CHAPTER III
A PROFILE OF SLUM LIFE OF GWALIOR CITY:
The study starts with the establishment of a broader
profile of life pattern of slum dwellers of Gwalior city.
In order to achieve the objectives and follow design of
the study this chapter deals with the historical,
physical, socio-cultural, socio-economic and political
aspects of the slum way of life in the context of health
dimensions.
1. A HISTORICAL PROFILE OF MURIYA PAHAR AND KAMPOO SLUM:
Muriya Pahar:
According to the key respondent, Mr. Prabhakar
Sharma, 45 years of age, the Muriya Pahar area was
entirely jungle(forest). Only one Mandir(temple)- namely
"Nehrwali Mata Ki Mandir" was there on the top of the
Pahar {hill) . The Mandir was constructed by the then
Maharaja(king) of the state, Gwalior about 10-11 decades
ago. There was a big deep well within the Mandir complex.
92
It was dug out during the construction of the Mandir.
Early in 1950, it was found that there were about 5-7
families residing in this Pahari Jungle around the Mandir
and that old well. The well water, on the top of the
small hill was the main attraction of the local
inhabitants. The old residents of this "Pahari
kshet ra" (hi 11 area) were known as "Pahari Jat" (caste) or
'Pardi' ethnic group and descend group of "Bundelkhandia",
"Gaur", "Dungar Pari a" and "Mugia". By occupation they
were traditionally involved in collection of herbal
medicinal plants and used to prepare some kind of
"Jaributia" as herbal medicine for curing different types
of diseases. They used to go to market with these
~edicine and sell by face to face contact with customers.
Thus, they had to travel different places for certain
period of time.
Key respondent, Mr. Sanjoy Srivastava, S.B.I
Employee, stated the historical importance of the area
that there was a "Sakhia Vilas" (recreational rest house)
of the Maharaja on the east boundary of the "Pahari
Kshetra"(hilly area). More than 100 years ago, there was a
deep canal like river connecting from "Rajmahal" {palace)
to the "Sakhia Vilas". It was dug by the then Maharaja
Madhav Rao Sindhia in 1857. The purpose Has for rest and
93
recreation of Maharaja. During those days Maharaja used to
enjoy boating into the canal and hunting at the nearby
Jungles staying at Sakhia Vilas. Now a skeleton of that
old Vilas and hunting spot are still existing near by
cancer hospital of this area as the empirical evidences of
history.
Mr. Khuman Kholi, 76 years of age, narrated th2
historical determinants. As stated by him, there were few
"Zaminders"(land lords) who had separately owned over the
past decades. They were namely Udasi Babu, Ramchandra
Patel, Bhagle and Ghosi and others. Actually the "Pahari
kshet ra" was a plot of waste land of Maharaja, but the
adjuscent areas which is slightly plain area by nature and
cultivable land were under thP possession of the above
mentioned Land Lords (Zamindars). According to Mr. K.S.
Kushwah, another key respondent who has been staying in
this locality since 1964, the lower portion of "Pahari
Kshetra" i.e. about one hector of plain cultivable land
was under the ownership of Mr. Ramchandra Patel. But other
parts of the land of same type, a stated by Mr. Prabhakar
Sharma, were owned by Mr. Durga Prasad, who was a big milk
businessman as well as the Zamindar of the area, and Mr.
Ratan Singh and Mr. Naine Singh, both belonged to Bhagle
community.
94
It was pointed out that, though Forest Department
started aforestation activities but the plain land area
was sold out or leased out to the brick making(brick kiln)
industry. After the exploitation of land for brick the
areas were again sold out to the D A B School authority.
Finally, D A B school authority also could not establish
t~ir school complex because of leveling the pits which
was a costly affairs for them. Later on, some kind of
plantation works were initiated by the forest department.
This area was actually under the control of Revenue
Department. There was mutual contact between Forest and
Revenue Departments of the government for the legal
actions of the area.
In the 1950s the plain area of this Pahari Kshetra
came under Nazul, -Tahshildar used to collect revenue of
the area.
Respondent Mr. Khuman Kohli stated that the rural
people started migrating to this area basically for
economic reasons. It was a kind of inter-district
migration. There were about 100 people who migrated to
this locality from Rewa district of the State. Due to
poverty they had to leave their rural area and started
struggling for existence in the urban settings staying in
the Pahari Kshetra.
95
About 50-60 Jatav families had gradually settled
down in this locality over a period of time. There was a
caste conflict between the Jatav people and Rajput(Thakur)
in the Parasani area which is about 8 kms. away on the
east from this Pahari Kshetra. The conflict was on the
issue of 140 Bigha land that was captured by the Thakurs.
Poor Jatav communities field a court case for justice but
the Thakurs were so powerful and finally forced the Jatavs
to leave the land area.
is still awaited.
The final verdict of the court
Beside these people, there were few households
owned by Koli and Ghosi by caste in the Pahari Kshetra.
They migrated from the rural area. Koli people had weaving
occupation ~nd Ghosi people had their cattle rearing
occupation. At present, Kalis have shifted from their
traditional occupation to the Bidi making activities and
Ghosis shifted to milk business in the locality.
There was a small human settlement in the area
where the Kamala Bai T.B. Hospital is existing at present.
The local inhabitants were forced to displace and started
settling down at Muriya Pahari Kshetra. About 100 families
shifted to the Pahari Kshetra from the hospital area.
Among these migrated families about 20-25 were Koli and
rest of them were Kushwah by ethnicity.
96
At the same time, Mr. Ajit Yogi had become the
Member of Parliament(Rajya Sabha) from the Congress Party
for this constituency. By the intervention of the
political action this Pahari Kshet:ra had been notified as
"Pust:ani Jaiga"/or Zamin, as stated by Mr. Dixit:.
Knowing the facts of the locality the relatives of
the residents and other people started coming to the
locality for settlement:. Some people had purchased plots
from the "Jot:e Zamin"(land revenue) and most: of the people
started encroaching or capturing plots of land which were
under the revenue and forest department. Thus, the
population concentration and their settlement started
increasing at: the Pahari Kshetra.
Kampoo:
According to Mr. Babu Lal, there were few local
inhabitants in this basti. During 1936-37 it was called
as "Berah" (waste land for animal) . Later on the name of
this locality had been changed from 'Berah' to Sekhandar
Kampoo. The local inhabitants were basically poor people.
Majority of them were Jat:av ethnic groups whose
traditional occupation was to look after horses of the
Maharaja(King). The concentration of the ~oor Jat:av people
97
carne up into the existence because there was a big fort of
"Suraksha Bahini" (Security force) of the Maharaja close
by.
As believed by Mr. Gopal Singh, 57 years old,
four caste groups used to stay in this locality. They were
about 20 Jatav families, 7 Muslim families, 5 Brahmin
families, and about 4 Rajput families. Again, as statedly
Babu Lal, there were 3 Aggarwal families who migrated
from Rajasthan and the Muslims migrated from Pakistan. He
also pointed out that among the poor, there were one
Kalahar family, 5 Kasai families, one Lohar family, 5-6
Dhobi families.
From the occupational points of view, the Muslims
were in the security forr ·s as "Dewan", (clerk),
"Dafadar" (assistant) and "Subedar" (supervisor). Brahmins
were in "Puja archana" (worship) and Jatavs were in the
security forces as "safaiwala"(cleaner) and care taker of
horses and "tangawala". After the security forces of the
Maharajas were disbounded these people became jobless, and
settled down at this locality as poorer sect ion of the
society.
As believed by the local people, Mr. Sikandar Shah
was staying at "Ernlinaka" which was a big residential
98
complex constructed by the then Maharaja and adjuscent to
this locality. His residential complex was surrounded by
security forces of the Maharaja. Sikandar was a Christian
by religion. But by profession he was a contractor. During
those days, he had a good relationship with Maharaja
Madhav Rao Sindhia, father of Juvaj i Rao Sindhia. During
the period of Maharani Lakshmi Bai he could manage his
good reputation which later on spread all over the Gwalior
State. Some time, he used to advise Maharaja in different
fields of administration. He did not have any Zamindari or
any other possession of land area except his residential
complex. Calculating the impact of the world war II
Sikandar Shah sold out his residential complex to Mr. Rao
Sa tpal Singh Sekharwar, and left the plac1 for ever.
However, at that time, Mr. Jagannath Prasad,
father of Mr. Babulal was a Zamindar of five villages
such as (i) Ajaypura, (ii) Maheshpura, (iii) Naya Gaon,
(iv) Ghati Gaon. Maha Raja Jeevaji Rao Sir.dhia provided
him one pistol and one gun for his personal security
purpose. There are two arms still lying with his son
Babu Lal who has been staying in this basti.
After independence, during 1947 to 1950 when the
"Rajtantra" (Princely States) was on che verge to be
abolished and merged with Union Government of India, the
99
Zamindari system also started declining. All the Suraksha
Bahini controlled by the Raja and Maharaja were merged
with the Indian Army. Considering the utility and
speciality, some of them who were not merged terminated.
In this processes, the Jatav people who used to look after
horses of the Maharaja's forces were affected. There was
nothing like pension benefits or other kind of
rehabilitation action programme/scheme for these deprived
group of people. They were in turn, forced to struggle for
existence settling down in this locality.
But the Zamindars or rich people, just after
loosing their Zamindari system initiated some kind of
business. For example, Mr. Jagannath Prasad, after his
Zamindari declined, started money lending business with
the local residents. Since then, he has been continued
this money lending business in the locality. Apart from
this, the family has now, Bidi making activities as side
business.
According to Mr. Omprakash Pathak, working as a
Reader in DSP office, Gwalior, the area was fully meant
for armed forces. Since the local people used to call
the fort as Kampoo, the name of the area commonly known
as 'Kampoo'. Now people say that "we are inhabitants of
Kampoo area" .
100
There was another historical dimension for the
local people in the Kampoo area. It was commonly said that
the area was mostly inhabited by the Jatav community
members. During their past habitances, once they had some
ethnic identity problems. It was also said that once the
local Jatav people came to know about the aggression of
Jatav Vir, Putli Bai who was the social reformer. Actually
Putli Bai had a strong belief against "modernisation of
the tradition". As stated by the local people,e, Putli Bai
came to know that the people of the Kampoo locality
started changing their traditional ethnicity i.e., their
name and surname etc. She wanted to challenge them not to
do so.
However, presuming her attack over this
concentration of the Jatav community the residents
specially the Jatav (Harizan) people had left the houses
keeping out their valuable goods and materials with the
local rich people. The fear of attack was that. Those who
would not follow her ideology, would be killed and their
existence would be destroyed on the spot.
In fact, after this social upheaval, the displaced
Jatav people came back to their residences and wanted to
get back these goods and materials that were left with the
rich people. But the rich refused to return those things
101
back to the poor Jatav people. This was another starting
point of victimisation of the poor Harizan people in the
Kampoo area.
2 . PHYSICAL STRUCTURE OF THE SLUMS:
2.1. General Layout of the Slums:
From the physical existence of the slums point of
view it was observed that Muriya Pahar slum area is
situated in a distance of about 3-4 kms. on the south west
from the Gwalior Railway station and at a distance of
about 5 to 6 kms. on the south-east from central city
area. The location of the basti is surrounded by the
Jhansi Road(-High Way) on the east, Gwalior Medical
College boundary on the west, and Kamala Bai T.B. Hospital
on the south. Muriya Pahari Kshetra is fallen under ward
No. 33 in the Zone No.14 enlisted by the Municipal
Corporation, Gwalior.
Similarly Kampoo basti area is situated in a
distance of about 2 to 3 kms. on the south at the
periphery from the Central City -Bara area. This basti is
basically surrounded by the 14-Police Battalion Barack on
the east just other side of the road, Ajay pura and
Virpura village areas on the south, Dokalpura village area
102
on the west and Seth Ki Goth and Kalimandir area on the
north. Kampoo basti comes under ward No.46 and Area Zone
No.ll enlisted in the administrative reports of Gwalior
Municipal Corporation.
2.2. Mohallas and Lanes of the Slums:
In order to understand existing settlement pattern
of the slums, it was observed that Muriya Pahar slum is
comprised of six "Mohallas" or galis. These Mohallas are
inter-connected with each other approaching by six lanes
of different types. The mohallas are locally called as
galis. It serves both purposes -gal is as the
identification of mohallas and lanes as the kachha road
communication. However gali No. I is located :>n the south
west boundary of the basti and its lane starts from the
middle of the west boundary of the basti. It ends at the
east boundary taking turn of the entire southern boundary
of the basti. It was the first lane constructed at the
beginning of the basti. Though it is till now kachha,
the heavy vehicles can easily pass it through. The slum
dwellers built their houses both side of the lane. Gali
No.2 is parallelly established at the inner side from the
gali No.I. The lane situation of this gali is quite narrow
and kachha. There is no capacity to approach any vehicle
103
on the way. Gali No.3 is centrally located and equally
old. But its lane condition is much better than other. It
has been made with stone plates which is locally called as
Farash Vichaya. It starts from west gate and ends at
east boundary of the basti. The main purpose of this lane
was to approach the old temple, on the top of the hill.
It is a quite broader lane~ any type of vehicle can easily
approach. Gali No.4 is constructed at northern part of
the basti from the central point of gali No.3. The lane of
this gali is quite zigzag, on the slopping from the hill
top and splited into different subways narrowing down
towards the gali No.5.
Wherea; Gali No.5 itself starts from the west
gate of the basti and ends at the east boundary taking
turn to the entire northern boundary of the basti. Half
of the lane of this gali is quite broad and easily usable
with any vehicle. The other half is very narrow and
Kachha. Gali No.;6 starts from the end point of the gali
No.5, on the east and its extended towards Jhansi road.
The lane condition of this gali is seen as pathway. There
is no formation of proper lane so far, because the gali
is linked up with unauthorised settlement which has come
up very recently.
104
But the Kampoo basti area is not a Pahari Kshetra
like Muriya Pahar. It is a plain area settlement beside
the pol ice 1 ine road. Kampoo bast i comprises broadly
three mohallas, though it has some sub-mohallas also.
However, they are connected each other by lanes. Almost
all lanes are very narrow. Any heavy vehicle can not
approach to. Entire Kampoo basti is looked like a long
settlement from north to south. Some residential
settlements are extended from the main lane towards west
of the basti Sub-mohallas or sub-lanes are seen
independent. In fact, on the north, there are three sub
lanes which joined at Kali Mandir road originated from the
main central Kampoo area. This area is called Mus 1 im
mohalla. The condition of the lanes is narrow and Kachha.
The extensions from central Kampoo main lane towards the
west and open field area are known as Jatav mohalla. But
the short and·narrow lanes are mudy and with some stone
bricks laid down long before. Similarly, the entire main
lane from north to south boundary of the bast is
constructed with big flat stone bricks, long time back.
There is no scope for vehicles to on the lane and sub-
lane of the basti. The Central basti area starts from the
end point of the north basti area and straightly goes to
105
the south basti area. Basically central and south basti
area settlement are the same from north to south, only it
is divided into two parts. The entire Kampoo basti is
concentrated at the opposite side of the police line road.
2.3. Housing Pattern:
Most of the houses (i.e. , more than 3/4) of the
slums are pacca construction. The number of kachha houses
are very few. In between, there are also some mixed type
house-buildings in the locality. Pacca houses are
basically constructed as concrete with cement. These
houses are mostly constructed with flat stone plates roof
concrete with cement plaster, brick walls and puccca
floor. Kachha houses are two categories (i) flat stone for
both roofs and walls without any cement, and (ii) mud
walls with stone roof and mud walls with plastic roofs.
Mixed house buildings are basically constructed by -- ( i)
either cemented brick walls, floors and tin roof and stone
roof without cement (ii) Or mud floor with cemented walls
and roof.
In fact, in the region of Gwalior, the flat stone
pieces are quite cheaply and easily available in
comparison with other house materials. The flat stone
106
plates are also being marketed in other parts of state
from this region. That is why people use this material
for their house construction.
Apart from this, most of the buildings are having
more than one room. The average size of the rooms is about
10'/12' (feet). At least proper ventilation is there in the
front side of the room. It is also observed thc?t most of
the houses are having two rooms, usually one at the front
side and another as the inner part of the house. Most of
people do not have separate kitchen room. They do cooking
either in the extension part of the room if constructed so
or in the same room where they live. Some people have, of
course, separate small kitchen room. Some people do
their cooking outside the room and keep their utensils,
and other materials in the living room itself. Present
house ownership and types of houses are given in the
following table:
107
Table No.3: Type of House and its Ownership
Muriya Pahar Categories
N (200) %
Types of houses
- Pace a 150 75 -- Kachha 40· 20 - Mixed . 10 5
Ownership of houses
Own house 169 84.5 Rented.house 31 15.5
Kampoo
N(lOO) %
76 76 19 19
5 5
93 93 7 7
Total Percentage Number of the TN
TN(300) %
226 75.3
59 19.6
15 5
262 87.3 38 12.6
According to the table No.3, it is clear that both
the slums comprised of 75.3 per cent pacca houses, 19.6
per cent kachha horises and only 5 per cent mi~ed houses.
There was no difference between both the slum situation
specially in the context of the types of houses and its
construction.
But regarding the ownership of house in the
Kampoo area, the residents could have a higher number of
house ownership i.e., 93 per cent compared to the Muriya
Pahar slum. Whereas, the overall house ownership on their
own was 87.3 per cent for the both slum. Only 12 . 6 per
cent were tenant in the slum J..,ocation. It also shows
108
that number of tenants(15.5%) in Muriya Pahar were just
double from the tenants(?%) residing at Kampoo area.
2.4. Water facilities:
During 1979-80 Nagar Nigam(Municipal Corporation,
Gwalior) constructed one big water tank at the top of the
hill near to the old well which was the central place of
the Pahari Kshetra. One .pump set had also been installed.
After repairing the old well, the water tank became
functional. In the initial stage when this water
facility made available, only nine(9) tap connections were
provided to the local people.
·rn 1981, commensurate with the demands of the
people and basic requirements of water, Gwalior Nagar
Nigam provided three ( 3) bore wells at three different
parts of the Pahari Kshetra. They . were installed
separately at, Mata Ki Mandir area (hill top) i.e. gali
No.3, Brick Bhatti Plain Land area i.e., gali No.5 and
Ghassiganj area i.e. south east corner of gali No.1 and 2.
After making these water sources available, the water
crisis of the basti had almost been solved. Actually the
local people had tough time to get their residential water
pipe connection from Public Health Engineering(PHE)
Department. AJ-1 bore wells were connected with pipe
109
lines. Somehow the local residents managed to get water
connection at home after bribing to the PHE personnel. Now
almost all residents are having water taps at home.
Whereas at the Kampoo basti area, 4 (four) deep
tube-wells were made available by the Nagar Nigam for
reducing water problems. There was also one very old bore-
-well in· the basti _area. However, ~he deep tube-wells with
pump sets were provi-ded in different times at different
locations. First one was located at Kali Mandir mohalla in
1980, the second one at Patiawala Mohalla in 1990, the ~-------- --~-- ---·-~·~·--~~ -·
third and · fourth were located at Muslim Mohalla and
Gaddawala Jatav Mohalla in 1992. Apart from these water '--- ~ -~==--...,_ ~
sources, there was ano~her big tube well proviped in 1973
at Police Park just across the road which does not come
under the basti area but people collect· water from that
o'ne also. Basically this t_ube. well was meant only for 13
police battalion.
Here in the ·Kampoo locality, most of the residents
were also having water pipe connection at home. Those who
did not have tap facility at home, used to collect water
directly from the tube well. Beside, there were about
ten (10) wells installed by the local residents
themselves.
110
So far the water sources and its facilities are
concerned it is noted that the Muriya Pahari basti is
slightly better than the Kampoo area, though the sources
of water was bore-well. Water management was better in
the Muriya Pahar. Whereas, having deep tube-well sources
of water, the management and distribution system of water
was quite poor in the Kampoo.basti. It was because most
of the t~me pump sets used to go out of order and more
over the people of the weaker section in the loca.lity
could not afford water tap connection at home due to
economic reason. However, the following table gives a
picture in this regard.
Table No. 4:
Sources of Drinking Water and its Possession:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories No.of of TN
N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)
Sources of drinking water - Tap water 196 98 96 96 292 97 - Well water 4 2 2 2 6 2 - Hand pump water 2 2. 2 0.6
Possession of water sources - Own 187 93.5 82 82 269 89.6 - Common 13 6.5 18 18 31 10.3
l.l.l.
Table No. 4 shows that all most all the slum
residents i.e., 97 per cent were having tap water as the
source of drinking water. There were few residents i.e. 2
per cent who used to have their drinking water from well
and·only 0.6% used to have drinking water from hand pump.
Regarding possession of water sources, it is
noted that about 89.6% of the ·resident did have their own
tap water connection and other type of water facilities.
The ~umber of common sources of water was slightly higher
in Kampoo area i.e.! 18% compared to Muriya Pahari i.e.,
6.5%. Bore-well water supply was being done at P~hari
basti while the deep tube- well water supply were given to
the Kampoo area.
Indeed,
were confined
some. problems regarding the water sources
among the weaker section of the slum
residents .. It was observed in the Muriya Pahar that about
12 family ~ouseholds belonging to the harijan community·
did not have any proper sources of dr:i.nk:ing . water. They
used to collect drinking water from other's owned sources.
Ravi, who belonged to the harij an community stated that
they individually used to pay Rs. 20/- per month to Mrs.
Bhargava for the drinking water. They were forced to
wait for tap water until the water requirement of Bhargava
112
•
family was fulfilled. In fact, such water problems
sometimes used to make their life more vulnerable.
During the summer, water supply pressure used to
decline in tap connections. As a result the residents
compelled to face water shortage. This water scarcity was
not much problem for the people who have better economic
condition. Theq could manage water using motor or pump
set. But, the poorer section were the victims of such
problems because, they were not having big container for
water storage. On the other hand most of the poor people
possessed single tap connection . During the scarcity of
. water they were forced to go public tap and used to wait
in the queue to fill up their container. Earlier male
members were not found in the queue for such situation.
