CHAPTER-III

FAMILY AND KINSHIP IN THE TRADITIONAL SOCIETY

1. The basis for illegitimacy 54

2. Mate selection 58

3. Age at marriage 61

4. Mizo marriage 63

5. Hmeichhe thuam 67

6. Bride-price 69

7. Role relations within the family 71

a) Sex roles and division of labour

b) Husband-Wife relations

c) Parent-children relations

8. Authority structure within the family 75

9. The life cycle of the family 77

10. Socialization 79

11. Marital dissolution 82

12. Inheritance 84

13. The Mizo family-an economic unit 85

14. Kinship group and network 86

List of Tables and Diagrams:

1. No. 3.1. Civil Conditions of female in 1901 62

2. Diagram No. 1. Descent group 87

3. Diagram No.2. Patrilineal group 88

4. Diagram No.3 Overlapping of kinship groups 89

5. Diagram No.4. Cognatic kindreds 90

The present chapter will be an analysis of family and kinship in their

traditional settings, and will therefore, be concerned with, and be based on the

ethnographic data on the traditional society of the Mizos.

1. The basis for Illegitimacy:

Monogamous marriage was the dominant form of marriage in the traditional

Mizo society.' However, the chiefs might have concubines. The children homed of

concubine, however, did not enjoy the same status as those boni(ep of the legitimate

wife. Malinowski's principle of legitimacy which says "no child should be brought

into the world without a man - and one man at that - assuming the role of sociological

father..."^ might have had applied to the traditional Mizo society. Therefore, children

born of non-marital relations may all be labeled as illegitimate children though the

situation is very complex as discussed below

The Mizo society, which permitted the free mixing of boys and girls of

marriageable age had controlled illegitimacy by providing a severe punishment on the

father of the illegitimate child - a sawn. Besides, the reduced social standing of the

mother of a sawn, and her reduced chance of profitable marriage had wielded control

o\er the sexual life of the jouths The father of a sawn ( an illegitimate child ) had to

' E r Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, Indian Studies-Past and Present, 1872, reprinted), p 45

" A G McCall, Lushai Chrysalis (Calcutta, Firma K L M , 1949 reprinted), p 113 Bronislaw Malinowski, "Parenthood, the Basis of Social Structure", in V F Calverton and Samuel

D Schmahausen, eds , The \eu Generation (New York, Macanlay Co , 1930), pp 137-138 as quoted in William J Goode, The Famih (Second Edition) (Delhi Prentice Hall of India, 1989), p 35

55

pay a gayal or Rs.40.00 (Rupees Forty) which was a large amount of money in the

past. However, if the girl had two sawn by the same man, she could not claim any fine

for the second child. But if she had a third sawn by the same man she would get a

gayal or Rs.40.00 for it, as for the first."* The sawn belonged to the father and he was

entitled to take the child from the mother when the child was three years old. The fine,

which was called sawn man, was reduced to Rs.20/- or a young gayal if the father of

the sawn married the mother of the sawn.

It is interesting to note that there was another type of illegitimacy, the child of

which type was called falak, a fatherless - child. Afalak could bom in three ways:

•'A girl who while pregnant with a sawn (an illegitimate child) has intercourse

with another man carmot claim the Sawnman (the fine) and if it has been paid she

must return it. The child in such a case belongs to its father if he likes to take it but if

he refuses to own it, it will be a falak"^ a fatherless child. The second type of falak

was, in the words of Parry, "If a husband and wife separate by any form of divorce

while the woman is with child, and if before the child is bom, the woman has

connection with another man.... When the child is bom her former husband can tak it

if he likes ... he is however entitled to refuse to take it, in which case the child will be

^ The custom in this was, first scmn Rs 40/- 2nd nil, 3rd Rs. 40/- 4th nil, 5th Rs 40/- and so on. See N.E. Parry, A Monograph on Lushai Customs and Ceremonies (Calcutta, Firma KLM, 1928 reprinted) pp 49-51.

