ibid., p.309.

19. See: M. B. Aliyu, Leadership and Governance: Emerging Issues for Genuine

Transformation of Nigeria. Convocation Lecture, delivered at Fountain University, Osogbo.

Minna: Speech Writing Unit & Research and Documentation Unit, Governor’s Office, Niger

State, 2011, pp.10-15.

20. A.A. Nasiri, “A New Version of the Arguments for the Intermingling of Religion and

Politics from Imam Khomeini’s Viewpoint”. Islamic Government: The Quarterly Journal of

the Research Centre for the Islamic Political Thought. 15 (4), Winter, 2011, pp.175-208.

21. See details in: S.O. Ajani and N. Rassouli, “The Challenges facing Islam and Muslims in

Contemporary Nigeria Society”. REFA: National Journal of Contemporary Issues in

Religious, Arts & Social Sciences. 6 (1), June, 2007, pp. 74-82.

22. Discourses on the politics and political economy of Nigeria compared with other

nations, especially the 2nd and 3rd world countries are well documented in the following

materials: T. Babawale, Nigeria in the Crises of Governance and Development: The

Political Economy of Development, Governance and Globalization.(1). Lagos: Concepts

Publications Ltd., 2007, 177pp; P.A. Egom, NEPAD and the Common Good. Lagos: Global

Market Forum, 2004, 201pp.

23. T. Babawale, op.cit., p. ix.

24. See: ibid., p. xi for details. See also: H. Hathout, Reading the Muslim Mind. Illinois:

American Trust Publications, 2002, pp. 54-5.

25. See details on the roles, relevance and functions of religious leaders and traditional

rulers in a multi-religious setting such as Nigeria in the following sources: M.A. Bidmos, “A

16

Muslim Leader for a Multi-Religious State? A Case Study of Nigeria”. The Muslim World

League Journal, 21 (9), Ramadan, 1414/ March, 1994, pp.39-44; D. O. Laguda, “Roles of

Traditional Rulers and Religious Rulers in Conflict Management in Nigerian Communities”.

Al-Hadrah: LASU Journal of Arabic & Islamic Studies, (5), June, 2002, pp.37-50.