But now-a-days they are also collecting water when such
water crisis occurs.
· These problems were there at Muriya Pahar. Mainly
the women had to get down from the hill top for water
collection. For water they had to leave their children
at home, some times without supervision. Sometime, they
had to take their little children along with them walking
for water collection. These people did not have
alternative sources of water, wh~le the better off
sectiqns could easily manage.water problems in the basti.
113
But in the Kampoo area; water problem is less
compared to Muriya Pahar. Apart from Municipal water
supply, the residents c·ould get water supply from the
local deep tube-well pump houses. Naturally during the
crisis period, they used to
local and municipal sources.
manage water from both
Of course, houses with no
tap connection were the victims of such situation.
2. 5. Economic Classes and Sources of Drinking Water:·
Whatever the conditions in getting safe drinking
water, slum ·dwellers deliberated that they are gett·ing
water requirements from three sources --tap water, deep
tube-well water and hand pump water.
Table No. 5 shows·. that 97 .14% o:t; well of slum
dwellers had tap water facility, 97.52% of not so poor
people had tap water, and. 97.05% of poor .. people also had
tpe same tap water facility· at the slum situation. There
were nothing much variation between both the slums in this
regard. From these findings it could be stated that the
slum residents irrespective of their economic levels used
to have less water problem except poor.harijan people.
114
Table No.5:
Drinking Water Sources and Economic Classes: ·
Murlya Pahar 'Kampoo Both the slums Total
................................ --............ -.............. ·············-············-············-············· ·············-············-············-············· Number
Categories Well of! Not so Poor Very Well of! Not so Poor Very Well of! Not so .Poor Very (TN)
poor poor poor poor poor poor
(49) (81) (~4) (6) (21) (40). (38) (1) (70) (121) (102) (7) (300)
·····················-··········~·-···············-············-············-·-·················<········-············-····:·····••.-:·-:-···········-············-············-············-·-·············
Tap Water 47 80 63 6 21 38 36 1 68 118 99 7 292
95.91 98.76 98.43 100 100 95 94.73 100 97.14 97.52 97.05 100
Deep Tubewell 2 1 2 2 2 6
4.09 1.24 1.57 2.5 '2.63 2.85 1.65 1.96
Hand Pump 2
114 a
Percentage
of TN(%)
.....................
97.33
2
0.67
2.6. Electricity Facilities:
In.1968, ·the electrification started in the Muriya
Pahar basti area in order to facilate pump set installed
at the top of the hill. At that time only five
electrical posts were provided up to the 'Neherwali Mata
Ka Mandir' Only five households applied for the
1clectrical connection in the residences. Subsequently they
were given the same. Later on, according t_o the gradual
growth and expansion of the settlement and the demands of
the people, electrical connect~ons were given to the
residents of tMe basti. At present, almost all residents
are now hav·ing electricity facilities in their houses,
though they had to bribe· the personnel of electricity
department for ensuring electricity connection.
On the other hand, Kampoo area did not face that
much problems of electricity because there were
electricity connection in the Police battalion since its
inception. According to a key respondent, whoever had
applied for electricity connection at the residence
depositing requisite amount· into the electricity Board
office, they got their electricity connection within two
months. He also pointed out, that at present. about 80% of
the residents were having electricity facilities. Only
those people ~ho cannot afford the expenditure, are not
115
having electricity facility. The following table gives
its clarity in two slum areas:
Table No. 6:
Electricity Facilities:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories No.of of TN
N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)
Electricit::l Facilities Yes 191 95.5 80 80 271 90.3 No 9 4.5 20 20 29 9.6
Table No. 6 shows that 9'0. 3 % of the total
residents were having electricity facilities in the slum
areas. Among them, 95.5% were in Muriya Pahari Basti while
there were 80% in Kampoo area. Though the elec~rification
started late, Muriy? Pahar had taken more advantages than
Kampoo slum. It was also noted that because of economic
reasons of the residents, the utilization pattern of
electricity facilities available was slightly lower in
Kampoo than Muriya Pahar slum.
116
2.7. Latrine facilities:
Toilet facility is one of the basic amenities in r
the slum. Earlier there were no latrine facilities in the
Pahari Kshetra. People used to go for defecation into
jungle/forest nearby. At that time, there were some
problems occurred specially with the women who went to the
jungle for defecation. In this copnect{on few rape cases
took place in the jungles. This problem was even brought
to notice of polic~ and administration. To fulfill the
demands of the Muriya Pahar basti, Nagar Nigam, Gwalior,
took initiative for installation of public latrine in the
basti area. In ·1984- 85, two public latrine of six seater
facilities were provided at the central i.e. , top of
Pahari Kshetra: This two latrine were always in.working
condition. However, in 1988-89 another 8 (eight) seater
.Public latrine was installed at the brick klin area i.e.,
near to gali No.5. Due to little distance and water
problems, this latrine was not always functional.
In fact, by· the time, the residents of the
·locality had already constructed their individual bore-
hole latrine at their houses. Beside, there were some
scavenging l·atrines installed on their own. Because,
borehole latrine was quite costly about Rs.1000/- to
117
1200/- during ·that time. Later on, people started
constructing pacca sanitary latrines and even pacca bore
hole latrines. Municipal corporation had also launched a
programme for latrine construction providing loan and
subsidy facility to the interested beneficiaries.
In the case of Kampoo area, there were latrine
facilities earlier. People used to go for defecation at
the open air field. Of course, the b~ck side of the basti
was a vast open field of agricultural land. However, in
1985 there was one 8 seater public latrine installed by
Nagar Nigam (M. C., Gwalior) at Harijan Mohalla. At
present, it is not functional because lack of water
facilities available for the cleaning purpose. In fact, at
the individ~al level, the residents had constructed their
sanitary latrine, pacca bore-hole latrine. There were also
scavenging latrines installed by the individuals. Only
few beneficiaries had taken financial assistance from
Nagar Nigam for constructing sanitary latrine at home.
Actually Municipal Corporation loan facilities were given
only to those people who had bribed something to the
officers of M.C, Gwalior. Otherwise, poor people were not
given any loan or subsidy facilities to construct a
sanitary latrine. That is why people from poorer section
were forced to go for defecation in the open air. The
118
nature of latrj.ne facilities and its possession at the
slum levels are shown in the following table:
Table No. 7:
Types of Latrine and its Possession:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage
Categories Number of TN
N(200) % N (100) % TN(300) (%)
Types of Latrine
Facilities
Pacca Sanitary 31 15.5 20 20 51 17
Pacca Borehole ~9 44.5 41 41 130 43.3
Mixed Scavenging 30 15 8 8 38 12.6
Open Field 50 25 31 31 81. 27
Possession of
Latrines:
-Own only for family 122 61 55 55 177 59
~coMmon shared with
other family members 78 39 45 45 123 41
Table No. 7 clearly shows that there were three
types of latrine facilities available in the slum areas
apart from the open air field. About 17% of residents were
having sanitary pacca latrine. 43.3% of the residents had
pacca bore hole latrines. And 12.6% were having mixed type
119
scavenging latrine facilities. In addition, about 27%
household used to go for defecation in the open field.
Compared to· the sanitary latrines available in Muriya
Pahar basti, there were slightly more sanitary latrines in
Kampoo basti. At the same time scavenging latrines were
also less in number at Kampoo locality compared to the
Muriya Paharr Kshetra.
However, it could be no~ed here that the total .
ownership of latrine in Muriya Pahar was slightly
higher ( 61%) than that (55%) of Kampoo basti. · But among
the common latrine users, Muriya Pahar was havix:g 39%
which is less number compared to Kampoo basti (45%) .
From this observation it could be noted that the
slum areas. still have probl-ems of latrine facilities. More
than 40% of the residents are· forced to -share common
latr-ine. It may be due to cGnsumption and non-
implementation of sanitary programme of Nagar Nigam. Due
to widespread poverty in slums the people would not afford
to possess a latrine in their houses.
2.8. Sanitation:
Sanitation is directly affecting the life
condition of the slum dwell-ers. It has been observed that
120
there was no specific place in both the slums where the
residents could dump the garbage. In such circumstances
people were forced to use the unwanted open space as their
-dumping grounds. There were so many packets of such dumps
in both the slums. There was no practices to destroy the
garbages accumulated in the dumps. It used to get
destroyed in the nat1,.1ral process and by the consumption
of the stay animals. Now-a-days some waste materials from
the dumps were being collected by rag-pickers. Since there
was no systematic way out to accumulate waste garbages and
its disposal, some times the dumps emit fowl smell and
spread some ·of the communicable diseases among the slum
communities.
Anyhow, at the Kampoo locality the youth
organisation used to do some kind of social services
includiqg·cleaning up the garbages and drainage once in a
~lue moon. But such things were not even existed in Muriya
Pahar basti. ·Both the basti residents, some time, were
compelled to putt in several requests or pay some money to
the safaikarmachari of M.C. Gwalior to clean up the waste
dirty things when it used to be actually intolerable
condition at the. locality. Althoug~, the Municipal workers
used to visit Kampoo area once in two or three months just
only to clean the main road, not basti area.
121
Besides, in both the slums it was observed that
the lanes and road were not clean at all. One had to be
very careful to step forward particularly on the zigzag
narrow path ways because of defecation spread here and
there. Of course, some of the lanes and roads within the
slums were clean· enough. But those dirty parts of the
lanes give quite a fot of bad impression on the sanitation
side of the slum situation. In fact, it was found that
particularly the segments in which mostly the under
privileged castes like p~or h~rijan, Jatav(so called lower
caste people) were concentrated were specially exposed
with bad san~tation. Their children used to defecate here
and there on the open space, specially on the lane and
near to drainage. Such situation was mostly extended by
stray animals, ·dogs, and pigs towards more vulnerable and
prone to diseases. However, in such a situation including
public latrine and open air space, the residents had to
stay on the queue because they did not have any . other
alternative for defecation. In the case of open field and
jungle, specially the women had to face problems like rape
and molesta·t ion.
122
2.9. Economic Classes and Latrine Facilities:
Since the economic condition and purchasing power
of the people determine their status and mode of living
situation, having proper latrine facility for the family
members has direct impact on tQeir health status.
Therefore, different economic groups had different levels
of their health status.
According to table No. 8, it has been observed
that the well off sections of the slum dwellers 77.14% had
borehole or safetic tank latrine, 9. 99% had sanitary
lat~ine, 2.85% had scavenging and 9.99% also had to go for
open air or space for defeca.tion. Similarly, among the
section of not so poor 18.18% had sanitary, 49.58%
borehole, 12.39% scavenging and 19.83% had to go open
space for defecation·. Amon:g the poor section of the slum
dwellers it was quite interesting that 21.56% had sanitary
latrine facilities, 15.68% borehole, 17.64% scavenging and
49.09% had to go open space for defecation. Besides, among
the very poor section, 42.85% had scavenging latrine
facilities and 57.15% had to go open air/space for
defecation.
123
Latrine Facilities and Economic Classes:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Both the slums Total Percentage
················-···········--············-············· ·············-············-············-············· ................ ___________________ .. _____ ,. _________ .. ____
Number of TN(%)
Categories Well off Not so Poor Very Well off Not so Poor Very Well off Not so Poor Very (TN)
poor poor poor poor poor poor
(49) '(81) (64) (6) (21) (40) (38) (1) (70) (121) (102) (7) (300) ......................... ________________ ... ____________ ................................................... --............................... ________ . ________ .. ___ ,. _____ . _______ .. ______________ .. ____ . _______ ., ___________________ .........................
Sanitary 4 12 15 3 10 7 7 22 22 51 17
8.16 14.81 23.43 14.29 25 18.42 9.99 18.18 21.56
Borehole 39 42 8 15 18 8 54 60 16 130 43.33
79.59 51.85 12.5 71.42 45 21.08 77.14 49.58 15.68
Seavenging 2 13 13 2 2 5 2 15 18 3 38 12.67
4.08 16.04 20.31 33.34 5 13.15 100 2.85 12.39 17.64 42.85
Open Air 4 14 28 4 3 10 18 7 24 46 4 81 27
8.16 17.28 43 75 66.66 14.29 25 47.36 9 ~9 19.83 45.09 57.15 ...................... _________ . ____________ ... _ .... _ ............................. ___________ , ______________________________________________________________________ .. _.,._ ....... _ ............. -------·········
·················
123 a
From these findings it is quite clear that the
poor people had greater use of sanitary latrine compared
to other economic groups including well off section
because they had greater use of public latrine constructed
by Nagar Nigam(M.C) and subsidised sanitary latrine
provided by Nagar Nigam. Of course, at the same manner
going to upen space for defecation was also greater as
compared to other economic groups. On the other hand very
poor section had a greater use of open space and
scavenging respectively than the other economic groups.
There was nothing much difference on this trend between
both the slums:
2.10. Drainage System:
While Muriya Pahar basti settlement has been
established over the hilly area, the implications of the
drainage system are totally different from other plain
area based slums. Muriya Pahar has got some special
feature in drainage system. Specially, during the rainy
season it becomes clean naturally because of its stiff
slope. And even in the other seasons, the waste and dirty
water in the open kachha nali (drain) that is narrowly
made by the residents for the~r individual purposes does
not get stagnated anywhere at the basti.
dirty water goes down to outside the bast~.
124
However, the
Apart from this natural advantage on account of
the drainage system, there were some problems. It was
noticed that the kids or children are used to defecate on
the open kachha nalis. Therefore, it always gives foul
smelling. Not only that dirty flies spread some virus from
the kachha dirty drainage to the people specially during
the unfavourable climatic conditions. Dirty drain water is
usunlly stagnated at the periphery low land areas.
However, some pockets of some lanes are having pacca
drainage systems made by the people residing 1n those
areas. For example, gali No. 3 and 4 were consisted of
such type of the pacca drainage system. At the gali No.3
it was initiated by the Nagar Nigam authority after taking
into community efforts of that gali. Regarding overall
drainage system, there was nothing such programme from the
Nagar Nigam.
In the case of Kampoo slum situation the entire
picture about drainage system was different. Since the
local settlement is on the plain area, the problems of
kachha drain were very dangerous for the residents. In
this connection the area was •Jery dirty and prone to
disease epidemics. Therefore, in 1982 Municipal
Corporation (Nagar Nigam) provided pacca covered drainage
for the entire Kampoo slum. Since, there was nobody to
125
look after the proper functioning of the drainage syste~
provided and even the local people were not that much
aware or their rP.sponsibilities to keep the drainage
system functioning, it had become almost non- functional
within two- three years. However, the local young people,
specially under the initiation and supervision of "Jan
Kalyan Yuvak Sangha" there were some social service
activities called "Basti Safai Aviyan. They used to do
this only when the drain water gets logged or stagnated
and spreads foul smelling due to rain or overflowing.
From the both slum, it is observed that Muriya
Pahar was almost not provided drainage system covering the
entire settlement whereas, M.C. Gwalior provided pacca
draina"' system to the Kampoo slum. But at present, the
problems related to the drainage system are more or less
same at both the slums though its nature of drainage
system is different. Community efforts,s even at
individual level have recently been initiated for long
term perspective on the drainage system in Murya Pahar,
while it was a short time effort performed by the youth
organisations occasion-wise in Kampoo slum. However, the
following table gives the picture of household drainage
system in the slum.
126
Table No. 9:
Drainage System Within the Residence:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN
N (200) % N ( 100) % TN!300) (%)
-Pacca drainage 34 17 16 16 50 16.6 -Kachha drainage 164 82 82 82 24f 82 -Mixed type drainage 2 1 2 2 4 1 . 3
Table No. 9 shows that the slum dwellers were come
across three types of drainage systems within their
residential complex. Majority, about 82% of the houses
were comprised with kachha drainage system. While only
16.6% were t acil i tated with pacca drainage system in
their houses. Only 1.3% exposed with mixed type drainage.
However, there is no differences between both the slums
regarding drainage system within the residential areas
2.11. Shops and Markets:
In order to fulfill the needs and demands of the
residents, a number of shops of different things and goods
had been established for day to day life activities in the
slums over a period of time.
(1) Fair price shop(ration shop}: There were two ration
shops established just at the main entrance of Muriya
127
Pahar slum. G.S. Sekharwar was the owner of one shop.
Gupta was for other.
slum.
Such shop was not there in Kampoo
( 2) Grocery shops/general store: About 2 5 11 Anaj ki Dana
ki Dokan 11 (general store) were in the entire Muriya Pahar,
while only 15 such shops were available in Kampoo slum.
Some people used to call such shops as 11 Parchuni Ki
Dokans 11• The owners of these shops were mostly Bania
caste people and they were quite rich in the slums. Ratan
Gupta, Shyam Lal, Daya Ram, Suriya Prakash were known
shopkeepers.
(3) Meat Shops: About 10 meat shops were found available
in Muriya Pahar while there was no meat shop in Karr.poo
slum. Almost all such shopkeepers were muslim by religion.
They were locally known as 'Kasai' . Among them, Abdul
Khan, Ranjan Chacha were known to everybody.
(4) Tailoring shops: There were about 50 tailors in
Muriya Pahar and about 5 tailors in Kampoo slum. This
tailoring business was basically individual based. Some of
them had opened their tailoring centres at the places
where public gathering is continuous like main entrance of
128
Muriya Pahar and road side area of Kampoo basti. These
people were basically economically poor,
backward castes and muslims.
belonged to
(5) Tea Stall: There were about 25 tea stalls in Muriya
Pahar and about 7 tea stalls in Kampoo slum. In the Muriya
Pahar they we~e mostly located at the main entrance of the
basti. Because, there was regular gathering of the people:
Similarly in Kampoo the tea stalls were established on the
main road side, because there were constant flows of the
people from outside slum and regular gathering of the
local people. These tea stalls used to provide tea and
snacks throughout the day starting from early in the
morning to the late night. These tea stalls were one kind
of entertaining centres of the local people. Most of
the owners of these tea stall were poor people belong to
backward castes. On an average they could earn Rs.SO/- to
100/- per day depending upon the attitudes of the people.
Bhagwan Singh, Ram Singh, Ganpath, Kalicharan were some of
them.
( 6) Pan Shop: About 20 pan shops were found in Muriya
Pahar and only 3 pan shops were in Kampoo. These pan shops
129
were also established at the roadside and the public
places like tea stalls. Bidi, cigarette, pan, pan masala,
tobacco (khaini) and such other things were used to be
available at these pan shops. Now -a-days, soft drinks
like limca, Gold Spot, Pepsi etc. were also being made
available in some of the pan shops.; Some of the shops
could sell about Rs.l00-250/- and could earn 20 % profit
which was their daily earning, some of the owners were
namely Surender, Tapan, Raj Kumar, Rakesh Kumar, Bablu
etc.
(7) Ata Ki Chakki: There were about 20 chak.kis in Muriya
Pahar and about 4 chakkis in Kampoo slum. Some of the
chakkis were owned by the grocery shop keepers. And while
others were dispersed all over the slum locality. They
used to provide facilities of grinding grains - specially
wheat. G.S. Shekhaswar, Ratanlal, Dayarani were some of
the owners of these Chakkis.
( 8) Hair Cutting Shop: About 25 hair cutting shops were
in Muriya Pahar and about 5 such shops were in Kampoo
slum. These shops were owned by the Nai caste people only.
Most of the hair cutting shop owners were migrant people
130
from Bihar state. In Muriya Pahar, most of hair cutting
shops were established at the entrance of the basti. The
owner used to do their business mostly in the rented
rooms. They could earn about Rs. 50/- to 60/- per day
depending upon the customers need and demands. Among the
barbers, Prakash Kumar, Ratan Kumar, Hira Lal, Ganesh and
others were locally known to the people.
( 9) Cycle repairing shops: There were about 5 cycle
repairing shops in Muriya Pahar and about 2 such shops in
Kampoo slum. They were owned mainly by the poor people.
Puncture similar any problems of cycle used to be
repaired. They used to earn about Rs.20/- to 30/- per
day. Kanailal, Swapan, Suraj, Pratap and others were quite
known in this regard.
(10) Kawadiwala shop: About 10 kawadiwala shops were
opened in Muriya Pahar only. Here in such shops the owners
used to purchase waste materials from rag pickers who used
to collect such things from all over the slum and even
other parts of the city. The owners used to store such
raw materials and sold it to the recycling factory agents.
Ramesh and Suresh were known kawadiwala.
131
(11) Vegetable shops: There were about 20 vendors in
Muriya Pahar and about 5 vendors in Kampoo slum. They used
bring sabji from the "sabii mandi" (vegetable market) and
used to sell those putting on 'Thela' at the road side.
Some of them managed their permanent place to sell
vegetables regularly. Among the sabjiwala Misirilal,
Krishna, Buluchand, Kanailal, Subegram and others were
known to the local people.
(12) Sweet shop: There were two "Mi thai ki Dokan" (sweet
shop) in Kampoo slum and about three such shops in Muriya
Pahar. These were not well established shops. Some few
items of sweets were available in these shops. "Kaka Ki
Mithai" shop was quite popular in Kampoo and "Dayaram Ki
Sweet" in Muriya Pahar slum.
(13) Wine shop: There were two registered local wine
shops in the slums. One was in Muriya Pahar owned by Gopal
Singh Shekharwar and other in the Kampoo slum owned by
Dwarka Prasad. Both of them were very rich people in the
slums. In these shops both foreign and country liquor were
available. Earlier people used to purchased only country
liquor, but now even the poor slum dwellers shifted to the
foreign liquor. There was no sitting arrangement to
consume wine in the shop itself.
132
(14) Market: Since there was no proper market place as
such, the residents of Muriya Pahar used to buy the1 r
vegetables and other daily consumable goods from the main
entrance of the basti where most of the shops were
located. For purchasing and marketing other items like,
cloth, home amenities etc., they had to go to the city
market. Similarly, there was no market in Kampoo slum. The
residents had to go out to main city market for purchasing
other items required for day to day like. (15) Medicine
shops: There were no medicine shops as such in both the
slums. Since there were about 10 private practitioners in
the locality residents of Muriya Pahar could get common
medicine from them. Apart from this, across the boundary
of the basti, there were number of medicine shops behind
the G .G. Medical College. But the residents of Kampoo
basti, could get some common medicine from the RMPs
located in the basti itself. Otherwise they had to go the
city.