' Ibid. p. 50

a falak and will belong to its mother."^ Quotation may be made from Parry to describe

the third type of falak.

"If a woman commits adultery while with child she is liable to a fine of Rs.40/- in addition to the ordinary penalties for adultery. The child can be taken by its father if he wants it or he can refiise to own it and it becomes a falak"' a fatherless child.

The two types of illegitimacy sawn and falak were controlled by punishing the father

or the mother as the case may be. In a sawn, the father was punished by imposing a

fine. In the falak the mother was punished by a fine or in the case of the first type of

falak she lost a sawnman. In the case of a sawn, the father was responsible for the

upbringing of the child while the falak was to be taken care of by the mother.

Therefore, the punishments are twofold. First was in the form of fine which was

difficult to meet in the nomadic society, and the second being the additional burden of

rearing the illegitimate child which may go counter to already established duties -

meaning that the man or woman might have had obligations to his or her own family.

The disadvantages suffered by the illegitimate child in the traditional Mizo

society were a combination of his low social standing and his legal status in the

famih. The social standing of an illegitimate child was so low and humiliating in the

society that he or she might even be identified as a half-human-having no social

identity, a person without roots. Besides, an illegitimate male-child could not claim the

' Ibid, p 52 ^ Ihid. p52. * William J. Goode, op cii, pp. 34-35

family properties as inheritance. The female child, on the other hand, would have no

bargaining value in the market structure of marriage.

The rules of illegitimacy in the context of Mizo society may be said to have

served the following functions:

a) It prevented the birth of an illegitimate child who would suffer a number of

humiliations and disadvantages in the society, who would also be a burden to the

family and society.

b) It provided restraints and controls to the sexual life of the people who enjoyed

the freedom of free mixing of the two sexes, which further maintained group

solidarity by way of restraining the biological impulses of the individuals.

c) It also maintained the institution of marriage and family by imposing restraints

to behaviour within the two institutions, the institutions through which society

ensured continuity and order.

Contrary to the matrilineal society of Trobriand Islands,^ these rules of

illegitimacy also admitted the bond and physical union between the father and the

child thus upholding the patriachal system of the society which can also be noticed

from the ways punishments were inflicted. Therefore, as William J. Goode has

' Bronislaw Malinowski, The Sexual Life oj Savages m North-Western Malanessa (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1963). pp. 2 ff.

58

remarked, "it is the consequences for adults, for the society, more than for the child,

that the rules against illegitimacy are supposed to prevent.""^

2. Mate selection:

Mate selection in the traditional Mizo society may be said to have been

governed by the last two principles of Robin Fox which said.

"The men usually exercise control. Primary kin do not mate with each other"."

It was the man who made the choice and who exercised control all through the family

life. Similar to the Burmese society,'^ kinship played a not inconsiderable role in the

mitiation of a marriage and m the choice of a partner. It was not only the primary kin

which did not mate each other but not also between the members of the same clan,

excepting the Sailo clan.'^ Excepting these principles, there was no preferential system

of marriage market, rather the market structure of marriage in the traditional Mizo

society was mainly characterized by a free marriage market in which men selected

their mates freely. However, it was the parent or the elders who negotiated, not the

groom and bride. Another usual pattern followed was 'homogamous marriage' v\hich,

accordmg to Goode was union between people of about the same class level.

However, with the absence of class structure in the traditional society, it may be

' William J Goode, op cit, p 35 " Robin Fox, Kinship and Marriage (Harmonds\\orth Penguins, 1967), p 31 '- Melford F Spiro, Kinship and Marriage in Bwma (Berkeley, University of California Press. 1977),

pp 153 ff " C Nunthar, Mizoram Society and PollU (New Delhi, Indus Publications, 1996). p 86 '"' William J Goode, op cit., p 52

59

understood as 'union between people of about the same social standing'. In short,

marriage between the commoners or Hnamchawm and the chiefly clans seldom took

place.