2.12. Schools and Educational Establishments:
Commensurate with the educational institutions, it
has been observed that there were two Governmental schools
133
up to class VIII standard in the Muriya Pahar basti area.
Apart from this two schools there were about a total of
9(nine) non-governmental private schools existing in the
slums. These were such as:
(1) Gopal Vidyalaya up to class - XII
(2) J.P. Vidyalaya up to class- X
(3) Sangita Vidyalaya upto class - VIII
(4) Azad Convent upto class - VIII
(5) Satya Prakash School upto class - VIII
(6) Usha Convent upto class - VIII
(7) Darsan Vidyalaya upto class - VIII
(8) S. Memorial School upto class - VIII
(9) Adarsa Vidyalaya upto class - VIII
There were at least one such private school
running at every gali of the basti. The students were not
only from the basti itself, but also ·from other
neighbouring localities.
The situation of the educational institutions was
almost similar in the Kampoo basti. There was one
government school and eight (8) non-government private
schools established all over the basti area. They were
basically as follows:
134
(1) Government Middle School, Kampoo.
(2) Ariyan Public School upto class -VIII
(3) Sarvodaya Bal Mandir Vidyalaya upto class -VIII
(4) Gour Modern School upto class -VIII
(5) Vadram Herobhai Memorial School upto class -v
(6) National School upto class-XI
(7) Ankur Vidya Pith upto class-VIII
(8) Guru Santi Baba Vidya Pith upto class -VIII
(9) Nutan Bal Vidyualaya upto class -VIII
The students enrolled in these schools were not
only from the Kampoo basti itself, but also from the
outside basti area.
2.13. Temples and Religious Centres:
There were one famous and an old temple namely,
'Neharwali Mata ki Mandir' and 'Sankar Mandir' These two
Mandirs' construction was pacca by nature and worshiping
was regular. Besides these, there were many small
religious spots like small mandirs constructed and looked
after by the individual residents for their own purposes.
But in the case of Kampoo basti, there was no such
public temple within its boundary. Only one public Kali
135
Mata ki Mandir which was old and very popular situated
just on the border area of the basti. But there were some
small religious centres like mandir established by the
individuals.
3. SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE SLUMS:
3.1. Households:
According to the field survey it was found that
there were about a total of 1022 households as the family
units in the Muriya Pahar slum and about a total 444
households in the Kampoo slum area. The households of
Muriya Pahar were distributed as 133 households in the
gali No.1, about 125 households in the gali No.2, 132
households in the gali No.3, about 143 households in the
gali No.4, about 441 households in the gali No.5, and 48
households in the gali No.6. From this classification of
the settlement pattern it could easily be said that gali
No.5 was the biggest settlement in the entire basti
itself.
Similarly, in the Kampoo area there were about 175
households in the north Kampoo basti, 166 households in
the Central Kampoo and 103 households in the main road or
south Kampoo area. In this basti the northern part was
136
havi:1g 2-3 sub-lanes. As a result, it was having larger
concentration of the population.
However, 200 households, from the Muriya Pahar and
100 households from the Kampoo basti -being a total of 300
households were interviewed as the basic units of the
study. Thus, these 300 households also became the sample
units and sources of primary data collected for the study
after having a detail base line survey of the two slum
areas.
137
having 2-3 sub-lanes. As a result, it was having larger
concentration of the population.
However, 200 households, from the Muriya Pahar and
100 households from the Kampoo basti -being a total of 300
households were interviewed as the basic units of the
study. Thus, these 300 households also became the sample
units and sources of primary data collected for the study
after having a detail base line survey of the two slum
areas.
3.2. Population:
Commensurate with the survey it was found that
there were about a total of 4,914 population in the Muriya
Pahar and about a total of 2674 population in the Kampoo
basti area. Consistent with galis or lanes it was found
that there were 866 population in gali No. I, about 723
population in gali No.2, about 876 population in gali
No.3, about 686 population in gali No.4, about 1563
population in gali No.5 and about a total of 260
population in the gali No.6 in the Muriya Pahar slum.
Similarly, there were about a total of 1097
population in north Kampoo basti, about 962 population in
137
central Kampoo area and about a total of 615 population in
the main road and south Kampoo area.
A total of 300 households surveyed from both the
slums covered ·a total of 1757 population which constitutes
the total sample population. This is shown in the
following tables.
Table No. 10:
Population and its Sex Ratio
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Number Percentage Categories (TN) of TN(%)
N N
Male 628 55.8 338 53.4 966 54.9
Female 497 44.2 294 46.5 791 45.1
Total 1125 (100) 632 (100) 1757 ( 100)
Table No. 1D shows that Muriya Pahar consisted of
55.8% ma~e ·and- 44.2% female out of a total of 1125 ·
population found in the survey of household census.
. ' · Similarly Kampoo basti comprised· of 53 .4% male and 46· .. s
female <;>ut ~f. a t"o-tar of 63.2 pop\llation. BOt'h the-" slum as· .
a whole ·coristituted 54.5% male and 45.1% female out of a
total of · 1757 popula.tion computed from the household
census surveyed.
138
Table No. l.l.:
Frequency Distribution of Age Groups
Murya Pahar Kampoo Total Categories Number
Percentage of
TN(%) N %' N % (TN)
(1125) (632) (1757)
-Below 12 months 13 1.1 13 2.0 26 1.4
-1 yr to below 5 yrs 118 10.4 68 10.7 186 10.5 -6 yr_s to 14 years 304 27.0 171 27.0 475 27.0 -15 yrs to 24 years 246 21.8 121 19.1 367 15.1 -25 yrs to 34 years 142 12.6 85 13.4 227 12.9
-35 yrs to 44 years 130 11.5 78 12.3 208 11.8 -45 yrs to 54 years 93 8.2 53 8.3 146 8.3 -55 yrs to 64 years 58 5.1 24 3.7 82 4.6 -65 yrs and above 21 1.8 19 3.0 40 2.2
Accorcil.ng_ . to table No. 11, there were no
d-ifferences in ·~est of the categories between both the
. slums. On.ly 'few .. ca-tegories had .significant variation
. oetween the two · slums. .Th~y were noted that 1. 1% · w~re
. below 12 years of. age iri Muriya Pahar while it was 2. 0% in
Kampoo ·area. _Slmilar.ly: s.: 1% were between 55 to 64 years of . .. - - - ~
age in Muriya Pahar while it was 3. 7% in Kampoo area.
Again 1.8% was above 65 years of age in Muriya Pahar while
it was 3.0% in Kampoo basti area.
From the above findings it could be noted that the
population below 12 years of age were just double in the
139
Kampoo compared to the Muriya Pahar basti. Similarly above
65 years of aged population was also two times more in the
Kampoo area. Whereas in the contrast finding of age group
between 55 to 64 years was higher in Muriya Pahar than
Kampoo area:
3.3. Religion:
Regarding religious background of the slum
dwellers 0 it could be stated that there were mainly four
religious groups in both the slums. They were namely,
Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Christian. Religious background
·was found in the households surveyed at the slums shown in
table No. 10
_categories_
Hindu Muslim Sikh Christian
·111uriya
N(200)·
179 16
4
1
Table No. 12 : ·
Religion of the Residents
I>a:tiar Kampoo T<;>tal Percen--. ·Number tage of
% N (100) % TN (30.0l (%)
.89. 5 98 98 277 92.3 8 2 2 18 6 2 4 1.3 0.5 1 0.3
140
3. 4. Caste Background of the Slum Residents:
Within the Hindu religion there are different
caste groups of the population living in this human
concentration. The caste hierarchy and ethnic identity has
also been a continual process in the urban slums of the
Indian cities. In the study population it was found that
there were different caste groups having a kind of close
interactional relationship, through which the slum
dwellers were able to perpetuate their way of life in the
complex urban social system.
In Muriya Pahar it was found that they were
comprised as Brahmin (Pandit), Rajput (Thakur), Bania,
Kayastha, Kushwah (Kachi), Sahu (Teli), Ghosi (Goala),
Jatav (Harijan) ,
Bhangi (Harijan)
Lohar, Dhobi, Pardi (Pahari Tribe),
Some caste groups were specially
concentrated at the particular galis or 'mohallas'.
These people were mostly underprivileged section i.e.,
harijan and pardi tribe. Whereas the forward caste groups
did not have particular place of their settlement. They
were basically dispersed at different localities.
In the Kampoo slum, caste composition was almost
similar to Muriya Pahar. In fact, they were categorised as
141
Jatav(Harijan), Brahmin(pandit), Rajput(Thakur), Kushwah
(Kachi), Bania, Bhagle, Kumar, Koli(Tili), Sahu(Teli),
Dhanuk(Dehuri), Bhangi or Mathor(Harijan), Rathor(Nai).
There were also muslim population that were not included
into Hindu caste hierarchy. All the caste groups were
scattered in their settlement except Jatav and Bhangis who
were settled in the particular mohallas. In fact in this
slum jatav population dominated numerically.
From the interaction between the castes it was
noted that earlier there were IlO open conflicts,
confrontations and contrast in relation caste issues
except a kind of hidden feelings that modestly reflected
in the behaviour. In the Muriya Pahar, there was some
short of conflict between Jatav community and upper caste
people. As a result 'Sankar Mandir' was built up beside
'Neherwali Mati Ki Mandir'. But for the economic
activities there was no such kind of conflicts and
confrontations. On the other hand being Jatav people
dominated there was no open caste conflict in Kampoo slum.
Early 1990s there was big confrontation between forward
castes and backward castes in Muriya Pahar. It was
basically the impact of Mondal Commission at the slum
situation. Otherwise all caste people were having normal
way of life in the slum settings.
142
However, the caste groups mentioned above were
classified into three major categories -excluding muslims
and others (1) General Upper Caste was comprised of
Pandit, Thakur, Kayastha, Bania (2) Other Backward Castes
was mostly comprised of Kachi, Teli, Lahar, Kumar, Dhanuk
etc. (3) Scheduled Caste and Tribe was comprised of jatav,
Bhangi and Pardi tribe. This broader classification of the
caste groups is shown in the following table:
Table No. 13:
Distribution of Caste Background of the Slum Dwellers
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Pet-cent age Categories Number of TN
N(200) \ N ( 100) \ TN(300) ( \)
-General upper 90 45 27 27 117 39 caste
-Other backward 4 1 20.5 24 24 65 21.7 caste
-Scheduled caste 52 26 40 40 92 30.7 and tribe
-Muslims and 17 8.5 9 9 26 8.6 others
From this table no. 13 of caste background it
could be noted that the scheduled caste people were
majority according to the percentage in Kampoo area
compared to the population of Muriya Pahar. On the other
143
hand there were also less percentage of general upper
caste people in Kampoo area than Muriya Pahar.
3.5. Caste and Family Composition:
According to the responses of the key respondents
it was observed that the caste wise distribution of the
families in Muriya Pahar which are more or less same with
the sample were noticed as about 70 Brahmin ( Pandit) , 150
Raj put (Thakur), 225 Jatav and Harijan (SC), 60 Pardi
tribe (ST), 50 Muslim, 60 Sahu (OBC), 200 Kushwah (OBC), 40
Bania, 50 Kayastha, 35 Dhobi(OBC), 25 Ghoshi(OBC), 20
Lohar (OBC), about 5 Christian families, 25 Koli and 15
Kumar families. However, these distributions of the
families were also found in the Kampoo area as 150
Jatav(SC) families, 15 Brahmin(Pandit), 30 Rajput(Thakur),
50 Kushwah(Kachi), 10 Dhanuk(OBC), 15 Kumar, 20 Koli, 20
Mathor(Bhangi-SC), 10 Rather, 4 Bhagle, 50 Muslim, 15
Bania, 20 Sahu and 25 Khalik(Kasai) in the entire basti
area. Besides these caste backgrounds a broad
classification of the family as a whole was observed from
the sample households surveyed. It has been shown in the
following table.
144
3. 6. Family Structure and Family Size:
According to the sample population, the family
structure and family size were observed as the following
manners.
Table No. 14:
Types of Family
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Per-centage Categories Number of TN
N(200) % N ( 100) \ TN(300) (%)
-Nuclear family 121 60.5 64 64 185 & 1. 7
-Joint family 69 34.5 33 33 102 34 -Extended family 10 5 3 3 13 4 . 3
Table No. 14 shows that among the households, the
types of family structure were comprised as 61.7% nuclear
family, 34% joint family and only 4.3 % extended families
in both the slums. There was no such difference between
both the slums. But it could be understood that the slum
population adopted nuclear family structure which was the
highest percentage compared to the other types of
families. However the size of the families could be seen
in the next table given below:
145
Table No. 15:
Size of the Family
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN
N(200) % N (100) % TN (300) (%)
-Only one member family 8 4 1 1 9 3 -Two member family 15 7.5 2 2 17 5.6 -Three member family 15 7.5 13 13 28 9.3 -Four member family 31 15.5 14 14 45 15 -Five member family 35 17.5 12 12 47 15.6 -Six member family 29 14.5 23 23 52 17.3 -Seven member family 28 14 14 14 42 14 -Eight member family 18 9 7 7 25 8.3 -Nine member family 10 5 4 4 14 4.6 -Ten member family 3 1.5 5 5 8 2.6 -Eleven member family 3 1.5 3 1
-Twelve member & above 5 2.5 5 5 10 3.2
As can be seen from the above tables the half of
the families come in the groups as 3 to 9 members
families. However, 5. 8 members were the average family
size of the slums. It is observed that the family size and
its differential were significantly larger in Kampoo
compared to the Muriya Pahar. In the same manner the
marital status of the slum population could be seen in
table no. 16.
146
Categories
-Married -Unmarried -Widow
Table No. l.6:
Marital Status of the Population
Muriya Pahar
N % ( 1125)
510 45.3 587 52.1
27 2.4
Kampoo
N
(632)
262
349 21
41.4 53.2
3.3
Total Number
TN (1757)
772
936 48
Percentage of TN
(%)
43.9 53.8 2.7
-Divorced/separated 1 o .. 8 1 0.05
In the distribution of slum population it was
fourtd that there were about 186 married couples. Thus, a
total of 772 married persons were seen in the households
surveyed at both the slum areas. In this context, the
widow and separated or divorced persons were calculated
separately. They were not included in the category of
married ·persons . How.ever such persons have been shown as
age group distribution given in table No. 17.
Table No. l.7 Age Group Distribution of Married People
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percen-Categories Number tage of
N (510) % N(262) % TN(772) TN(·%)
-15 to 24 yrs of age 182 35.6 83 31.8 265 34.3 -25 to 34 yrs of age 105 20.6 58 22.3 165 21.2 -35 to 44 yrs. of age 96 18.8 54 20.5 151 19.5 -45 to 54 yrs of age 69 13.5 37 14.1 104 13.6 -55 to 64 yrs of age 43 8.5 17 6.3 59 7.7 -65 plus year of age 15 3.0 13 5.0 28 3.7
147
There was not much variation regarding the age
wise distribution of the married people in both the slums.
Only little difference was found as 35.6% between 15 to
24 years of age in . Muriya Pahar compared to 31.8% in
Kampoo basti. On the other hand 65 plus years of age group
was slightly higher in Kampoo area than Muriya Pahar.
3.7. Education and its Levels:
As believed by the key respondents and in step with
the existing school establishments -both private and
govern~ent it was found that the slums were motivated in
promoting the formal education. Within a decade or so a
·number of school establishments increased the interests,
demands and needs of education of people at the slums.
However, the level of educational status of the slum
dwellers may be seen in table 16.
Table No. 18:
Levels of Education
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN
N % N % TN (%} (1125} (623) (1757}
-Below 5 yrs of age 131 11.6 81 12.8 212 12.0 -Illiterate 346 30.7 169 26.7 515 29.3 -Upto Primary 300 26.6 182 28.7 482 27.4 -Upto Middle 129 11.4 77 12.1 206 11.7 -Upto Class X
and Class XII 135 11.9 87 13.7 222 12.6 -Upto Graduation &
above qualification 84 7.3 36 5.6 120 6.7
148
Table No. 18 shows that 12. 0% of the total
population were below 5 years of age in the slum
situations~ This·population were basically the children.
So, their educational level were not being considered.
excluding them about 29.3% of the population were
illiterate. Apart from this two parameters the educational
level of the slum areas were found as 27.4% upto primary
education, 11.7% upto middle, 12.6% upto class-X and Class
XIV and 6.7% upto graduation and above qualifications.
In comparison between both the slums it was
constituted that the rate of illiteracy was higher in
Muriya Pahar (30.7) than Kampoo basti. While other
categories, as the l~vels of education of the population
were more or less same in bqth the slums.
3.8. Formal Educational Status of the Families:
Along with individual educational status it was
also quite significant that how the formal educational
status of the households were pertained towards the
overall education and its levels at the slums. Here, the
educational level of the head of the household could be
stimulated by others education for any action based on
149
educational knowledge in the complex social system. It
could also differentiate. the change in education between
parents and children or new generation.
Table No. 19:
Formal Educational Status· of Family/households
Muriya Pahar Categories
N (200) %
-Illiterate family 14 7 -Anybody upto Primary in the family 12 6
-Anybody upto middle in tbe family 26 13
-Anybody upto class X and Class XII in the family 81 40.5
-Anybody updat~ graduation and above qualifications in the family 67 33.5
Kampoo Total Percentage Number of TN
N(100) % TN(300 (%)
7 7 21 7
13 13 25 8.4
10 10 36 12
35 35 116 36.6
35 35 102 34
Consistent with to table No. 19, it could be
noted that 7% o.f the families were illiterate. 8.4% got
their education upto primary level. 12 % of the families
had member of middle level education. 36.6% of the total
families had the member of class X and class XII level
education, 34% of the families had member of graduation
and above qualifications.
150
There were little differences of the educational
levels between the slums. Primary education was higher
(13%) in Kampoo than (only 6%) in Muriya Pahar. Class X
and Class XII level education was higher(40.5%) in Muriya
Pahar than (35%) in Kampoo. Similarly graduation and above
level education were slightly higher (35%) in Kampoo area
compared to (33.5%) Muriya Pahar slum.
3.9. Educational Status of Head of the Households:
Si~ce fa~ily or household was the basic unit of
the study, the educational status of its head of the
family in particula~ was very important for human
development within the . slum · situation. Educational
background of the head of the household was one of the
indicators in assessing social dynamics. This also used to
provide the information regarding education levels between
head and other members of the family.
Table No. 20 Education of Head of the Households
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Categories Number
N(200) ~ N(lOO) ~ TN(300)
-Illiterate 64 32 33 33 97 -Primary 27 13.5 12 12 39 -Middle 39 19.5 25- 25 64 -Class X & class XII 36 . 18 15 15 51 -Graduation and above
qualification 34 17 15 15 49
151
Percentage of TN (~)
32.3 13 21.3 17
16.3
Table No. 20, shows that 32.3% of the heads of the
households were illiterate. 13% were upto primary level of
education. 21.3% had middle level education. 17% of the
household heads had class X and class XII or inter level
education. 163% of the heads of the families had
graduation and above qualification as education in the
slums. There were nothing much differences in both the
slum situation.
3.10. Education and Economic Status of Heads of the Households:
It was obserVed that educational background of the
heads of household depended upon their economic
.condition(which is discu~sed later. on). Both education and
,economic status have direct effect on the overall
development of the family in particular and the group or '
community in general. But here, economic conditions of the
heads of the households have been analysed on the basis of
the·ir educational background.
According to the table no. 21, it was perceived
that the heads of the households in both the slums had
educational level .of different categories such as
illiterate, primary, middle, class X and class XII,
graduate and above. Among the total illiterate heads of
152
Table 21: Economic Status and Educational Level of Head ol the Households:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Both the slums
Categories
Very poor
Illiterate Primary Middle
(64) (27) (39)
3
4.68 3.7
Class X-XII Graduate Illiterate Primar) Middle Class X·XII Graduate
and above and above
(36) (34) (33) (t2) (25) (15) (15)
2.7 2.94 8 33
Illite·
rates
(97)
3
3.09
Primary Middle
(39)
2
5.12
(34)
Class X·X.II Graduate
and above
(51) (49)
t.96 2.04'
················································-··································-················ ···········-···-·····-·························-... ················ ............................................................ ______________________ .......... .
152 a
the households, there were 15.46% well off, 40.20% not so
poor, 41.23% poor and only. 3.09% very poor. For the heads
having primary education, there were 15. 35% well off,
30.76% not so poor, 48.71% poor and 5.12% very poor. Among
the heads having middle level education, there were 14.06%
well off, 46.87% not so poor, 39.06% poor. For the heads
possessing class X and XII level education, there were
29.41% well off, 49.01 % not so poor, 19.60% poor and
1. 96% very poor. Among the heads of the households who
have posses~ed graduation and above level education, there
were 65.30% well off, 26.53% not so poor and 6.12% poor
and 2.04% very poor.
From the above findings it could be stated that
most of the graduate and above level education holding
heads of the households had relatively better economic
status. Similarly, the illiterate heads and the heads
having primary;and middle level. education were persistent
mostly in accordance with the type of economic status from
lower to higher directions.
3.11. Caste Background and Educational Status of Head of the Households:
Apart from the general statements regarding caste
background of the respondents discussed earlier, it was
also found that there were some differences between the
153
Table 22: Caste Background and Educational Level
.................................................. -................................................... ·····················-··········································· ··'·············-····································-···············-················ Muriya Pahar Kampoo Both the slums
Categories Illiterate Primary Middle Class X-XII Graduate Illiterate Primary Middle Class X-XII Graduate
and above and above
(64) (27) (39) (36) (34) (33) ( 12) (25) (15) (15)
Illite· Primary .
rates
(97) . (39)
Middle Class X-XII Graduate
and above
(34) (51) (49)
.................................. ···················-······· ...... :. .............................. ·- .......... 0 .... .. • .. ...... • .................... ·····-··························-················ ................................................................. - ...................................... .
• Scheduled Caste
• Scheduled Tribe
• Backward Caste
· General Caste
· Muslims/Others
21 7
32.81 25.92
2
3.12
13 8
20.31 29.62
19 9
29.68 33.33
9 3
14.06 11.11
9
23.07
2.56
6
•15.38
20
51.28
3
7.69
8
22.22
9
·25
17
47.22
2
5.55
4
91.36
5
14 7
25
73 52
················································-··················································
15 2
45.45 16.16
10 5
30.3 41.66
2 2
606 1666
6
18 18
3
25
153 a
13
52
3
12
9
36
5
33.33
4
26.66
6
40
5
33.33
. 2
43.33
8
53.33
36
37.11
2
2.06
23
23.71
21
21.64
15
15.46
9
23.07
13
33.33
11
28.2
6
15.36
22
34.37
1.56
9
14.06
29
45.31
3
4.68
13
25.49
13
25.49
23
45.02
2
3.92
9
18.36
7 I
14.28
33
67.34
caste background and educational status of heads of the
households.
Table no. 22 shows that among the illiterate heads
of the household there were 37.11% scheduled caste, 2.06%
scheduled tribe, 23.71% backward castes and 21.64% g.eneral
upper castes. Besides, 15.46 % were Muslims.
For the group of primary level educational
background, there were 23.07% scheduled caste, 33.33%
Backward Castes, and 28.20% general upper castes. In this
group of educational background 15.36% were Muslims.
Within the group of middle level education there
were 34.37%· Scheduled Castes, 1.56% Scheduled Tribes,
14.06% Backward Castes and 48.31% general upper castes.
Besides, 4.68% were Muslims.
But for the head of the households having
education upto" class X and class XII there were 25.49%
Scheduled Castes, 25.49% Other Backward Castes and.48.09%
general upper castes. In this group of educational
background of the people 3.92% were also Muslims.
Among.the heads of the household having education
upto post-graduation and above level, there were 18.36%
Scheduled Castes, 14.28 %Other Backward Castes and 67.34%
general upper castes.
154
From this table it could be noted that general
upper caste heads of the households were able to increase
their educational levels towards higher eduG.ation. But
·this was just opposite among the Scheduled Caste heads of
households. For the Backward Caste the trend was at the
medium level.
As believed by the key respondent Mr. Babulal
Bijal, in the Muriya Pahar basti area the residents,
except Pandit caste group, were on the verge of declining
their levels of formal education. This was because of
economic reasons. Specially the poor people of the basti
were forced to seh'd their children of school going age
for earning money. Thus; they could supplement something
to their family income. To them economic factors were
much more important than the school education. On the
other side, it was also stated that "economic power of the
residents has now become the crucial factor for formal
education. Even the students would not be given their
pass certificates if the parents have not paid some money
to the teachers specially in ~he private schools of the
locality. It has become popular trend in the basti. As a
result, poor people have almost stopped sending their
children to the school. Thus, a kind of negative value
regarding education has been orientated among the poorer
155
sections of the basti area." Again those who could afford
such expenditure on education of the children, have been
continuing the education- for their children even in the
private schools. Such people were more in the Muriya Pahar
basti. As a result the private schools were established in
a greater extent compared to the schools of the
government.
In the light of education, the key respondents
stated that Kampoo basti area was quite advanced. The
enrolled students were not only from the basti itself but
also from outside the slum. According to key respondent
Mrs. Urmila, owner of a private school, "since there were
no scope of getting any job in the government sector it
would be better to employ own self establishing a priva·te
school which would be serving both the purposes as source
of income and indirectly carrying on some social services
in promoting education among the children of poorer
sections in the slum areas". She pointed out that in her
school only "the children belonging to scheduled caste and
other backward caste were given admission, because this
section of underprivileged children can not go to the
schools which requires more investment". She also pointed
out that "without private tuition no student could pass
the examination in the government school. But the poor
156
parents are interested to send their children to the
school. At the same time, the way of schooling is
eventually forced to drop sending their children to the
school. Therefore, school drop out rate among the
underprivileged weaker section are quite high compared to
other privileged section of people even at the slum
situation. Till then there is a positive trend towards the
education amongst the underprivileged sections in the
locality".
As believed by other key respondents, harijan
students were neglected in the government schools. Due to
this reason the parents of such caste groups used to send
their children to tje economical private schools. At
present there were also a trend of arranging private tutor
for the child. In this context people were very much
aware of education and its implication in the society.
Common rates of the tuition fees were furnished as Rs.lO/
to 15/- per month for class -I to class-V students for one
hour daily, Rs.25/- to 30/- per month for the students of
class VIII to class X. But those who were not able to
afford this type of expenditure, send their children to
earn money. Thus, most of the drop out students got
involved in earning money as the additional earning
sources in the family.
157
The key respondents of the Kampoo basti had also
made some suggestion regarding education at the slum
situations. According to them, "Government should take
proper care of the education specially the formal
education and should provide school facilities at the
slum areas. For these areas education in the school
should be free of cost including books, uniforms, tuition
fees, and even hostel expenditures. Apart from this, the
parents belonging harijan or SC and ST communities should
be given some kind of income generation activities by
which they can bring their economic stability in their
families. Thus, there would be developing positive norms
regarding the values of education removing demoralised
attitude that have been injected in them by their poverty
and by extreme money based education systems. While about
15% of the SC students are going to the school even in
such vulnerable conditions of their families". The
respondents also pointed out that apart from the economic
conditions of the slum people and whatever the attitudes
developed over a period of time, in the Kampoo slum areas
were doing much better in promoting education at all
levels. As a result, this locality was mushroomed with a
number of private schools.
158
In fact, the slums were presently comprised with
29.5% of total student community. Among thes students it
was found that there were 27.9% students in Muriya Pahar
and 30.3% students in Kampoo area.
4. ECONOMIC STRUCTURE AND SLUM CONDITION:
The structural pattern of the economic conditions
of slum residents was studied by the multi-variate facets,
such as landholdings, occupation, wage structure etc. The
physical examination of such dimensions provided data to
understand the existing pattern of economic conditions of
the people in these slums. In this context those aspects
would be discussed here accordingly.
4.1. Land Holding Pattern:
In the social history of the Muriya Pahar basti
settlement it was found that there were only few tribal
inhabitants known as Pardi-Pahari Jat dwelling in the
Jungle area. Later on, other groups of people gradually
started settling down in the basti. Over a period of time,
the settlement pattern of the basti changed towards
heterogenous conditions increasing the number of house-
159
buildings and dividing the,plots of land into sub-plots
for individual's possession. While on the other hand, the
settlement pattern of Kampoo basti was based on Jote
Jamin. Here in the basti, was nothing like resettlement
operation of action taken in the Muriya Pahar. In fact I
some of the displaced persons were given Patta that is the
legal right of a small plot of land provided by the
Settlement Department of the government. Some residents
purchased their plots of land from Jote Jamin while others
settled down illegally neither purchased land nor
possesseo any patta as the right of the plots. However,
the posses~ion cof the plots of ·rand for both the slum - .
si'tua·tion :is ·shown· in table 23 .·
Table No.· 23 :.
Possession of· Plo~s of ~and ·
Muriya Pahar Kampoo _Total Percentage Categories Number of TN
·N·(200) %' ~ N(lOO) %' TN (300) ( %') . ·-
Nil)no·_larycl~ }~ -~ ~ 6 3' 2 2 8 2.6 -Upto 24 sq.> F·4H>It" 22 11. 20 20 42 14 -25 to "40, s'q\:' !111····-.;: 40 20 33 33 73 24.3 -41 to 60 sq<;'J-;_·-: ·
. 32 16 17 17 49 16.3 :i
-61 to 8~~ _;,_;:.~..:.; 14 7 2 2 16 . 5.3 -80 sq. f- · :. pl-us 84 42 26 26 110 36.6 -No responses 2 1 2 0.6
160
From the table 23 it is also clear that there were
differences between both the slums. In Kampoo basti the
owners of upto 24 sq. f..e_eJ plots of land were higher.
(20%) than Muriya Pahar basti(ll %) . Similarly the owners
. r . - fL.. of 25 to 40 sq. l~- were also higher (33%) than Muriya
Pahar (20%). But in Muriya Pahar basti area, the owners of
more than 80- sq. -J..e~ of the plots of land were higher
(42%) compared the Kampoo basti area (26%)
It shows that in the Muriya Pahar area the
residents are much more comfortable from the land
acquiring point of view.. It implies two things firstly,
the residents are richer in Muriya Pahar-than Kampoo basti
and secondly, houses are much better than the houses in
Kampoo area.
4.2. Occupational Pattern:
According to the-key respondents the household
occupation were classified into different categories in
the slum situation.
( 1) Services(Government and private both): In this
category most of the people were employed as fourth and
third grade. The were mainly backward and SC castes
engaged as Chowkidar, Peon, Clerk etc. Next to this, there
161
were school teachers and govt. employees. Besides, there
were few people engaged in other jobs like police,
etc.
bank
( 2) Business (small scale) : The people in this category
were mostly owning business establishment like grocery
shops, (owned by Bania castes) tea stalls, tailoring
(owned by the muslims) Ata ki Chakki, etc. Apart from
this, few upper caste individuals initiated some small
scale entrepreneurships like carpet, shoe, bidi etc.
( 3) Professionals (doctors, engineers, lawyers, etc.)
This group of people was not considered either service
classes or business categories. Because they possessed
their specialised way of earning capacity. It could say,
that this professional category of slum dwellers was quite
independent and practicing their specialised knowledge and
skills on their own. They were mainly upper castes.
(4) Thelawala (Vegetable sellers): A group of people was
engaged in the vegetable selling business in the slums.
Taking a Thela (van) of vegetables to the certain location
in the basti area, they regularly used to sell
vegetables. Some of them used to sell some seasonal fruits
in the same manner. In this category of occupation
mostly poor people were engaged. They could earn some
money daily just to meet their household requirements.
162
That's all. Because, in this small business the local
venders were unable to invest much capital. As a result,
they were unable to make profit. Most of the Thelawala
were backward castes and harijans.
(5) Tailoring: There were some people who were engaged in
tailoring business in the basti. Basically they used to
stitch new shirts and pants, trousers and other garments
for both male and female. They also used to repair old
garments or cloths. Thus, they could lead their
livelihood. Mostly they were Kachi castes and muslims.
(6) Blacksmiths : Very few people were having blacksmith
occupation. They used to make some essential tools
required for domestic use. According to them these tools
were sold out at basti level as well as outside. They
were hard workers but compared to their nature of work
they were not getting cost value of their products. In
this occupation they . were forced to manage their family
life. They were basically lahar caste(OBC).
( 7) By- cycle repairing shops: There were some
individuals engaged in repairing by-cycle. They opened
some type of shops for it in the locality. This kind of
activities was based on the demands of felt needs of the
people, because majority of the residents were having by
cycles. However, in this occupation, there was not much
163
profit, this was one kind of daily wage activity. Without
fixed amount of money per day.
this category of occupation.
Uncertainty was there for
( 8) Carpentry: Some people were engaged in furniture
making activities staying in the slums. Among them some
used to do it on the contract basis. They used to take
contract and provide the finished wooden materials to the
building constructors. However, in this category of
occupation workers were usually given monthly payment as
their wages.
( 9) Nai (Barber) There were some individuals engaged in
hair cutting business in the slums. At the present
situation they used to cut hair either in the saloon what
they established on their own or as wage earner(monthly).
Some of them used to cut hair of the people sitting on the
road. In fact, these Barbers were having hand to mouth
existence.
(10) Pujari Pandit: There were very few individuals
engaged in worshiping activities. This category of
occupation was almost not there in Kampoo area because of
not having popular temple(mandir) within the basti. It was
found in Muriya Pahar because of two popular mandirs.
This occupation on the economic point of view has declined
more than before.
164
(11) Dhabi (washerman): Both the slums were constituted
with some washermen belonging to Dhabi caste. But very
few of them were engaged in washing, cleaning and pressing
cloths at the basti level. This category of occupation did
not have economic stability.
( 12) Jaribut t iwala (herbal medicine sellers) : Only Pardi
community members in Muriya Pahar basti were the
jaributtiwala. They had been traditionally carrying on
their occupation as herbal medicine sellers. It was their
main sources of income. But this occupation had
gradually declined because the deforestation and lack of
forest products.
( 13) Dai: There were some women engaged in conducting
delivery at the local level in both the slum areas. Some
of them were having this category of occupation as their
main sources of family incomes.
(14) Kalin(carpetl making: There were some people engaged
in carpet making activities in both the slums. Recently in
Muriya Pahar basti it stopped but the same were
mushrooming in the Kampoo basti area. In this category of
activities all manpower eligible in the family were
involved. This would be discussed separately on the
discussion of local industries.
165
I
(15) Bidi-making: Bidi making workers were found more in
Kampoo basti than Muriya Pahar. Here in this occupation
also, all the working hands of the family were involved.
This work is gradually increasing at this basti locality.
( 16) Shoe-making: Only the Harijan community specially
Mochi people were engaged in shoe making business in
Kampoo basti area. It was not found in Muriya Pahar basti.
They were also very few people. From economic point of
view, this category of occupation could provide only hand
to mouth existence. That was all their main sources of
family income at the basti.
( 17) Auto- rickshaw-wala: Driving auto-rickshaw regularly
was found as main sources of some family's income in
Muriya Pahar basti. It was not there in Kampoo basti area.
The drivers used to rent out auto rickshaw from the
owner for the whole day as their earning activities and
used to return auto- rickshaw back to the owner in the
evening with rent charges. In fact, in this category of
occupational activities, the work fo·ce used to earn
reasonably good amount for their daily expenditure.
(18) Tanga-wala; In the case of tanga-wala activities in
both the slums it was found that some cf them had their
own tanga and horses and others used to rent out tanga and
166
horse from the owners for the entire day as earning
activities. This tanga-wala could not compete their daily
earning with auto- rickshaw-wala. However, they were able
to manage their daily expenditure. They were found more in
Kampoo basti than Muriya Pahar.
(19) Bullock cart-rider Particularly in the Muriya
Pahar basti there were a few individuals whose main
earning sources were their bullock cart. It was not there
in Kampoo basti. In this category of occupation, people
were somehow managed to survive in the slum situation.
(20) Construction labour: In both the slums there were
three types of construction labourers working in the slums
as well as outside slums. This category of work force was
much more than most of the other categories of
occupational activities. They are classified as skill,
unskill and semi-skill labourers. In the skill type e.g.,
Rajmistry whose wage rate is two time more than semi
skilled labourers. Semi-skilled are called as construction
labourers and unskilled as helpers. These workers were
basically agricultural labour forces migrated in the slum
areas. During the agricultural season some of them go
back to the villages for agriculture work. After
harvesting season, again they come back as unskilled
labourers. They are basically engaged in house building
167
construction, road construction, pacca drainage and
wall(boundary) construction etc. About 15 to 20 days are
their mandays in a month. They get their wages monthly-
wise according to the days worked. However, in this
category of occupation skilled labourers are quite well
paid wagers. They can manage something more than their
regular family expenditure. Whereas the others are only
hand to mouth earners. At the lean period, they face quite
a lot of problems. Then they are forced to work as
domestic workers for others at the cheap rate of daily
wage. This will be discussed separately.
(21) Collection of fire wood and Broom making; This
category of occupation was seen as secondary sources of
income in Muriya Pahar basti only. Here few women were
engaged in collection of fire wood for selling them as
cooking fuel and making brooms out of coconut leaf for
selling them in the market. They were basically having
very lower profile of their economic conditions in the
slum. Sometime, they had to face tough time to manage
their livelihood at the basti.
(22) Maid servant: Again in this category of occupational
activities only the female workers were involved. It was
their secondary sources of income. They used to work two
times a day at the family households of well off sections
168
in the slum as well as outside the slums. They used to
get their monthly payment. Sometime they could also manage
some gifts from the employer. However, the distribution of
all other occupational categories mentioned above has been
shown in table No. 24.
Table No. 24
Occupation-wise Distribution of the Total Households
Muriya Pahar Categories
N %"
Services(Private and Government) Professionals(Doctor
433
Engineers,Lawyers) 20 Established business 93 Thelawala(vending business) 30 Tailoring business 28 Blacksmith 4 Cycle repairing shops 6 Carpentry(furniture) 17 Barber(Hair saloon) 12 Pujari(Pandit) 6 Dhobi(washerman) 11 Jaributiwala(herbal medicine sellers) Dai Carpet(Kalin making labour) Bidi-making labour Shoe-making labour Auto-rickshaw-driver Tanga-wala Bullock cart-wala Construction labour Collecting fire wood Maid servant Other activities
Total
so 5
10
2S 10
5 22S
s 18 10
1022
42.3
1.9 9.0
2.9 2.7 0.3 o.s
1.6 1.1 0.5 1.0
4.8 0.4
0.9
2.4 0.9 0.4
22.0 0.4 1.7 0.9
(100)
169
Kampoo Total PercenNumber centage
N %" TN TN (%")
138
8 70
35 12
2 1S
5 2
5
3
2S 20 15 s
20 2
so
s 7
31.0 571
1. 8 28 15.7 163
7.8 6S 2.7 40
4
0. 4 8 3.3 32 1.1 17 0. 4 8 1.1 16
so 0.6 8
5.6 25 4.S 30 3.3 1S 1.1 30 4.S 30 0.4 7
11.2 27S s
1.1 23 1. 5 17
444 ( 100) ::..466
38.9
1.9 11.1
4.4 2.7 0.2 0.5
2.1 1.1 0.5 1.0
3.4 0.5
1.7 2.0 1.0 2.0 2.0 0.4
18.7 0.3 1.5 1.1
(100)
The above-mentioned categories of occupational
activities are grouped into the following major classified
areas and surveyed the households accor~iingly. Thus, it
was found that there were a total of about 466 working
forces in the slum out of the total 300 households
surveyed. In the same manner out of the total households
there were about 506 students community, 374 housewives
and 411 non-working forces. But the dependency(non-earning
hand) rate in the household of both the slums was very
high (2j.3%). However, it could be seen in the table of
the broad occupational categories given below:
Table No. 25
Broad Categories of Occupation
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN
N %' N %' (TN) ( %')
(1125) (632) (1757)
-No work 267 23.7 144 22.7 411 23.3 -Labourer 83 7.3 53 8.3 136 7.7 -Petty business 75 6.6 57 9.0 132 7.5 -Services(private
and Govt.) 133 11.8 52 8.2 185 10.5 -Retired persons 7 0.6 6 0.9 13 0.7 -Student community 314 27.9 192 30.3 506 29.5 -House-wife 246 21.8 128 20.2 374 21.2
170
Table No. 25 shows that regarding the occupational
activities there were not many differences in the slums
particularly on account of broad categories. But there
were some differences noticed between the slums. Labourer
and petty busin~ss categories of occupation were higher in
Kampoo area while the service category of occupation was
more in Muriya Pahar basti.
4.3. Wage Structure and Labour Forces:
In the wage structure, only the daily earning
labour forces have been taken into consideration in the
slums. In this context the service class has been
excluded in the discussion. Besides, established business
class has also been excluded due to its· highly complex
income and earning potentialities. Only the people whose
family expenditure are based on their manual labour and on
the mode of daily work activities belonging lower income
groups were given due importance regarding their wages in
relation to their occupations. Thus, it was noticed that
such labour forces were having different rates of their
daily wages in the slum areas.
According to the key respondents, it was noted
that the labourers working in construction of houses
roads, lanes, drainage etc. used to get wages on the basis
171
of their skill and training or experiences of work. It was
found that the skilled labourers .were called as Karigar or
Mistry. The usual rate of their daily wage was about
Rs.70/- to 80/- per day. Total working days of this
category of workers were about 20 days in a month. The
respondents also pointed out that they were about 15 to 20
% of the total labour forces involved in construction work
activities. This category of workers had always been
demanded by the construction contractors. However, beside
them, there were semi-skilled labourers who used to get
only Rs.35/- to 40/- per day as their wage, about 15-20
days in a month. They were forced to pay Rs. 5/- to the
Thikadar regularly for making working days available for
them. Similarly there were some unskilled workers whose
daily wage rate was about Rs.20/- to 30/- per day having
no certainty to work regularly like other categories of
workers. They were fully controlled by the Thikadars, and
sometimes became the victims of different types of
exploitation.
situations.
This was observed from both the slum
Apart from the construction labourers, there were
a group of workers in Muriya Pahar who used to work in the
VIKKY FACTORY It was about 3-4 kms away from the basti.
In the factory only women workers were involved for
172
washing and cleaning old wine bottles. The female workers
could get only Rs.20/- to 25/- per day. There was about
8 hours working time schedule and about 20 days in a
month. Similarly some male workers were forced to go for
work from Kampoo basti to MALANPUR FACTORY adjacent to
Bhind district and border area of Gwalior district. It was
a stone processing factory. The workers used to get
Rs.30/- to 35/- per day. The availability of working
mandays were depended upon the factory owners. Actually
flat stone pieces and different type of stone chips were
to be processed in the factory.
There were also some workers involved in the local
construction and domestic activities as the casual
labourers. Actually, they were engaged in this local
manual labour activities at the rate of Rs.25/- to 30/
per day, when they were unable to get themselves enrolled
in the large scale working establishment like factory,
constructing buildings etc ..
In fact, Kalin(Carpet) making labourers used to
get their wages only after completion of the final work or
product. In the Kalin making activities the
entrepreneurs used to provide instruction, purchase the
raw materials for the workers. Anyhow, they were able to
complete the work of one carpet within 20-30 days,
173
depending upon the nature and design of work and even the
size of the carpet. Considering all these, they used to
get Rs.2000/- to 5000/- per. final product as their wage
margins. Thus, for the single manpower, the rate of making
carpet was varied to a great extent from Rs.16/- to 45/
per day. But, there was no limitation of working period
and times. According to the responses of the labourers
regarding Kalin making activities, they were not getting
any benefits, only the agents and business men of such
products were having all the profits of this local small
scale entrepreneurship in the slum area. The labourers
were engaged in this activities only for their survival.