Mate selection was, on the practical level, much governed by the cultural

norms intrinsically connected with and attached to the agricultural work and bravery.

As soon as the male child was bom, he was blessed with the skills in war and hunting

while the female child was blessed with physical beauty and skills in domestic

works. The division of labour was strictly governed by sex, domestic works were the

responsibilities of the women while those works outside the domestic domain vested

solely on the menfolks. Therefore, expertise and success in their respective domains

gave a good and favourable chance in the marriage-market to each sexes. Besides,

mate selection and the final decision thereon had been much governed by superstitious

beliefs. Due to their animistic world view, traditional Mizo considered all illnesses to

be the works of evil-spirits, hence persons - especially girls with chronic illnesses

were usually avoided.

Therefore, mate selection in the traditional Mizo society had been a process of

long and careful procedures of deliberations and observations. As such a period of

dating or courting may even last more than three years. ^ As it was mentioned earlier,

it was the man who initiated the dating and marriage. Therefore, men choose their

' CNunthara, ope//., p. 86. "' James Dokhuma, Hmanlai Mizo Kalphimg (Aizawl. J,D.Press Publication, 1992). p. 138.

60

mate through in rim or courting and in lawm or work partnership in the agricultural

field.

The process of courting or in rim was natural and easy as free mixing with the

opposite sex was a social norm. In this context, a quotation may be made as follows:

"A young man will set out to pay court to the girl of his choice as she sits on the verandah toying with cotton or feeding the pigs and, if relations are happy, the two will make an arrangement that they will hunt in couples as much as they can when engaged on wood cutting work, cultivation, or such like occupations. This association affords the girl the opportunity of summing up her young man and if the assessment is, on the whole, satisfactory, she may well yield to him from time to time."'^

When and if the girl showed the signs of her willingness and acceptance towards the

boy, the boy would move his parents to negotiate with the girl's parents for

matrimony. Therefore, marriage usually took place, as a resuh of courting, between

I Q

lovers. However, marriage also took place between strangers and forced marriage in

which the bride was forced by her parents against her will also often took place.' It is

interesting to note also that during the courting period there was always an

intermediary called Puarak whose function was to act as a witness to the whole issue

of intimacy between the lo\ers in case of occurrence of any dispute or

A.G.McCall, op cii., p. 99 (courting is more frequent at night). '" James Dokhuma, op cit, p. 143 '"ibid. p. 143.

61

20 misunderstanding between parents or lovers themselves. And such a dispute was not

21

seldom to occur.

In lawm or work-partnership, which has already been explained and discussed

in the previous chapter, was not a separate way of dating from that of in rim. Rather,

in rim led to work-partnership which eventually led to the marriage of the loving

partners.

3. Age at marriage:

With the absence of recorded account, no concrete conclusion can be made on

the matter of the age at marriage. However, a rough calculation may be made so as to

arrive at suggesting a possible age of girl and boy at marriage.

It is generally accepted that a Mizo boy spent his boyhood in collecting

firewoods for Zawlbuk, and he usually started the collection of firewoods at the age

often until his pubic hair could wind round the stem of a man's tobacco pipe.̂ ^ It was

only after his pubic hair could twist round the stem of a pipe that a boy was accepted

as man or adult. Usually the stem of the pipe measured about half an inch in diameter

or slighth smaller depending on personal choice. The length of the pubic hair,

therefore, should be, at least, about an inch. Therefore, a Mizo boy may be said to

ha\e had attained manhood or adulthood at the late adolescence period which may be

"' Chittd Ranjan Nag The Mizo Socien' in Transiiion (NevvDeitii, Vikas Publishing House, 1993), pp 38-39

-^AG McCattapar p tOl James Dokhuma, 0/3 6;/ pp 188-189

62

arbitrarily placed at around seventeen Nears?'' If he spent about a year for personal

adjustment in the adult world, and another three or four years for courting and dating,

marriage may be said to have taken place usually at the age of twenty one or twenty

two for boys. It is, therefore, suggested here that the average age at marriage for a

Mizo boy in the traditional society was around 22 years.