Those who were engaged in Bidi making activities
used get Rs .18/- per 1000/- bidi. In this occupational
activities mostly female workers were involved. It was
their secondary·occupation as they pointed out. Children
were also doing this job on part time basis. Thus, they
could earn Rs.4/~ to 12/- per day. Some of the families
were totally depended on this activities. A skilled female
worker could earn at least Rs .18/- per day beside her
domestic household work in the family.
Shoe-making labourers of Kampoo basti area used to
earn Rs.10/- to 15/- per pair of shoes. A skilled workers
could make at least 4-5 pair of shoes per day. Few
174
individuals used to purchase the raw materials from the
market and prepared those shoes at home and finally
finished products of shoes ·were given to the Mahajan in
the main market of the city. But most of the workers in
this category were getting raw materials along with the
instructions from the Mahaj an only. The workers used to
get only their wages at the rate of the per pair of shoes.
Carpentry labourers were managed to get work from
the contractors and used to make the furnitures at home or
on the spot of the construction. The daily wage rate of
this category of workers was about Rs.30/- to 40/- per
day. For the skilled workers in this occupation, there was
a rate of about Rs.80/- to 100/- per day. There was also a
problem for this group. Actually when the mandays were
not available, they had to face a lot of problems to run
their family expenditure in the slum situation. Most of
the time, they were usually engaged in the work of
furniture making. At the lean period, they used to sell
their additional products in the market.
Auto-rickshaw wala were mostly found in Muriya
Pahar basti. They used to earn about Rs.40/- to 60/- per
day as their daily wages. Because most of the auto
rickshaw wala were running their autos on hired basis.
After meeting up the fuel expenditure and hiring charge of
175
the auto, they could normally save the money as their
daily wages. During the festivals and "Tewhar", they used
to earn more money per day.
Tangawala used to get about Rs.30/- to 40/- and to
50/- per day. It was found that some of them were having
Tanga and horse of their own and some use to take them on
hire basis. They were slightly more in Kampoo area
compared to Muriya Pahar basti. Another interesting thing
regarding occupational activities that a group of women in
Muriya Pahar area used to go to Jungles, about 6-7 km away
for collection of fire wood. After collecting those, they
used to make a bundle of around 30-40 kgs and sold it out
at the rate of Rs.35/- only. In this they used to spend
their whole the day. Similarly bullock cart-wala could get
only about Rs.20/- to 30/- per day, with uncertainty of
its regularity. But the maid servants were getting about
Rs.SOO/- to 700/- per month.
However, vegetable and fruits seller/Thelawala
could earn on an average Rs.SO/- to 80/- per day, as they
pointed out. Rest of the occupational categories were not
provided clear cut wage structure as they mentioned.
Similarly, there were no clear cut demarcation of their
income amongst the professional and businessmen and
service class. As it has been mentioned maximum of the
176
service holders were in private sector and mainly fourth
class staff and lower levels of pay scales.
4.4. Child Labour
According to the key respondents there were a
sizable number of child labourers working on the casual
basis in the basti area. They were mostly engaged in the
small scale entrepreneurships and business activities. In
the Muriya Pahar, most of the children were engaged in
vehicle repairing centres and in the shape as helping
hands or assistants. Where as in Kampoo area, the child
labourers were engaged in Bidi making, Kalin making and
shoe making activities. It was also pointed out that these
children were mostly school drop-outs due to poor economic
conditions of the parents. And they were now helping hands
and additional earning members of the family.
4.5. Women Labourers:
The key respondents pointed out that there were
about 200 women from the Muriya Pahar basti working in
different occupational categories as daily wage labourer.
They were mostly engaged in construction activities, Ice
factory, Sarab (wine) factory at the outside basti, maid
servants etc. Beside these, women from the poorer
177
sections ( Praj apath families) were engaged in fire wood
collection from the nearby jungles. While in the service
sectors, the engagement of the women from this basti was
less than the above mentioned daily wage earners.
But in the Kampoo basti area, majority of the
women labourers were engaged in Bidi, Kalin(carpet) making
activities. According to the key respondent, the
construction labourer were less than the Bidi and Kalin
making labourers.
4.6. Possession of Household Amenities:
Despite the facts of occupational categories and
the wage structure of the underprivileged labour classes,
in the slum there were also the owners of 4 trucks, 3
cars, 1 Jeep, about 100 scooter and 10 telephones in
Muriya Pahar; and two(2) trucks, 5 tractors, 5 cars, about
30 scooters and even 30 tangas in Kampoo basti area.
However, apart from this, the possession of household
amenities from the sample population gives another picture
of understanding the levels of economic conditions of the
slum dwell.ers. The nature and pattern of some of the
household amenities possessed by the slum residents on
their own at the given situation has been shown in the
table given below:
178
Table No. 26:
Possession of Household Amenities and Facilities
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN
N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)
-Electricity facility 191 95.5 80 80 271 90.3
-Black and white TV set 138 69 66 66 204 68
-Coloured TV set 4 2 3 3 7 2.3
-VCR Set •. - 2 2 2 0.6
-Radio and transistor 66 33 43 43 119 38.6
-Tape recorder 42 21 20 20 62 20.6
-Stereo set 5 2.5 3 3 8 2.6
-Telephone 1 0.5 1 0.3
-Fan facility 180 90 73 73 253 84
-Cooler facility 50 25 27 27 77 25
-Refrigerator 20 10 7 7 27 9
-Gas cylinder 52 26 27 27 79 26.3
-Electric heater 3 1.5 5 5 8 2.6
Table No. 26 shows that almost all households were
facilitated by electricity in the slums. Recreational as
well as modern satellite connected audio-visual facilities
were also found existing at the locality. About 68
percent of the respondents could purchase black and white
television sets, and only 2.3 percent bought coloured TV
179
sets in the slum localities. Apart from these, there were
found VCR sets with 0.6 percent, radio and transistor sets
with 38.6 percent, tape recorders with 20.6 percent, fan
facilities with 84 percent, cooler facilities with 25
percent, refrigerator
cylinder for cooking
facilities with 9 percent, gas
with 26.3
electrical heater for cooking with
total respondents interviewed.
percent and
2. 6 percent
lastly
of the
From the above observations it could be seen that
there were very little. variations on certain items between
both the slums. Among them, facility of electricity was 80
percent in Kampoo basti, while it was 95.5 percent in
Muriya Pahar. Similarly for transistor and radio it was
33 percent in Muriya Pahar and 43 percent in Kampoo basti.
Rest of the items of household amenities were more or less
same in both the slum situations. Modern households
amenities were found available because of the urban
impact upon the slum dwellers.
4.7. Expenditure Pattern:
From the discussion on the aspect of household
amenities it has indicated that the slum dwellers were
having their purchasing power. Since, collecting data on
180
the income activities at the individual or family level is
very difficult, the gross expenditure pattern of the
people that is always available has provided an overview
of the possible levels of income at the basti area. Such
an expenditure pattern of the slum dweller is shown in
table 26.
Table No. 27
Monthly Expenditure on Food Stuff and Education
Muriya Pahar Items and amounts
N(200) %
A: Food stuff or ration expenditure:
Upto Rs. 500/- 186 93 -Rs. 500/- to 1000/- 14 7
8: Exp~ndi!;;!.!r~ on Education;
- Up to Rs.200/- 93 46.5
- Rs.201/-to 400/- 16 8
- Rs.400/-& above 14 7
- Not known/no responses 77 38.5
Kampoo
N(100) %
96 96 4 4
46 46
12 12
6 6
36 36
Total Number TN(300)
282 18
139
28
20
113
Percentage of TN
(%)
94 6
46.3
9.3
6.6
37.6
According to Table No. 27, it is observed that
about 94 percent of the respondents used to spend upto
Rs.SOO/- per month for their monthly consumption of food
stuff. Only 6 percent used to spend Rs. 501/- to 1000/-
per month for the same. There was not much differences
181
between both the slums in the expenditure pattern on the
monthly ration consumption.
Part B. of the ·table No. 25 indicates that about
46.3 percent of the total respondents pointed out their
monthly expenditure on education for their children upto
Rs. 200/-. 9. 3 percent of the respondents used to spend
Rs.201/- to 400/- per month. 6.6 percent used to spend
Rs. 400/- and above per month for the education of their
children. At the same time it is also found that there was
37.6 percent of respondents who did not comment on their
expenditure pattern for the education because they had to
send their children for work instead of school.
From the above findings it could be noted that
there was no much variation of expenditure pattern on
education as such between both the slums. But most of the
people used to spend Rs.200/- as maximum per month
expenditure on the education for their children. While,
37.6 percent did not give their opinion on the expenditure
pattern on education. Apart from the above mentioned
expenditure patterns, there were some other expenditure
shown in table 26.
182
Table No. 28
Monthly Expenditure on Medicine and Other Items:
Muriya Pahar
Items and amounts
N(200)
House rent expenditure:
- Nothing/none/NA 172 86
- Upto R.200/- 23 11.5
- Rs.201/-to 400/- 3 1.5
- Rs.400/-& above 3 1.5
- Not known/no idea 1 0.5
Wat!ilr and electr.icit~
for two months:
- Nothing/none 30 15
- Upto Rs.50/- 61 30.5
- Rs.51/- to 100/- 65 32.5
- Rs.101/-to 150/- 22 11
- Rs.151/-& above 3 1.5
- Not known/no idea 19 9.5
Medicine Expenditure
- Nothing/nil 67 33.5
- Upto Rs.100/- 67 33.5
- Rs.101/-to 250/- 23 21.5
- Rs.250/-and above 43 21.5
Other expenditure:
- Not mentioned 199 99.5 - Rs.201/-to 400/-- Rs.400/-& above 1 0.5
J.83
Kampoo Total Percen-
Number tage of
N(100) %' TN(300) TN(%)
89 89 261 87
3 3 24 8
1 1 4 1.3
1 1 4 1.4
6 6 7 2.3
12 12 42 14
27 27 88 29
36 36 101 33.6
7 7 29 9.6
6 6 9 3
12 12 31 10.3
33 33 100 33.3
37 37 104 34.6
12 12 35 11.6
18 18 61 20.3
97 97 296 98.6
3 3 3 1
1 0.3
House rent expenditure has been shown in the B
part of table No. 26. It indicates that almost all i.e. 87
percent I of the residents did not pay anything as their
house rent expenditure. It implies that they have their
own housing accommodation in the slum.
Water and electricity bills for two months has
been shown in the part C of table No. 26. It gives a
picture that except few(l4 percent) most of the people
used to pay water and electricity bills. The higher
percentage of the respondents(33.6) had to pay Rs.Sl/- to
100/- per two months as their water consumption and
electricity expenditure. It is also noticed that there was
nothing much variations between the slums and categories
of .their expendit~re pattern.
Monthly expenditure on medicine is shown in the
table no 26 I that in the slum situation 33.3 percent of
the total respondents did not have any expenditure either
due to lack of expenditure capacity or not having any
sickness. About 34.6 percent used to spend at least
Rs.lOO/- per month for medicine. 34.6 percent of the total
respondents had expenditure from Rs.lOl/- to Rs.250/- per
month on medicine and 20.3 percent of respondents used to
spend more than Rs.250/- for the same. This two categories
of expenditure pattern had quite significant implications
than other items shown in the table. There was no inter
184
slum variation of expenditure on medicine as such.
Other expenditure has also been shown in table No.
26. it indicates that almost all the respondents did not
mention their other expenditure pattern as such.
4.8. Certain Social Expenditure:
Apaz.:.t from the regular expenditure, there were
some occasional expenditure which could be termed as
social expenditure in the broader context of human living
at the modern complex social system. In the slum areas,
the social expenditure of the residents were pointed out
in table 29.
Table No. 29
Certain Social Expenditure(annual) of the Slum Dwellers:
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Categories & amounts
N(200)
Marri§!g~ ~xg~ngi~!.!r~
- Not applicable 190 - Upto Rs.15,000/- 4 - 15000/-& above 6
Birthda~ ~XQ~ngit!.!r~;
- Not applicable 199 - Rs.3000/-& above 1
Death ritual exQediter:
- Not applicable - Upto Rs.1000/-- Rs.3000/-& above
199 1
185
" N(100)
95 91 2 2 3 7
99.5 99 0.5 1
99.5 99 0.5
1
%
91 2 7
99 1
99
1
Total Number
TN(300)
281 6
13
298 2
298 1 1
Percen-tage of TN(%)
93.6 2 4.3
99.3 0.6
99.3 0.3 0.3
Table No. 29 shows that the social expenditure of
the slum residents (some of the families under sample)
interviewed was found on certain social aspects like
marriage ceremony, birth day party and death rituals for a
period of last one year. Regarding marriage it was found
that 93.6 percent of the respondents did not do any
expenditure for past one year. Rs .15, 000/- was spent by
only 2 percent of the households, and Rs .15, 000/- and
above by 4. 3 percent of the total respondents. But on
account of birthday ceremony only 0.6 percent of the total
respondents spent Rs.3,000/- and above, while 99.3 percent
did not have any expenditure on this aspect. Regarding
death rituals, only 0.3 percent spent upto Rs.1000/- and
0.3 percent spent Rs.3,000/- and above during last one
year. Rest of the respondents did not have any expenditure
on this aspects.
From these findings mentioned above it could be
noted that there was no distinction between the slums
regarding social expenditure. At the same manner, almost
all the people residing in the slum did not have social
expenditure because of either no marriage ceremony and no
death rituals took place during last one year.
186
4.9. Savings Pattern:
Since human development is the inherent product of·
mainly economic aspects of the people, the nature of
income, expenditure and savings of the people play crucial
role in any given situation. In this context, income
savings has much more implications than other economic
factors for future development of the people. The saving
pattern of the slum residents is shown in table 30.
Table No. 30 Monthly Income Savings Pattern
Categories & amount
Postal Savings
-Not applicable -Upto Rs.600/--Rs.601/-& above -No responses
Bank Savings
-Not applicable -Upto Rs.500/--Rs.501/-to 1000/--Rs.1,500/-& above
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total PercenNumber tage of
N(100) \ TN(300) TN(\) N (200) \
180 12
3 5
158 23 13
6
90 87 6 12 1. 5 1 2.5
79 79 11.5 18 6.5 2 3 1
87 12
1
79 18
2 1
2()7 24
4
5
237 41 15
7
89 8 1.3 1.6
79 13.6
5 2.3
In table No. 30, it is observed that there were 89
percent of the total respondents who did not have any
monthly income savings in post office at all. For the
187
monthly income savings in post office there was upto
Rs.600/- savings by 8 percent of the total respondents in
the slum areas and Rs: 600/- and above by 1. 3 percent of
the respondents. Apart from them there were 1. 6 percent
who did not response anything regarding their monthly
savings at the slum situation. From this observation it
has also been noticed Rs. 200/ -per month savings holders
of post office was higher in Kampoo basti(8 percent) than
Muriya Pahar(1.5 percent). There were nothing much
differences between the slums on rest of the categories of
monthly income savings in the post office.
Regarding monthly income savings in the Bank 79
percent of the respondents did not have anything as their
savings. There were 13 . 6 percent· who used to save upto
Rs.500 per month in Bank, Rs.501/- to 1,000/- by 5 percent
and above 1500/- per month by 2.3 percent of the
respondents. Here in the Bank savings, upto Rs.500/- per
month savings holders were higher in Kampoo basti area(18
percent) than the Muriya Pahar basti(11.5 percent). While
Rs.501/- to 1,000/- and above Rs.1,500/-monthly saving
holders were higher in Muriya Pahar than Kampoo basti
areas. 89% of the people in the slums do not have postal
savings and 79% bank savings. This is yet another
indication of this hard to month existence.
188
From both postal and Banking saving observation it
could be noted here that about 20 percent of the slum
residents used to have banking saving monthly while .it
was about 11 percent for postal savings.
4.10. Investment Pattern:
In the micro economic activities, people used to
invest from their savings. This investment usually leads
to the human development with comforts in any situation.
In this regard the investment pattern of the slum
residents can be seen in different categories mentioned
in table 31. Table 31:
Yearly Investment Pattern of the Slum Residents.
Muriya Pahar Categories & amount
N(200) t
House Construction:
- Not applicable 188 - Up to Rs. 15000/- 3 - Rs. 15000/- and above 9
Land Purchasing:
- Not applicable - Up to Rs. 10,000/-- Rs. 20,000/- & above
Vehicle Purchasing:
199
1
- Not applicable 197 - Up to 10,000/- to
15,000/-- Rs. 15,000/- and above 3
Cattle Purchasing:
- Not applicable 199 - Rs. 15,000/- and above 1
Others Investment:
- Not applicable 197 - Up to Rs. 5000/- 1 - Rs. 5000/- to 10000/- 2
94 1.5 4.5
99.5
.0.5
98.5
1.5
99.5 OS
98.5 0.5 1
189
Kamp.oo
N(100)
98 2
98 1 1
99 1
98 2
100
Total PercenNumber tage of
t TN(300) TN(t)
98 2
98 1 1
99 1
98 2
100
286 5 9
297 1 2
296 1
3
297 3
297 1 2
95.3 1.6 3
99 0.3 0.6
98.6 0.3
1
99 1
99 0.3 0.6
Table no. 31, shows that there were yearly
investments on different categories of household
activities in the slum situation. Regarding house
construction, 95.3 percent of the respondents did not do
any investment for a period of last one year. Those who
did some investment in house construction were 4.6
percent. The investment amounts were upto Rs. 5,000/- by
1 percent, Rs. 5000/- to 10,000/- by 0.3 percent, Rs.
10,000/- to 15,000/- by 0,3 percent and Rs. 15,000/- and
above by 3 percent of the total respondents. From this
observation it could be said that the investment in house
construction was higher in Muriya Pahar than Kampoo basti
area during last one year.
Regarding investment on land purchasing only one
percent was found during the last one year. The amount of
investment were upto Rs. 10,000/- by 0.3 percent and Rs.
20,000/- and above by 0.6 percent of the respondents. In
both the slums, there was no differences.
Similarly on vehicle purchasing only 1. 3 percent
of the total respondents did some investment. The amount
of investment were Rs. 10,000/- to 15,000/- by 0.3 percent
and Rs. 15,000/- and above by 1 percent of the respondents
only. There was also no significant variation between the
slums.
190
In the case of cattle purchasing there was only 1
percent of the total respondents who did some investment.
The amount of investment was Rs. 1500/- and above.
There were also some other types of investment in
the slum area.
respondents.
That was also only 1 percent of the total
The amount of such investments was Rs.
5,001/- to 10,000/- only.
However, this investment pattern shows that during
last one year there was vary little investment. This
confirms the finding that there was very little savings.
But the trend of investment exists in the slum localities.
4.11. Loan Facilities:
According to the key respondents, at present there
was no loan facilities as such in the basti areas. Though
getting loan from the banks was well known to the slum
residents. It was also stated that it would depend on
the schemes of the government ..
In 1987-88 there was a scheme for loan from the
government. During
Pahar received loan
that about 50-60 people of Muriya
from the government through Bank.
The scheme was meant for income generation or economic
development among the slum dwellers. Thus, people could
191
get to
things
open 'purchuni' shops and initiate some other
including, animal husbandry, (buffalo) sewing
machine and manual thela (van) For purchasing a buffalo
the loan amount was Rs. 4000/- but the beneficiaries could
receive only Rs. 2000/-. Rest of the amount consumed by
the loan providers particularly loan sanction office
personnel.
There was also a scheme of providing loan to the
slum residents. It was called Pawan Putra Yojana. But it
could not be popular because, the desired beneficiaries
had to pay Rs. 6,000/- as bribes just to get sanction of
the loan through bank. It was meant for purchasing Auto
rickshow,. The respondent, also stated, that about 300 to
400 people in Muriya Pahar basti had received different
types of loan for different purposes long time ago.
The loan receiver beneficiaries were very few in
Kampoo basti area. People of the Kampoo basti pointed out
that they had not received any loan except few individuals
from Jatav Mohalla, It was for latrine construction and
Tanga purchasing. There were also some local money
lenders in the slum areas. Specially, this money lending
business was highly prevailing in Kampoo area. The
interest rate was varied person to person.
percent to Rs. 10 percent per month. The
192
It was Rs. 5
notable money
lenders --Mr. K.K. Gael, Mr. Dixit, Mr. Lala Ram Kustwah
were quite prominent in the locality. Actually they
involved in this business from the formation of the slum
and exploited people like anything.
4.12. Small Scale Local Entrepreneurship:
In the slum situation the small scale local
enterprise, .a kind of production activities initiated by
few individual ownerships or .cooperative basis. The
workers of such industries were basically local casual
labour forces regularly paid as daily wager. However, in
the Muriya Pahar basti area, Mr. Ramesh Jha had initiated
one small scale Lath workshop. Some parts of machine were
produced. in it. In this workshop about 7 casual labourer
were engaged. Mr. Hira Lal established one small Dhalai -
tools making factory. In his factory about 5 labourers
were working as casual labour. Mr. Khushwah initiated one
ICE cream factory. In his factory few wom~n labourers
were engaged.· Similarly one Bidi making enterprise was
also there in the basti. Earlier Kalin, (carpet) making
enterprise was there in the basti, but it was stopped on
the way.
193
In the case of Kampoo basti there were mainly
three small scale local enterprises.
making, Kalin making and shoe making.
They were bidi
Mr. Bhola Ram and
Vasant Ram were the owner of Lakshmi Bidi. Mr. Chotebbai
and Jethabhai were the owners of Bidi no. 27. There was
also another Sher Bidi enterprise in the basti. In these
Bidi making activities, Mrs. Bindra Bhai, Mr. Sita Ram,
Mr. Shayam Lal, Mr. Kashi Ram and Udai Sankar were some
of the notable Bidi making families at the basti area.
Regarding Kalin making enterprises, in the Kampoo basti
Mr. Babu Lal, Mr. Bishnu, Mr. Shyamlal Mr. Raju, Mr.
Narayan and Mr. Mukhesh were the initiators and they had
been carrying this carpet making activities independently.
They themselves were also engaged in the Kalin making mode
of action apart from their agent or middle men role
between the workers and mahaj ans . Beside these, there
were also shoe making enterprises in the basti. Mr. Lalta
Prasad and Mr. Kailast had established the shoe making
activities in the basti. They were also playing the role
of agent or middle man between the workers and Mahajan or
whole-sellers of the goods.
From the small scale enterprises mentioned above,
it could be pointed out that the Kampoo basti
entrepreneurs were oriented towards handicrafts while the
J.94
enterprises of the Muriya Pahar basti were being oriented
towards machinery products. However, these local
initiations were the symbols of economic development in
particular for the individual owners and development of
slum in general. Specially some kind of employment
activities were generated for the needy slum residents.
This economic activity provided the reason of self income
generation and even employment creation for others.
4.13. Un~ployment Problems:
According to the key respondents the main
unemployment problem was confined only to the educated
and qualified young people in the slums. The unqualified
work forces were not having that much problems regarding
their employment because, they were absorbed into
different kind of working activities inside and outside
the slums. The key respondent pointed out that there were
about 20 M.A. pass, 60-70 B.A. pass, 10-15 LLB pass and
400-500 metric pass young working forces in the Muriya
Pahar basti. They were eligible persons to get any type
of governmental services. Unfortunately, they were
unemployed staying in the slums.
195
The similar picture of unemployment problems was
found in the Kampoo basti. There were about 10-15 M.A.
pass, so B.A. pass, 60 H.S. pass, 70-80 Martin pass, one
LLB pass, and one MBBS pass in the entire basti area. All
of them were educationally qualified persons. But none of
them could get any chance for the services/jobs.
According to the key respondents there were very
less number of less educated unqualified persons who were
sitting idle at home. They almost all, were engaged in
different earning occupations either as casual labour
force or regularly working in the factory and business
establishment. The qualified persons had been trying to
get into the jobs but were not getting into. Some of them
started School Business on their own. Rest were uncertain
about what to do.
4.14. Problems of Poverty:
In the context of poverty it was viewed that those
slum dwellers whose earning source was daily wage basis
casual labourers and who could not get the opportunities
to prove their working potentialities as the skilled work
forces or qualified manpower in the organised sectors,
were frequently confronted the days without work in the
196
basti area. When their condition with no work and no wage
continued for couple of days, a section of such people had
to lead their vulnerable and measurable life struggling
for existence. So, such circumstances of the residents in
situation was termed as 'poverty' . There were some case
reports as evidences sited here in this regard.
In accordance with observations base.d upon
in-depth group discussion, 12 respondents from both male
(7) and female (5) belonging the Harijan community in the
Muriya Pahar basti deliberated their opinion regarding
poverty of 12 different households. The heads of those
families and households namely Mrs. Narayani, Mrs. Kalu,
Mrs. Pirthiram, Mrs. Kamal, Mr. Sunder Singh, Mr.
Misirilal, Mr~ Krishna, Mr. Bulu Chand, Mr. Kanailal, Mr.
Daya Ram and Mr. Subegram raised their voice as community
feelings. It was stated that "how painful our garibi is,
you do not know?" Actually they were very much agitating
in relation to their struggling for existences at the
basti area. They said "for water we pay Rs. 20/- per
month Mrs. Bhargav who has given. a private water tap
connection to us from her own water sources. Similarly we
pay her Rs. 20/- per month for lighting one bulb and Rs.
25/- for one fan".
197
In fact, they were daily wage earner and used to
get only Rs. 30/- to 40/- per day. But the problem was
that they used to get work on an average 3-4 days a week.
Since they did not have any savings, their life would be
very measurable and vulnerable during the lean period
without work. Such situation were very the frequent in
their life during rainy seasons, disrupting normal life in
the city and other occurrence. When they were unable to
manage their work and wages, they were forced to go the
money lenders. Some time money lenders used to give them
money with a lot of conditions and interests, some time
refused. In such a situation sometimes, female
work-forces used to go jungles near by for collection of
fire wood and sell them in the market. Thus, they could
get some money about Rs. 10/- to 15/- per day to buy some
anaj for the family members.
Regarding the education and future of their
children, they of course, had similar aspirations like the
aspirations of better off classes in the slums. They also
wanted to send their children for education but due to
their poverty they could not do anything for their
children. Though they were well known and articulated
regarding the better life in the complex society. In such
economic conditions, even some poor harijan people were
198
sending their children to the school for education. But,
they also know
school.
that there were uncertainties for those
However, in a case report it could be seen in the
context of "poverty". Being a house wife of the Harijan
community Smt. Rani described the abject of poverty among
Harijans in the Muriya Pahar basti area. She stated that
"we are poor people, who will listen our "Garibi Ki
Kahania". She said no body bothers about poor people and
their sorrow and pains in this world, government also does
whatever it is only for well off, or rich people.
Government listens to them, but not the poor and will
never do anything for the poor.
She pointed out that "you can see our condition
including housing, clothing and other household amenities
surrounded us. We are only 12 families here in this
particular isolated place of the basti. We do not have
any water facility, no electricity connection, no proper
lane no meaning to talk about poverty stricken needs and
necessities we have". She again said that ''if you do not
have money in your hand what could you do, as you know, in
the present price rates of the essential commodities".
"We can not think of education for our children, simply
because, we can not provide our children full square meals
199
twice . in a day. Even then, some of us are sending the
children to the school in such miserable situation. She
indicated that "~ou think, without money who is ready to
teach our children, we want and also have strong desire
that our children should have proper education like
others, we can not do it because of poverty".
Another lady was trying to help Rani in pointing
out the reality. She addressed according and pointed out
that "you can look at the child, how much 'roti' he is
eating, he is eating just like a man eats". The children
were basically hungry and malnourished. "They eat only
roti, nothing else. That is why they eat more" she said.
"How we can manage their food stuff, we understand and
know their requirements -- they need good food like milk,
vegetables, dal and other fruits regularly, only roti does
not fulfill all the food values what they usually require
in their body at the time of growing age" she stated.
Similar picture of poverty was also found in the
Kampoo basti area. According to the respondent Mrs. Rekha
Bhendurkar, Anganwadi worker, the children who were coming
to the centre were basically from the very poor section of
the people in the locality. Tangawala, Thelawala and
construction labourers, were the parents of these
children.· Whatever they used to earn, more than half of
200
the wages, some time, the total earning money spend in
consuming alcohol. Due to this kind of regular activity
of the male workforce, most of the house wives of such
families started working as Bidi makers in the basti. It
could be said that the ladies/women were running their
family expenditure. Those who were not involved in such
activities were having a tough time in the slum situation.
It was observed at the Anganwadi Centre that the
children who came to study and to have mid day meal in the
centre were not having proper dress. They covered their
body just by wearing dirty stoned clothes. Sister Rekha
said that these children used to suffer severe cold during
the winter season. She was hopeless because the things
were out of her capacity. As she pointed out that 11 1 have
been seeing that girl -- Nitu who belongs Jatav family and
comes every day in the centre, she does not have proper
dress but she wants to be educated 11• Then Nitu was also
interviewed. In the reply Nitu said 11 ! like to study but
teacher (sister) says that I can not continue my study
because, my age is not now permissible for the centre 11•
Actually she was six years old. But the norms of
Anganwadi centre was upto six years of age for the
children. Nitu pointed out 11 We are three sisters and
three brothers in our family. My elder brother Tiran Das
201.
recently started working in the factory as casual labour
and my mother makes Bidi no. 27. Along with me, my two
brothers and two sisters are also coming to this centre
regularly. I will continue my study if sister allows me
to study in the centre". Basically sister Rekha was very
keen to that girl Nitu because of her interest in study.
That is why she did not refuse her not to come the centre.
From the above discussion regarding poverty for
both the slums it could be stated here that there are a
section of people who are living below the poverty line.
But they do not want to remain as such in the slum
situation.
4.15. Economic Status:
The task for assessment the levels of economic
conditions of the people is quite difficult in the
heterogeneous society.
uniformity because it
There may not be clear cut
varies from individuals to
individuals
situations.
and from group to group in the given
However to understand such levels of
economic conditions of the people dwelling in the slum,
certain characteristics have been considered for different
levels-- very poor, poor, not-so-poor and well-off. Each
202
strata has been considered by certain characteristics
separately within the slum situation.
Very Poor: In the category of very poor it was found that
those people and the families who did not get two full
square meals with any other combination of eating stuff in
some days of a month just to satisfy their hunger, were
struggling for survival in a very adverse conditions at
the slums.
Poor: For the category of poor the observation was made
as those who were somehow able to manage their food to eat
without milk for their children. The clothing expenditure
was made cutting short their food eating expenditure and
no thinking of even the primary education for their
children. They were living in the Kachha houses having
common unsanitary latrine and sources of drinking water.
Their electricity expenses were included in the food
expenditure having no other things, just hand to mouth,
even sometime not having proper meals in a year.
Not So Poor: In this stratum of not so poor, only those
who were able to have enough to eat throughout the year
and having one or two sets of garments to change, were
203
living in mixed type houses with electricity connection,
own water taps and sanitary latrine. They were capable to
give higher education to their children and having non-veg
or ghee or milk products food in their occasional dither
along with TV sets, and cooler in the house. They were
also able to hold functions on their own in celebrating
marriage, birth day and death rituals in the family
inviting the relatives and other societal members.
Well-Off: Within the slum situation, this socio-economic
group only a small section of those who were getting
enough to eat drink milk regularly throughout the year,
were living cement plastered houses with mosaic floor and
roofs, electricity connections, private water taps and
water sources, sanitary flush latrine, furniture and sofa
sets, colour TV sets, Cooler /AC. , owning scooter or
vehicles. They were also having income from other
sources, capacity to employ labourers, expensive clothing
and jewelry, capacity to get sophisticated medical
services. Apart from these, there were ghee, milk
products, meat, poultry, fish etc as a part of their meals
for almost every day. For the education of their
children, they could employ tutors and send their children
to the nearby town or cities for higher education. They
204
could also celebrate any occasion at home as a large scale
inviting not only the relatives and societal members but
also social and political influential persons· in and out
side the slums. However, all four categories of slum
residents are shown in table No. 32.
Table 32:
Economic Status.
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total No. Percentage Category (TN) of TN
N(200) % N(100) % (300) (%)
- Very poor 6 3 1 1 7 2.3
- Poor 64 32 38 38 102 34.0
- Not-so-poor 81 40.5 40 40 121 40.3
- Well off 49 24.5 21 21 70 23.3
Table no. 32 shows that :Qoth th_e slums constituted very
less number of very poor categories of people. I"lajority
of the people were in the category of poor and not so
poor. Poor people were numerically quite higher in Kampoo
basti than Muriya Pahar. It is quite significant that
about 23.3 percent of the total respondent were well-off
section even in the slum situation. From these findings
of the slum it could be again stated that the slums are
economically becoming better and developed in the city
itself. In both the slums this was found because of some
205
historical reasons.
(1) The settlement of the slums started in the open and
bigger plots of land during the tenure of Maharaja of
Gwalior state. (2) From the very beginning, all economic
classes and caste groups started their settlement in these
areas. (3) Mixed type of economic and caste interaction
could initiate their gradual development. ( 4) Increasing
population from both general growth and migration led
their life towards complex and congesting situations. (5)
later on, Nagar Nigam termed these human concentration as
'slum'.
5. SOCIAL GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE:
5.1. Social Class and Strata:
The respondents pointed out the important aspects
regarding the' social stratification of the residents of
the slums. According to them there were mainly two social
classes -- 'privileged' and 'underprivileged' or 'forward'
and 'backward' . The privileged class was basically the
rich or moneyed people, mostly belonged to the general
upper caste. And underprivileged class was mainly the
poor people belonging to the lower caste groups
206
specially scheduled castes, tribe and other backward caste
groups.
It was also observed that there were other
categories of people within this two major social classes.
They were mainly 'labour class•, service class, business
class. It was considered that only labourer class
belonged to the underprivileged or backward class and
others altogether belonged to privilege or forward class.
Because, forward people were having purchasing power
including better socio-economic conditions, educations,
houses and modern household amenities as maintained by the
slum standard. Whereas the backward underprivileged class
were not having such conditions,
problems existing in the slums.
to cope up their
In this class division it was also perceived that
privileged forward class only constituted with the
established businessmen, class-I&II servicemen, doctors,
lawyers, landlords, ·who rented out their houses. On the
other hand the petty or small businessmen including tea
stallers, tailors, vegetable seller; fourth class services
like chowkidar, peon, sweeper and of course the daily wage
labourers were constituted as the underprivileged backward
class at the slum situation.
From the above observations it has been compared that
207
the underprivileged people were numerically higher in
Kampoo basti than the Muriya Pahar. On the other side
privileged forward class were little higher in Muriya
Pahar than Kampoo basti.
5.2. Migration:
In the context of migration, as believed by the
respondents, in Muriya Pahar (1) the inhabitants migrated
from the rural areas due to the economic reasons at the
time of it's formation. (2) Later on, there was migration
from the other parts of the city itself due to slum
clearance programme of the government . (3) The settled
residents started pulling there relatives and relations
from both rural areas and other slums of the city. (4)
Educated people mostly service man and other businessman
started their migration to this slum from other parts of
the city. (5) Another pull factor of the basti was its
location near by Medical College.
But the forces of migration and it's nature were
totally different in Kampoo basti from Muriya Pahar.
Basically the people who were working in the security
force as caretaker of horses of maharaja started their
settlement at the basti. Before this settlement it was a
208
basti of few traditional inhabitants. The migrated people
were basically Muslim from Rewa district working in the
security bahini at that time. Some people who belonged to
Jatav community as relations or relatives of early
settlers or inhabitants working in security force of
bahini were pulled in the basti from outside the state.
Apart from this kind of migration some local people from
other parts of the city had also migrated in this Kampoo
basti. But they were very few.
It could be stated here that both the slums are
not having similar characteristics of it's migration of
the residents. Muriya Pahar has been inhabited in such a
way where still now in migration flow is going on. Because
of some economic reasons people could stay in the basti.
As a result the expansion of the basti is going on.
Whereas there is no such expansion in Kampoo basti area.
5.3. Social Organisations:
Different types of social organisations formed
were over a period of time and also some of them
disappeared in the course of time at the slum areas. The
formation of these were basically meant for to achieve
certain aspirations articulating on the basis of
209
physiological, safety, love, esteem and actualisation.
Even after the formation, some of organisation would have
been disappeared because, either they could not achieve
the goals set for or became very difficult to sustain the
common interests of the slum residents within the
organisational set up. However, some of organisations
have been described as the following manner.
5.4. Informal Groups for Physical Exercise:
There were no formal youth organisations existing
in the slums. The young boys used to carry on some of the
activities like cricket game on the street or any open
space available forming informal groups in the basti
itself. It was observed in the Muriya Pahar slum
situation. In the same manner some children were also
carrying on different types of games in the locality.
5.5 Formal Organisation at Local Level:
According to Mr. Babulal Bij al, key respondent,
there were some social organisation formed as formal
organisation at the Muriya Pahar basti for different
purposes in different times.
(1) In 1960, "Ram Nagar Sudhar Samiti", was formed
210
as formal organisation for the entire basti.
existing till today.
It has been
(2) In 1976, "Sarva Dharma Manab Kalyan Ashram"
was formed in the Pahari Kshet~a for the purpose of
religious activities. This has also been carrying on such
activities in the basti area.
(3) In 1982, "Asamanta Nibaran Sangh" was
established for the activities of secularism at the basti
level.
(4) "Naka Chandramoni Vikash Samiti" was formed
in 1988 with the perspective of slum or basti development
activities.
(5) In 1993, "Pranti Jatav Sabha" was formed to
initiate local mass mobilization against social
discrimination, deprivation and exploitation.
(6) In 1992-93 "Congress Sevadal" was formed for
the political action at the basti level.
Apart
organisations
from
there
the
were
above
also
mentioned social
some sub-groups and
sub-committees of the social organisations.
211
(1) Durgapuri Mohalla Sudhar Samiti.
(2) Muriya Pahar Vikash Samiti.
(3) Devnagar Mohalla Sudhar Samiti.
(4) Ramnagar Mohalla Sudhar Samiti.
(5) Dr. Ambedkar Mahatta Sudhar Samiti.
(6) Jana Kalyan Parisad -- Naka.
At present, Mr. Ashok Jain was the president of
Dr. Ambedkar Mohalla Sudhar Samiti, and Mr. B.L. Bezo was
the president of Muriya Pahar Vikash Samiti. According to
Dr. S.S. Parihar, there was "Bahuuddeshi Naka Chandramoni
Vikash Samiti" formed 5 years ago. Dr. Parihar himself
was the president of the Samiti. Beside the executive
members, there were about 100 members in the samiti.
According to Dr. Parihar, the charter of demands
prepared by the organisation for the slum improvement and
development activities. The samiti started mobilising the
people towards their action planned just after their
formation at the slum area. The demands were mostly put
up to the Municipal Corporation Authorities and ruling
Government machineries in the district itself. The
demands were as follows.
212
(1) Electricity facilities for the slum residents,
(2) Kharanja Karan (drainage system facilities),
(3) Main Margo Ka Farash (flat stone pieces for the foot
ways, lanes and roads in the basti,
(4) Police security for prevention of anti-social
activities,
(5) Water tap (Nali) facilities for all residents,
(6) Flush sanitary latrine facilities for inside the
houses,
(7) Prevention of unauthorised building constructions in
the locality,
(8) Mandir (Temple) entries for all section of the peo
ple,
Abreast of these activities, the local
organisational committees were also involved in some
welfare activities at the basti level itself. For
example, there were a Subarna Mandir Trust committee.
This committee collected contributions from the
residents and built up the Mandir Building and it's
nice complex without any monitory helps from outside
agencies. Similarly 'Sankar Mandir' was being
constructed by the Asabarna group of residents on their
own at the Muriya Pahar.
213
Indeed, the social organisation and it's function
were slightly different in the Kampoo basti area. There
were about three formal social organisations existing in
the Kampoo basti. They were as follows.
(1) Jan Kalyan Samiti - in 1988
(2) Bahu Uddesh Vikasan Samiti, in 1989 and
(3) Mohalla Suraksha Samiti - 1982.
These were formed separately for the different
purposes and actions including separate aims and
objectives as following manner.
1. Jan Kalyan Samiti: This was formed by most of the
young residents specially the young students. The main
purpose of this organisation was social welfare activities
in the basti itself. Some other activities were performed
to achieve the goal of the Samiti.
(1) Dharmik Anusthan (religious function);
(2) Nava Ratri Mela (fair on religious occasion) ;
(3) Holi Samarah (social gathering on holi); and
(4) Ganesh Utsab (ganesh puja festivals).
In addition to these programmes there were also
some other activities carried out by the organisation.
They were mostly:
214
( 1) Sram Dan (manual labour for some issues including
cleanliness of drainage systems, water logging, etc.
(2) Solving Water Problems during the summer or hot
season there was shortage of water supply and water
scarcity, they used to approach M.C.G. & PHE and used to
manage water for the residents.
(3) Electricity Problems - while the electricity deptt.
used to ignore the complains made the resident, this
organisation would take active steps and solve the
problems.
(4) Preventive Measures for anti-social activities, Rape,
molestation etc. by the police Jawans because the police
force/battalion were almost attached with the basti
situation were watched and prevented at the local level.
2. Bahu Uddesh Vikasan Samiti was basically for
the cultivators. This was the central place for the
neighbouring villages. Some of the slum people were also
involved in agricultural activities. Some residents of
the basti had some cultivable land area in the villages.
Therefore, the basti became the base for such
organisational activities to ensure the facilities· like
communication and others. However, the main objective of
the organisation was to articulate agricultural demands
like irrigation well and water facility, pump sets, loan
215
(agricultural), and Kisan Samabesh etc. From the
functional point of view, it was not that much active,
some time it could not perform any activity regarding
these issues for a year.
3. ~M:..::o:.:h.:..:a:::..:::.l.:::l""a,__--"'S""u"""r..,a""k""""'s~h..,.a:>,..____,S'""'a""n=g""a'""t ... h.:..:a""n~ was basic a 11 y
security force or watch group in the basti. Here in this
sangathan most of the young people were involved. The
main purpose of this group was to safeguard the basti from
the Thief, Docoits, Jua gamblers and such other anti
social elements. For this, there were different
sub-groups established for nightwatching.
they used to perform their duties at night.
By rotation
6. DECISION MAKING AND POWER STRUCTURE:
According to the key respondents - (Mr. Dixit)
there were no visible power structures in the slum
situations. Land d·isputes had already been disappeared
from the basti because of police and court. Family and
household disputes were also not that much in the
locality. Only the problem of the basti was that some
people could not tolerate other's progress and development
within the basti environment. Whatever the occurrence of
any disputes whichever the subject matters of day to day
2J.6
life activities, all used to go in the hands of police,
then according to the decision of the court people used to
follow. Only small family cruelties or conflicts as the
form of disputes were usually being resolved by the local
respected and influential persons. Here the group of such
persons used to check the acts of the subject from both
the parties and used to provide rational verdict sitting
altogether in a common place. He also pointed out that
among the disputes which are taken to the police, most of
the honest people were being harassed by the police as
dishonest and anti-social residents could manage the
police.
6.1. Influential Persons and their Role in the Basti:
There were some individuals who used to take
active part in resolving local family disputes in the
bastis. They were considered to be influential persons
because of their decision which is carried out by the
common residents. Sometimes, they were called in for
consultation. These persons also had some positions at
the local level . In Muriya Pahar those people were as
Shri Purusatyam Bhargava, Mr. Dixit, Mr. G.S. Sekharwar,
Mr. K.K. Bajpaie, Md. Nurahemad, Mr. Satpal Singh and Mr.
217
Matiram.
backgrounds.
Individually they were having different
Mr. Bhargava was a political leader of congress
party and known to every resident. Some people knew him
as a rich money lender. Some considered him as a social
worker. Mr. Hari Singh More was also a political leader
of congress party.
Bajpaie was a rich
He was about 72 years old. Mr. K.K.
person and engaged in private job
activities. Mr. G.S. Sekharwar was a dynamic and social
worker particularly among the underprivileged class
SC/ST/OBC classes. Whereas Mr. Satpal Singh was a tribal
and quite known not only among the Pardi tribe people but
also quite popular amongst other residents. Mr. Matiram
was quite influential person among the Jatav or Harijan
community.
These people used to play different type of role
directly or indirectly in the decision making process at
the local situation. Though there was not much for them
to solve the problems except developmental activities.
Similarly some local influential persons were
found in Kampoo Basti area. They were Mr. Omprakash
Pathak, Mr. Lalaram Kushwah, Mr. Bhagwan Das, Mr. Bablu,
Mr. Golab Rao (Kaka) . Mrs. Urmila. All of them were
known to the residents of the basti. They were called for
218
resolving any disputes and for any consultation and
suggestion. They were also directly or indirectly
i.nvolved in the development activities of the locality.
Some of them were also having different political
background. Among the party activists and socially
reputed persons, there were a group of upper caste people
who used to control social life in the locality. They
were Mr. Samaldar Jain, Mr. Golab Rao, Mr. M.K. Dixit, Mr.
R.S. Jain, Mr. S.C. Gael, Mr. B.K. Kushwah etc.
From the above discussion it has emerged that in
Muriya Pahar basti, in the process of politicization all
caste groups could have identified their leaders as the
representative. As a result, Mr. Satpal Singh has become
influential person from the Pardi Tribe community, Mr.
Matiram from the Harizan community and, lvld. Nurmohmad
from Muslim community. It shows there was no domination
of a particular caste group. But in the Kampoo area the
upper caste people used to dominate the decision making
process in the basti itself.
6.2. Political Party Supporters and Cadres:
According to Mr. Purusatyam Bhargava, a district
level congress party leader. About 50 percent of the
people used to support congress party, 30 percent
219
supported the BJP, 15 percent supported the BSP and rest 5
percent supported the CPM and other parties. At the same
manner, another key respondent Mr. Natu Singh Jadav also
stated that there were a total of 3500 voters in the
entire basti. Out of these 50 percent were congress
supporters, 35 percent BJP supporters, 10 percent BSP and
5 percent JD supporters.
There were some formal or informal individuals who
used to play their political role as party cadres in the
basti. They were: Mr. Purusatyam Bhargava, Mr. Hari Singh
More I and Mr. Satpal Singh for the congress party I Mr.
Dixit for the BJP; Mr. Babulal Bijal for JD ad Mr. G.S.
Sekharwah and Mr. Matilal for the BSP. All these people
were actively involved in the politicisation of the basti
residents particularly during the election time. Thus, it
was observed that there were 3 percent active members of
such political parties in this basti. This political
party activity was slightly different in Kampoo basti
area. According to Mr. Kalicharan, a local BJP leader,
there were about 40 percent BJP supporters 10 percent for
the JD, 40 percent for the congress party and 10 percent
for the BSP during last Municipal Election 1982. But this
picture of political support has been changed over a
decade. According to Mr. Shyam Sunder Dube. Now, about
220
30 percent of the people supported the BJP 15 and percent
for the congress party.
supported the BSP and
About 40 percent of the people
rest of the people usually
preferred for the other parties like CPM.
Here in the Kampoo basti area some persons were
actively involved in the political activities as the party
cadre. They were Mr. Kalicharan for the BJP, Mr. Bhagwan
Das for the BSP, Mr. Golab Rao Gaikwar for the congress
party. Actually this locality has fallen under the S.C.
reserved constituency. And there were also a sizable
population belonging to SC categories in the Kampoo basti.
According to the respondents there were 3 percent active
member of such political parties in the basti.
However, in the context of the political
activities, particularly for the improvement of the basti,
it was observed that the activity of congress party did
some kind of work in the Muriya Pahar basti area. But the
political situation was different in Kampoo area. BJP
activists did some developmental work in the basti.
Particularly drainage, electricity, water and lane
construction were some of the major works for the
development in both the slum situations.
Thus, it could be noted here that caste based
221
political forces were emerging in the slum localities.
Ideology and value based politics were being exposed with
the contents of exploitation, manipulation, corruption
discrimination and deprivation etc. in the slum situation.
6.3. Election and Voting Behaviour:
It was observed that during last four decades the
supporters of different political parties had changed
their political affiliation in the Muriya Pahar basti.
According to a well known social workers and very reliable
key informant - Mr. Babulal Bijal, 50 years old, in the
1960s there were about 5 percent congress supporters, 93
percent Hindu Maha Sabha supporters and about 2 percent
samajbad. Janata Party supporters in the basti. During
1970s the residents of the basti shifted their political
affiliation to, about 25 percent for the congress party
and rest 75 'percent for the BJP. Similarly, during 1980s
it was about 45 percent for the congress party and 55
percent for the BJP. But, during early 1990s again the
political scenario of the basti started changing. It was
about 50 percent for the congress party, 35 percent for
the Bharatiya Janata Party, 10 percent for BSP, 3 percent
for the CPM and about 2 percent for the JD.
222
He also stated that during the last Municipal
election the political activities of the basti were
observed in the following manner. In 1982 there were
about 2060 voters in the basti. Among them about 65 were
Kushwah, 575 Jatav, 65 harij an, 350 Muslim, about 60
Mirdha, 40 Sahu, 254 Thakur, 70 Ghosi, 110 Pandit, 115
Ojha, 150 Pardi Adhivasi, 20 Koli, 35 Kumar, 10 Nai, 50
Joshi and 86 from other caste groups. At present this
voter list has been modified for the Muriya Pahar slum
area.
In the case of Kampoo basti the election pattern
and voting behaviour of the residents were quite
different. According to the key respondent Mr.
Kalicharan, there were four candidates who fought for the
last Municipal election in 1982. However, the candidates
for the general Assembly election were Mr. Crirish Dixit
for the BJP, Mr. Jamuna Prasad for the JD, Mr. Hari Singh
Goel for the Congress Party and Mr. Bhaggu Bhagle for the
BSP. In fact, in 1982 election about 40 percent of the
residents franchised their votes for the BJP and about 40
percent for the JD.
for the BSP.
Among the rest about 10 percent
The key respondent Mr. Shyam Sunder Dube said that
223
this Kampoo basti was a den of BJP. But recently it has
become the area of BSP. In the last Municipal election in
1982, congress party candidate Mr. Hari Singh Goel was
the Municipal counselor from this area. JD, candidate Mr.
Jamuna Das (SC) got only 600 votes and Mr. Mohan Singh
Kotiam (SC) got 1_150 votes from this locality.
In fact, it was also found that some of the
residents knew the politica~ leaders who have been elected
and have contested the election s held over the recent
past. This could be seen in table 33.
Table 33:
Familiarity with the Leaders Contested for the Elections.
Muriya Pahar Category
N(200) %
Counselor or Municipality
-Yes 21 10.5 -No 179 89.5
Kampoo Total No. (TN)
N(100)% (300)
21 21 42 79 79 250
Member of Legislator Assembly (MLA)
-Yes 153 76.5 73 73 226 -No 47 23.5 27 27 74
Member of Parliament M.P.
-Yes 126 63 43 43 169 -No 74 37 57 57 131
Percentage of TN
(%)
14 86
75.3 24.6
56.3 43.6
Table no. 33 shows that 14 percent of the residents knew
224
the counselor wpo had been elected in the Municipal
election held in 1982. While 86 percent did not know the
counselor or they had forgotten the name of the counselor.
But the Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) was quite
familiar with 75.3 percents of the resident either by name
or by face. It was because the election held in 1989.
Similarly 56.3 percent knew the Member of Parliament
(M.P.) either by name or by face.
It could be also be stated that slum dweller are
quite aware of the political activities. They are very
much concerned about their contribution, supporting the
right political party for the State and Central
Government. Even they are concerned about their under
development and backwardness at the slum situation.
With the political party ideology and their
attitudes towards the formation of the government at
different levels they took active participation on the
voting system for different elections. In this regard
they had exercised their voting rights to elect the
suitable candidate by the election processes.
shown in table 34.
225
This is
Table 34:
B.xercise of Voting Rights among the Slum Residents.
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total No. Percentage Category (TN) of TN
N(200) % N(100) t ( 300) (t)
Vote for Last MLA Election:
- Yes 173 86.5 86 86 259 86.3
- No 27 13.5 14 14 41 13.6
Vote for Last MP Election a
Yes 173 86.5 85 85 258 86
- No 27 13.6 15 15 42 14
Vote for Last Municipal Election a
Yes 74 37 57 57 131 43.6
- No 126 63 43 43 169 56.3
Table no. 34 shows that 86.3 percent of the slum
residents had exercised their voting right for the MLA
election. Similarly 86 percent cast their votes for M.P.
election too. But only 43.6 percent had exercised their
voting rights for las~ Municipal election. Not only this, ./
in the Municipal election, there were significant
difference between both the slum situation. During that
election only 37 percent of the residents of Muriya Pahar
could exercise their voting rights for the Municipal
election in 1982. The low percentage of voters observed
in Muriya Pahar, because of its unauthorised growth.
226
l(lhereas in Kampoo basti it was 57 percent who could
exercise their vote for the Municipal election because of
permanent and authorised settlement.
From this observation it could be noted here that
the slum dwellers are very much aware of their voting
rights in both the slum situations. It also shows their
political consciousness. Either it was created by the
politicisation and mass mobilisation initiated by the
local level political activity or political cadres, or it
could have been possible by the day to day life exposures
of the residents and the socio-cultural and socio-economic
dynamics of city life pattern.
6.4. Local Power Practice and Anti-social Elements:
Some anti-social elements were found residing in
the Muriya Pahar basti. As · believed by the key
respondents they were Shri Shakhar son of Mr. Ram Dayal,
Shri Kanua Mohan, Shri Subaram who was shot dead, Shri
Shital son of a Thakur family and Mr. Kumar. They
altogether formed a gang in the basti and engaged in
different types of anti-social activities within and
outside the basti.
227
A murder case was identified in the basti. About
two years ago, it occurred relating to a 'girl• . Again
the key respondent stated that the murder cases were quite
frequent occurrences in the basti.
were mainly four subject matters:
In this regard, there
( 1) income earning
related matter in the family, (2) love affairs with girls,
(3) Daru Sarabi or alcoholic factors and (4) power
practices of the local leaders.
It was also stated that there were about SO
anti-social elements in the area. They were divided into
two groups. A group of 30 anti-social activists the local
congress leaders had taken the dominant power position in
the basti. The anti-social activists group was usually
protected and given political shelter under the congress
party banner. Similarly, on the other hand BJP party
leaders had also given political shelter to the rest 20
anti-social activists as elements of power practice in the
basti. Basically, the problems were created by the local
leaders under the political banners and the anti-social
elements were encouraged and used for the action. As a
result frequent group conflicts and even murder cases
occurred in the locality.
Infact, certain changes in this regard had taken
228
place over a period of time. One of the top anti-social
elements of the basti, Timpoo was put into the Jail since
10 years. Shekhar was also put into the jail, while
Ramnath had become old and physically paralyzed. Sera had
recently started descent living in the basti after
reforming himself.
But still, the anti-social activities were not
removed from the basti. Recently, there was a action
capturing housing plots and it's demolition initiated by
the anti-social elements. Thus, they took the possession
of the housing plots and sold it out to the other party.
This had became the usually activities of the anti-social
elements in the basti. Another key respondent , some more
names of such anti-social elements were given. They were
Rakhesh Sharma - 24 years old, Shriram Sharma - 24 years
old, Ashok Sen - 36 years old, Hariong - 23 years, Bijoy
Chaurashia 23 years, Pappu (Totla) 20 years, Ratan
Kachhi 38 years old and other 20 names. They were
mostly young people in the basti.
been to the jail.
Few of them had already
The key respondents also pointed out that 95
percent of the residents were not bothered about all these
activities and for the betterment of the people. Only 5
percent used to think about it. Among them only few
229
individuals used to take initiative for better quality of
life in the slums. But others used to oppose it
deliberately.
In the case of Kampoo basti area, the anti-social
elements and power practices by the local people were
totally different from Muriya Pahar basti. The extent of
anti-social activities were very less compared to the
Muriya Pahar. There were no such housing plot capturing
demolition and murder cases in the Kampoo basti area.
Of course, there were anti-social activities in the basti,
that was for local petty things that's all.
From these observations, it could be noted that
the decision making and power structure of the slum
situation varies from one area to another area. The old
and established slum people are not having that much
complex situation compared to the unauthorised,
semi-authorised and newly mushroomed slum areas. The main
reason of this complexity is the economic interest of the
people. There are too many ways to earn money in the
newly developed slum areas. Because, capturing the
position of the plots or house, and selling those
possessions with high prices,
vote bank, government
political interferences for
officials corruption and
manipulations in the name of development progranunes and
230
schemes, business establishments etc. are the major forces
of decision making.
6.5. Deter.minants of Power in the Day-to-day Life of Slums:
According to the key respondents, the slums
residents, particularly the poor and weaker sections, felt
that they were directly or indirectly exploited by the
local rich people and by the corruption of the government
officials at different levels.
However the key respondents of Muriya Pahar
pointed out that the local Pandits and Thakur were
economically well off and used to exploit the weaker
section in the basti. It was also mentioned that these
people were mostly political leaders of the locality and
used to exploit the poor people by the help of the local
goondas (muscle man) . For example -- one well known local
leader of a National Political Party had captured few
plots of the poor people with the help of the police.
Without making any payment, he constructed more than 12
houses in the Muriya Pahar basti area.
231
On the other hand, due to the corruption in the
government offices, the slum residents had to bribe the
officials for electricity, water taps, loan facilities
etc. These were really the extreme forms of exploitation
for the poor people. The poor people would come forward,
but the facility providers were not accessible and
available for the poor and their purposes.
The nature of exploitation were slightly different
in the Kampoo basti area. There were 4 very rich persons,
Mr. Harish Chandra Goel, Mr. Bairang Seth, Mr. Duarka
Prasad and Mr. Pahelar Singh Sekharwar.
However, the slum residents did not like these
four people because of their exploitation and activities
against the poor people.
Regarding the exploitation it could be noted here
that only the poorer sections of the slum residents are
exploited by the local rich and political leaders. The
corruption of the government machineries also blocked
certain common facilities for the poor and weaker sections
of the slum population. Alongside, there are mainly two
type of exploitation -- a) money lending with high rate of
interest and b) taking away a percentage of daily wage,
for example carpet making and construction labour wage in
the Kampoo basti and capturing the housing plots and
232
selling them out in Muriya Pahar slum.
7 • SOCIAL CHANGE AND SLUM DEVELOPMENT:
The structural and functional changes in the slum
situations took place over a period of time in the gradual
processes. Some changes were spontaneously brought in and
some were induced changes. However, some of the major
changes were observed and noted from the statements of the
- key respondents and physical verification from the real
situations of the slums. The important and significant
changes could be seen as the following manner.
Apart from the historical background of the Muriya
Pahar basti, it was noticed that in 1960, there was a
acute water crisis in the location. At that time a
committee was formed under the leadership of Mr. Babu Lal.
It was "Nagar Sudhar Sami ti" . A group of about 50-60
people rendered their "Shram Dan" (services) to clean up
the old well for provision of water to the residents.
There was also a decision after resolving the court case
between the Forest Department and the inhabitants that the
poor people could be allowed to live in the area. It was
the time, the area was called as Muriya Pahar, Chandramai
Ki Nake and Shri Ram Nagar. During this period, their
233
(residents) political affiliation were 5 percent congress,
93 percent Hindu Maha Sabha and only about 2 percent
Samajbadi Party.
In fact, in 1960 there were no significant event
for the Kampoo basti area. The basti settlement was older
than the rapidly expanded settlement of Muriya Pahar.
There was only gradual process of population growth.
In 1962-64 there was Najul -- Settlement Operation
of Revenue Department in the Muriya Pahar area. It
resulted the transformation from Jete Jamin to Abadi Mao
and population increased as about 700 in the entire
locality.
By the effort of Mr. Ramesh chandraji and Mohalla
Sudhar Samiti, Municipality sanctioned one water tank and
one pump set machine for the Pahari residents in 1968. It
was also felt by the people that the installation of water
tank on the top of the Pahar would not be able to meet the
water requirements of the residents. So there were the
demands for bore water facilities at four pockets of the
basti -- (1) Naherwali Mata area, (2) Gali no. 5 area,
(3) Front side of the Ma~a Ganji area (4) one at Gali no.
1. Infact, Mr. Ramesh Chandra Hiralal Ji had initiated
mobilizing the residents and collected some
contribution/money for digging out a big well to solve the
234
water problems. Finally it was completed.
In 1969 the old well had be repaired and made the
well about 120 feet deep. PHE Department provided the
pump set sanctioned which was called as Bajrang Naga Bore
Well Pump Set. Finally it was opined by a minister of the
then congress govt. Before this pump set, there were
10-15 buckets with long ropes used for pulling up water
from the well.
However, in 1970 the harij an families increased
from 25 to about 100 in the locality. The political
motivation of the residents increased about 25 percent
towards congress party and about 75 percent towards BJP,
it changed the earlier situations.
The rapid migration in this Muriya Pahar basti
started in 1972. Because, there was an announcement by
the Government of M.P. that there would not be any slum
demolishing activities in the state. Thus, the residents
along with new migrants dispersed or scattered all over
the basti forming about 5 (five) Mohallas lanes or galis.
At that time, there were about 60 households in gali no.
1, 40 households in gali no. 2, about 12 households in
gali no. 3, about 8 households in gali no. 4 and about 4
households in the gali no. 5.
In 1973-74, there were a total of about 390
235
households in the Muriya Pahar basti. The nature of the
population were 591 male, 589 female and 1152 children.
Thus, it was a total of 2332 population as a whole.
However, among the residents, only about 10-15 people were
given the patta of the plots of 13~ feet by 40 feet land
area. At the initial stage of settlement the pardi
inhabitants had received their patta, later on other
people were given the same. Thus, on the basis of the
legal authority and patta allotment, except Mohalla no. 5
came up on the possession of Jotesj amin. The residents
purchased their plots of land from Zamindars Mr. Patel and
later on Mohalla no. 6 came up with the illegal settlement
over the Forest Land area.
In the same duration, another "Sankar Mandir
establishment was initiated adjacent to the Neherwali Mata
Ki Mandir. It was initiated by the Association of
Underprivileged section, because the SC people were not
easily permitted to enter the Mata Mandir. One Dharam
Sala as community centre was also initiated within the
complex of Sankar Mandir. The construction of the same
building was already started by the local contractor Mr.
Chandra. Thus, it became another public place. During
this period, there was a land mark that 22 residents of
the locality were arrested by the police due to socialist
236
party activities for the Bidhan Sabha Election.
At that time, there was one deep tube well set up
in the Kampoo basti area. Although it was not meant for
the resident of the basti. But some of the basti dwellers
had to avail water facilities from this tube well.
In 1975 the entire basti population increased by
87 new households as the additional population. In the
additional population there were 87 male, 85 female and
154 children. They were a total of 326 new population for
the basti. Thus, the Muriya Pahar basti was comprised of
a total of 477 households and a total of 2658 population .
It was mainly because of the announcement regarding Patta
distribution made by the then Chief Minister, Mr. Arjun
Singh and about 168 people had received their "Patta" for
the settlement in the Muriya Pahar basti. However, there
were only seven (7} electric light posts at the gali no.
1, four (4} posts at gali no. 2, eleven (11} posts at gali
no. 3, and four (4) posts at the gali no. 5.
In 1976-77, about 112 new households as additional
settlement came up increasing the total households by 589
and the total population by 3152. This increased
population in the basti was because of slum clearance
action programmes in the city itself. About 100 harijan
families were migrated into this basti from Lalitpur
237
colony. Among these people about 40 families were given
Rs. 300/- each family as their compensation. Not only
that, about 21 families were given "Patta" and the plots
of land in this basti.
Actually in 1977 the Land Revenue Department of
the Government in the district of Gwalior started
demolishing illegal and unauthorised basti settlement
mushroomed at the peripheries over a period of time. But
the Muriya Pahar Kshetra had not been affected by those
slum clearance programme. Therefore, Revenue Department
started doing Nilam or allotments and selling the plots of
land of this basti.
By the time, in 1976, some kind of developmental
activities were already going on in the Pahari Kshetra.
Gitti Karam and Kharing Pathari Karam were completed in
some of the portions of the basti particularly at the
Mandir complex. At the same time, it was declared by the
Government as Harijan Basti and Rs. 7 lakh were sanctioned
for it's development. Two public latrines were
constructed -- one at end of the gali no. 4 and another
one at the beginning of gali no. 4. Both latrines were 8
seater -- 4 for female and 4 for male members. Beside
these developmental activities, the people who already had
the possession of the occupancy rights started selling
238
their possessions at the price of about Rs. 50/- to 100/-
for 30'/30' to 40'/40' square plots of land. Thus, the
upper caste and moneyed people started purchasing these
plots of land and slowly settled down in the Muriya Pahar
basti. Anyway Municipal corporation also started some
kind of developmental activities at the basti level.
In 1978 proper road and lane facilities work
started at the basti area. According to the respondents
it was stated that about 40-50 families were given loan
facilities. The amount of such loan was about Rs. 3400/-
for each family. This was given to the residents only
for housing construction. But in the reality the
beneficiaries received only Rs. 2400/-. Rest of the money
was taken by the officials as bribe.
In 1980, the total population of the Muriya Pahar
basti increased. The political affiliation of the
residents were changed as about 45 percent towards
congress and 55 percent towards BJP. On the other hand
another tube well was set up at the Kali Mandir Mohalla of
the Kampoo basti area.
However in 1982 it was found that the Municipal
Corporation had provided pacca covered drainage systems in
the entire Kampoo basti area. It was possible because
there were repeated pressure and representation made by
239
the Mohalla Sudhar Samiti. At that time, this committee
at local level was quite powerful for the Kampoo basti
development. According to the key respondent --Mr. Shyam
Sundar Due, Though the Kampoo basti was the belt of BJP,
Mr. Hari Charan Goel had become the counselor from the
congress party_in the Municipal election 1982. But in the
case of the Muriya Pahar basti one new social organisation
was formed as "Asamanta Nivaran Sangh for the activities
of secularism and equality. There was the mobilization of
the residents against exploitation, discrimination and
social injustice etc at the basti level.
During 1985-87 there were the scheme of safety
tank latrine construction facilities from the Municipal
corporation. At that time, about 250 such latrines had
been constructed by the residents at the Muriya Pahar
basti. The residents took their initiative to construct
such sanitary latrines at their own houses itself. Two
public latrine of six seater were constructed at the top
of the Pahari Kshetra. Whereas in the Kampoo basti area,
only one 8 seater public latrine was constructed or
installed by the Nagar Nigam at the Harijan locality.
In the years 1988-89 there were some changes in
the basti areas. "Naka Chandramani Vikash Samiti" was
formed at the Muriya Pahar with the purpose of slum
240
development activities. As a result one more public
latrine was constructed at the gali no. 5. It was also 8
seater-- 4 for male and 4 for female. During this period
at Muriya Pahar basti electrification had been completed.
Drainage system construction were also initiated.
Farshikaran activities were carried out over few lanes -
special gali no. 3, and nearer connecting smaller lanes
towards Mata Ki Mandir. Another four Community Flesh
sanitary latrine constructions were initiated at four
different dwelling areas of the entire basti. During the
same time there was also one incident
Muriya Pahar Kshetra. Due to the
took place in the
family conflict
continued for couple of years between two land lords -
namely Mr. Ram Chandra Patel and Mr. Sajan Gujgate, Mr.
Ranjit Patel son of R.C. Patel was murdered. This murder
case brought out some anti-social elements to the notice
.of the police as well as common masses.
On the other side, "Jan Kalyan Sami ti was formed
in the Kampoo basti area with the view of people's
betterment at the basti situation. When the samiti was
being popularised among the residents and the people's
involvement started increasing, another samiti was formed
in 1989 as "Bahu Uddesh Vikasan Samiti", in Kampoo basti
itself. It was shown that only the community efforts
241
could bring about a change.
During 1990-91 the total population of the Muriya
Pahar rose -upto 5300. The political affiliation of the
residents changed as about 50 percent towards congress
party, 35 percent BJP, 10 percent
and about 2 percent JD. Along
BSP,
with
3 percent CPM,
this political
changes, there was a Dharna (Bhuk hartal) launched by
about 10-12 residents for 24 hours. The main reasons of
this Hartal were proper road and lanes at the gali no. 3,
two deep tube well for availability of drinking water, and
proper shed construction for the Samsan Ghat with running
hand pump water facilities.
At the same time, in the Kampoo basti area, there
was the installation of another tube well at the Patia
Wala Mohalla. Thus, the residents of the basti could have
been given water facilities.
However, in 1992 there was the installation of one
more deep tube well at the Muslim Mohalla and Gaddiwala
Jatav Mohalla in the Kampoo basti area. But in the Muriya
Pahar basti, there was again another "Bhuk Hartal" for 24
hours in the month of January 1992. This time, the main
demand of the residents was "Dampikaran" or stone flat
road flooring from gali no. 1 to gali no. 4. At the same
time, there was a big -- mass mobilization action on 26th
242
January 1992. However during the same year, congress
"seba Dal" was also formed in the Muriya Pahar basti area.
Again, the mass mobilization on 26th January was the red
letter day of the basti. It was the mobilization of SC
and ST and weaker section of people. About 3000 to 4000
people came to participate this action of mobilization
from different parts of the city. It was basically
organised against the issue of "Social Justice" and
protection for constitutional safe guard for the weaker or
underprivileged section of the people.
Thus, in 1993 the Pranti Jatav Sabha" was formed
for social justice, social discrimination, deprivation and
exploitation, in the Muriya Pahar slum area. Infact, by
the time, the population of the basti increased by about
1100 households and thus about a total of 5736
population. Apart from this increased population, again
there were the changes in political motivations amongst
the residents. Not only this, there were also lot of
changes in the different structural establishments such as
latrine, electrification, house building, water taps,
shops, medical clinics, vehicles etc.
From the structural changes that took place from
time to time in the slum situation menticned above, it has
also been noticed that there were some changes in the
243
cultural life pattern of the residents. Infact,
considering the existing socio-economic conditions and
occupational categories, educational activities and it's
level, and the behaviour in the context of several health
institutions - it could be stated here that there were
some intrinsic forces ih the process of the changes in the
way of life of the slum dwellers and the development of
the slums. The major dynamics of such changes have been
articulated in the following manners.
( 1) The migrant people had the power and energy
for any kind of action in the slums. Because, they were
rootless people and they wanted to establish their root or
base for the future life, at any cost. Therefore, working
hard and following by any means and struggle for
existence, were the basic tenet of their mode of action.
(2) The motivation of the people dwelling in the
slums persisted through the wider exposure of day to day
city life activities and the regular interaction with the
stimulus events of wider world were constantly forcing the
people to mold to adopt, to persuade and to practice the
things encountered for action at the slum situation.
'(3) The aspirations of the slum dwellers were
usually created by the education, conununication,
244
politicization and information. To achieve the
aspirations, the slum residents were struggling all
through out to increase their purchasing power. Because,
the purchasing power is the first and foremost, and only
weapon in the context of availability and accessibility of
the material and materialised things (some of the
subjective and objective environment facilities were under
the developmental schemes and programmes of the Municipal
Corporation and the government) to fulfill any type of
needs demands and aspirations of possible directly or
indirectly at the given situation.
(4) In fact, strong will and collective or
community efforts along with different forms of means were
able to bring about changes whatever taken place as the
development in the slum situations. This was again
basically the amalgamation of the both induce/plan and
spontaneous/automatic processes of the change and
development at the slum areas. For example -- there were
some plan programmes
Development of dirty
of Municipal
bastis/colonies,
Corporation (i)
(ii) Electricity
supply facilities for all bast is, (iii) Drinking water
supply facilities for all bast is, ( iv) Cleanliness and
health service facilities etc for all basti/slum in the
city. And with some effort on this part they were able
245
to get some of these implemented in their slum.
7 .1. Some Other Social Behaviour Influencing Health Actions and Health Care Pattern:
There were some other social carriages such as
information, education and communications that indirectly
influenced the health components turning to an account of
health care pattern of the slum dwellers. Such social
actions would be discussed here as following manners.
Table 35:
Other Social Behaviour.
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories of Number of TN Aspects N(200) % N(100) % TN (300) (%)
I. T.V. Watching: - Don't watch 66 33 28 28 94 31.3 - Frequently at 14 7.0 12 12 26 8.6
others home - Sometimes at 46 23 29 29 75 25
home Regularly at 74 37 31 31 105 35 home
II. Watching T.V. PrQgrammes: - News 104 52 41 41 145 48.3 - Cinema/ 113 56.5 52 52 165 55
Chitrahar - Serial 121 60.5 66 66 187 62.3 - Health Prog. 9 4.5 8 8 17 5.7 - Others 1 0.5 2 2 3 1
:IJ:I. Radio Listening: - Don't listen 127 63.5 64 64 191 63.6 - Songs 58 29 27 27 85 28.3 - News 12 6 16 16 28 9.6 - Other Prog. 2 1 2 2 4 1.2 - All dramas 1 0.5 1 1 2 0.6
Cant ...
246
Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories of Number of TN Aspects N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)
IV. Reading News PaJ2ers: - Don't Read 89 44.5 35 35 124 41.3 - Frequently 2 1 2 2 4 1.3
don't buy Sometimes don't 9 4.5 3 3 12 4 buy
- Regularly buying 32 16 20 20 52 17.3 it
- Buy, don't read 2 1 1 1 3 1 regularly
- Daily don't buy 1.5 .75 3 3 18 6 - N.A. 49 24.5 36 36 85 28.3
- N.K. 2 1 2 0.6 v. Movie Going: - Never 134 67 69 69 203 67.6
- Once in 15 days 3 1.5 6 6 9 3 - Once in 30 days 35 17.5 9 9 44 14.6 - Once in 2 months 7 3.5 2 2 9 3 - Once in 3 months 4 2 4 4 8 2.6
- Once in more 14 7 8 8 22 7.3 than 4 months
- N.K. 3 1.5 2 2 5 1.6 VI. SJ2ending Leisure Time: - No response 1 0.5 4 4 5 1.6 - take rest/sleep 64 32 42 42 106 35.3 - Reading 18 9 8 8 26 8.6
- No. spare time 90 45 23 23 113 37.6
- take drinks 21 10.5 21 7
- Other way 6 3 23 23 29 9
Mode of Watching T.V.: According to the table no. 35(i),
it could be stated that there were certain ways-out by
which the slum residents were indirectly having
information, education and communication regarding not
only health and health problems, but also the external
world. 35 percent of the respondents used to watch TV
regularly at home. 25 percent used to watch TV, sometimes
247
at home. 8. 6 percent used to watch TV regularly at
others house. Apart, 31.3 percent of the respondents did
not watch TV at all. There was not much difference on
this trend between both the slum situations. It could,
thus, be noted that majority of the slum residents were
watching TV by different means and ways.
Watching TV Programmes: Table no. 35(ii) indicates that
the slum dwellers were confined on certain TV programmes.
In this regard there were multiple response. According to
the respondents it was found that there 48.3 percent for
news (TV), 55 percent for cinema and chitraar, 62.3
percent for serials, only 5.6 percent for
programmes and 1 percent for other programme.
health
In the
inter slum situation, News watching was little higher (52
percent) in the Muriya Pahar than ( 41 percent) in the
Kampoo basti area. Otherwise the trend was more or less
same in both the s luin areas. From this discussion it
could be stated that the slum residents had given very
less importance to the health programme compared to the
other programmes.
Radio Listening: Table no. 35(iii) shows that according to
the respondents, there were 63.6 percent who were not
listening radio at the slum situations. Among the
listeners, there were 28.3 percent for songs, 9.6 percent
248
for news, 1.9 percent for other programmes only 0.6
percent of the respondents were listening different types
of drama broadcasting through the Radio programme. There
was no significant difference between both the slum
situations. From this observation, it could be noted that
majority of the slum residents were not listening radio
programmes and even news.
Reading Newspapers : According to the table no. 35 ( i v) ,
there were certain means and ways by which the slum
dwellers were making use of reading newspapers at the slum
localities. 41.3 percent of the respondents stated that
they were not at a reading newspapers. 17.3 percent said
that they used to read newspaper regularly and buying it.
6 percent stated that they did not buy but used to read
newspaper regularly. 4 percent pointed out, that they did
not buy newspaper but used to read sometimes. 1.3 percent
stated, for without buying newspaper newspapers, reading
frequently. Besides, 28.3 percent responded not
applicable and 0. 6 percent did not know it. From this
situation it could be stated here once again that most of
the slum residents were not having any habits of ~eading
newspaper. Only few, people used to read newspaper by
different means and ways.
Going to Cinema Hall: Table no. 35(v), indicates that the
249
slum dwellers were on the move towards cinema halls.
Infact, it was observed that 67.6 percent of the
respondents stated they had never been to cinema hall.
Among the cinema visitors, there were 3 percent for once
in 15 days, 14.6 percent for once a month, 3 percent for
once in two month, 2. 6 percent for once in three month,
and 7.3 percent for once in four months. In the Muriya
Pahar, the cinema visitors once a month were slightly
(17.5 percent) higher than (9 percent) in the Kampoo basti
area. But from the findings it has been stated that most
of the slum dwellers were at present not interested to go
to cinema halls. But a sizable number of slum residents
used to visit cinema once a month.
Spending Spare Times: From the table no. 35(vi) it could
be observed that there were means and ways by which the
slum dwellers were availing the spare times at the slum
situations. 3 7. 6 percent of the respondents pointed out
that they did not have any spare time. 35.3 percent of
the respondents stated that they used to take rest and
sleep, 8.6 percent said that they used to read. 7 percent
pointed out that they used to take drinks and 9 percent
mentioned some other ways to spend their spare times. 1.6
percent did not reply any thing about spare time. 10.5
percent in the Muriya Pahar stated that they used to take
250
drinks for passing spare time, while it was totally nil in
the Kampoo area. Apart from these, only 8.6 percent of
the respondents used to spend their spare time for the
human development.
8. SOME EMERGING PROBLEMS IN THE QUALITY OF SLUM LIFE:
According to the key respondents it was observed
that there are some problems which emerged from the
dynamics of social changes and have been very complex in
the leading quality of life of the slum dwellers. As Mr.
Hari Singh More pointed out that multi facet problems in
the slum area including the formation of it have been very
complicated because, of our economic systems and its
distribution. Unequal distribution of the resources is
the main cause of this problem. Apart from this, the
exploitation has been deep rooted in every sphere of
social systems. For example, rich people are exploiting
poor in different forms like -- not giving proper wage, to
the labourer, not bothering about the problems of poor, no
sympathy and humanity, directly or indirectly capturing
plots of land and constructing houses. Corruption is
becoming rampant at all level of government and
non-government sectors. For example without bribing the
251
office personnel, getting water tap connection,
electricity connection, loan and other legal rights etc
are not possible. Due to all these, the numbers of murder
case are increasing day by day. Conflict and cohesive,
cruelty and different kinds of disputes etc. are
increasing more than before. Every group of people are
having tension on different things. Peaceful life and
group cohesiveness have declined to a great extent.
Regarding the growth of slum population Mr. Dixit
stated that over a period of time, the slum areas have
been overcrowded because of ( 1) increasing local
population upto three generation by 3 to 4 children in
each family, ( 2) increasing of migrants from other parts
of the city and from rural areas. Due to the population
problems, heads of the house hold or family have come to
such situation that they are not able to provide good food
and proper education to the children. All these are
leading to different types of family disputes, getting
families disorganised, declining to fulfill the needs
(basic) and demands (rational) of the children. Again due
to this over crowding, even at the family level, people
have lost their privacy even for their sexual or conjugal
life which results unwanted child in the family life and
also resulted not follow contraception for controlling
252
family size. Limited resources or earning has been shared
by all family members. Due to the unplanned population in
the community as well as family a number of problems from
different angles have been emerging in the day to day
life.
According to Mr. Mati Ram, in the slum areas
working forces have been categorised as business groups,
government servants, private sector employees, skilled
labour class, unskilled labour group and workers in social
sector as maid servants in the houses of privileged class.
Apart from these occupational groups of slum dwellers,
some of the slum residents have been forced to be rickshow
pullers, auto rickshow drivers, vender van pullers,
"Tanga" (horse cart) driver. However, some are engaged
as construction labourers and "Kawadiwala" (rack pickers) .
All people have changed their occupation according
to their potentialities. Some of the categories were not
there earlier. Actually they have been forced to carry
out such occupations because of their survival in the
society. Every occupational category has been facing its
existential problems. Because, they are not capable to
fulfill their needs and demands, and social and economic
aspirations of the modern market system. Their purchasing
power has been declining more than before. Modern market
253
system has been creating demands of a varieties of goods
and materials. But the people specially lower income
groups have not been able to balance between the modern
aspirations and increasing demands and purchasing power
they have had from their earning sources. As a result,
their problems related to money are increasing like
anything else.
Over a period of time, it was found that education
and its level has been changed quite a lot in the slum
areas. According to key respondents Mrs. Urmila,
Omprakash and Satpal Singh; the positive attitudes
towards formal education are found among the people.
Every family wants their children to be educated. But the
problems of getting education are financial matter.
Because, it has become a kind of industry. There are a
number of educational institutions have been established
as the money making centres. As a result, poor people are
being deprived from this benefit of education. Children
from such families are drop outs. Poorer sections of the
slum residents have no way to invest for education.
Apart, these dropout children used to work and earning
money by them has become the helping hand in the family
expenditure. On the other hand it has also established
the feeling that getting formal degree in education is of
254
no value as there is no scope to get job or services. A
number of well or highly qualified people are remaining
unemployed and some of them started some work for which no
educational qualification is required. Even some
qualified boys have been involved in anti-social
activities, because of lack of opportunities to find out
employment. Apart from this, non-formal education in the
society is also not creating any positive social norm or
value. However, the education system itself is degrading
social norms and values instead of promoting new social
order in the slum areas.
According to Shyam Sundar Dubey, housing for the
residents ha~ day-by-day, become a problem in the slum
area. There is limited space, but population has been
increasing. Single house with limited number of rooms
mostly two-to-three has to be shared with extended or
increased family members It is becoming a big problem
for the residents. On the one hand, within limited
resources, they are not able to construct new houses or
expand the building for the increased population. As a
result, they have to stay in the accommodation available
to them.
Due to the problems of housing facilities some of
255
the family members have rented out some other single room
which is also equally problematic for family life as well
as financial side. It has also been reported by the key
respondents that there are some kind of adhocism or
unstable family life leading situations, day-by-day,
increasing in the slum locality. Beside this precarious
conditions, illegal construction of houses, forcefully
capturing the plots and houses by the local dadas or
goondas, cheating the poor people in selling and buying
house and plots etc. have become common feature of the
slum life.
Regarding water problems G.S. Sekharwar stated
that though most of the slum dwellers have the possession
of tap connection, there are the problems of water
facilities in the slum areas. Particularly, such problems
become more prominent and get manifested during the summer
and rainy seasons. In fact, the sources of water are, at
present, mainly tap, tube well, well and hand pump.
Earlier the problem of water was quantity and
availability. Now it has been shifted mainly to quality.
Most of the residents have access to either tube wells or
tap provided by Municipal Corporation. Beside some people
made it from hand pump and well. All most all hand pumps
are based on surface water level which does not make safe
256
drinking water. But people used to drink this water as
safe water. During the summer season Municipal
Corporation quantity of water supply gets reduced. As a
result people have to rush to collect water from the
sources of well and hand pumps. Even the level of well
water gets down in summer. Deep tube well, some times
goes out of order because of electricity fluctuation and
mechanical faults of the pump set machine which in turn
creates crisis of water in the slum areas.
Since, sometimes, the slum dwellers usually face
water problem that is of safe drinking water, a lot of
water-bore diseases are common prevalence in the area.
However, during acute water crisis, people are even not
able to have regular bath, cleaning utensil and clothing
properly. They have to stand on the queue for getting
water for use with some verbal and physical conflicts.
Due to the overcrowded and increased population
the slum dwellers are facing a lot of sanitation problems.
According to Mr. Goel and R.S. Jain the sanitation
problems have increased more than before in slum
localities. As they pointed out that as per the people's
needs or requirements, the latrine facilities are not
available and accessible. Though there were some schemes
of latrine construction at the individual level from the
257
corporation, due to financial problems people are not able
to avail such subsidised scheme facilities. Beside, all
better of section of the slum residents had installed such
latrines using and manipulating the programme meant for
the poor. As a result subsidiary scheme facilities for
installation of sanitary latrine have not been reached to
the poor people at the slums. As a result, poor people
who do not have latrine at home, have to go to the open
field for defecation facing lot of problems -- specially
the women folk. These people have of course been creating
environmental problems, and getting infected with
communicable diseases. Beside, the women of such group
are also being victimised by the anti-social elements --
such as rape, moles~ation, etc. Children of these people
use to defecate here and there near to or on the lane or
road itself. That night soil is spread by the stay
animals like dogs and pigs along with insects and flies.
Some of the people constructed latrine without safety
tanks.
As far as the drainage system in the slum area is
concerned, Bhagwan Das and K.K. Bajpaies pointed out some
issues. According to them, at present there is no public
drainage system at all. Only few areas some kind of
drainage is existing because of the individual efforts.
258
In Kampoo area,
locality. But,
there was drainage in some parts of the
that is also now not functional. Due t.o
hilly sloping in Muriya Pahar area, dirty waste water does
not get stagnated. But it passes on to kachha uncovered
drains and gets accumulated at the low land, plain areas.
Besides, children are used to defecate in and
around such drainage. Both stray animals and pigs get
them and spread it all over the locality. There is no
proper place for garbage. The residents put their daily
waste material, here and there on the street. And those
dirty wastes get accumulated and spread foul smell. Not
only that, it also attracts stray animals, gigs, and birds
and insects.
all over
Finally, as
the locality
a result dumped garbage spread
causing different types of
communicable and infectious diseases to the residents.
Particularly children and women are the risk group in such
situation because, they always stay at home and play in
and around the locality.
According to the key respondents, latrine,
drainage and garbage problems have become very important
issues for the slum residents.
At present, there are so many health problems and
diseases prevailing in the slum areas.
key respondents - Mr. Goel, Dr. Ashok
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According to the
Kumar, Lala Ram
Kushwah, Mr. Bhargava, Dr. Sharma Mr. Dixit and Mr.
Babulal Bijal, it has been noted that there are number of
diseases which are seen in the locality. The opinions
regarding diseases problems have been groups for our
systematic understanding as major communicable, chronic,
accident and injuries, addiction and psychological
problems and diseases.
It was noted from the respondents that the slum
dwellers frequently have some minor health problems and
diseases. Such as cough and cold, headache, body ache,
pain, fever loose motions etc.
Regarding major diseases or health problems it was
also noted that there are mother and child health
problems, malnutrition, eye problems, etc.
For the communicable diseases, it was observed
that there are basically malaria, diarrhoea, tuberculosis,
leprosy, measles and chicken pox, poliomitis,
leacoriahoea, etc. These have been making people more and
more vulnerable and victims.
epidemic form.
Many times they assume
As the key respondents pointed out, there are some
chronic disease prevailing in the slum areas. They are
basically like asthma and skin problems like scabies etc.
Besides, there are some wound and injuries occurring
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regularly in the day to day life from their working
activities. These in turn affecting their economic
activities and creating family tension in different ways.
Finally, the rate of addiction, specially
alcoholism, tobacco smoking and consumption, and other
forms of addiction has been increasing quite a lot.
Consequently these are creating problems in the families.
Infact, over a period of time some health care
facilities have come up in the slum areas -- specially in
Muriya Pahar. These health institutions are in different
types, local traditional, indigenous system of
medicine, homeopath and allopathic system of medicine.
But the health problems and diseases are not being
controlled, rather increasing. According to the key
respondents, it was also observed that, if the people are
sick, they would not be able to improve their economic
conditions, which in turn leads some other problems. If
the people are in good health and without diseases, they
will ·be able to improve their economic conditions as well
as social and human development in the slum settings.
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