The Mizo girl, on the other hand, was expected to perform adult-tasks such as

collection of firewoods and water and all types of domestic works at the age of four.

In other words, she was virtually regarded as adult-woman at the age of four.

Therefore, the average age at marriage for girls would be comparatively less than that

of boys. However, the average age at marriage for girls may not be too less.

The data from Census 1901 may throw light to the matter as shown below:

Table No. 3.1: Civil Condition of Females Per 10,000 Females in 1901:

Age gioup No of Female

1 0-10

U M

9982

M

16

W

2

2 10-15

UM

9774

M

204

W

22

3 15-40

UM

2879

M

5843

W

1278

4 40 and above

UM

672

M

4286

W

5042

Note; UM - Unmarried; M - Married; W - Widow

Source: Census of Assam, 1901, Vol. One. p. 73

From the table, it can be seen that the married population had been increased

tremendously at the age group of 15 to 40. In view of our suggested conclusion on the

"̂ Elizabeth B Hurlock, De\elopmental Psychology A Life Span Appioach (New Delhi, Tata McGravv Hill, \9^\ fifth edition), p 222

'•* Pastor Chalhana. Pi Pit \un (Aizawl, Lalrmliana and Sons, 1987, 6"' reprint), p 2

63

age of boys, it will not be out of place to suggest the average age at marriage for girls

at 16 or 17. The reliability of the above table is however, questionable for the older

Mizos of today, not to speak of the past, seldom knew the year of their birth.

4. Mizo Marriage:

In contrary to Hindu marriage which is a religious sacrament,'̂ ^ the Mizo

marriage is a civil contract, dissoluble at the will of the contracting parties. However,

"it was not merely a contract between man and woman to cohabit and procreate. It

meant a rearrangement of a network of relationships between the two groups brought

together by a marriage bond."' However, the importance of marriage for the larger

kinship networks depended on the type of marriage.

Types of marriage are:

1)

2)

3)

4)

5)

6)

Lungvar

Luhkhung

Tlandun

Riahbuk thingfawm

Tawnsabawp

Fan^^

The usual pattern followed and culturally approved was Lungvar while the

olhei t>pes of marriage were, though acceptable but only under certain circumstances.

The following discussion will, therefore, naturally centre around Lungvar marriage.

" K M Kapadia, Marriage and Family in India (Delhi. Oxford Universit) Press, 1992), pp. 167 ff. "'' C Nunthara, op at, p. 89. " .\li:o Inneih Dun (Aizawl, Tribal Research Institute, 1994) p. 41

64

The actual marriage was preceded by negotiations between the representatives

of the boy's family called Palai and the girl's parents. Two considerations then arise,

namely, the willingness of the girl and the price which the suitor or boy's family was

agreeable to pay as the girl's marriage price. If these two problems were settled the

wedding day was soon fixed. "The settlement of bride-price always posed problem,

each of the party trying to pull the other party to its favour.... The bride-price usually

consisted of valuable possessions like guns, spears and other war weapons and

ornaments, domesticated animals like mithun." However, the whole bride-price was

calculated in terms of gayal or mithun.

The fixed day for marriage, which was called Insawi ni, was also the day for

final negotiation. Both the parties tried to pull each other to accept their own terms. On

the day of marriage, just after breakfast, the Palai of the boy's family went to the

bride's father's house to give the bride-price. The Palai were cordially welcome, and

they were served with specially fermented rice-beer - Zu. After such formalities were

performed, the bride's kins requested the Palai to show their valuable things which

they brought with them. The Palai did as requested and humbly presented the price to

the bride's family, usually to the bride's maternal grandfather or uncle who would

carcfulh count those valuables.'^ Hence, the last and final round of negofiation begun.

The negotiation may last the whole day. When agreement was reached, the girl's

father would kill a female pig. Some portion of the animal namely its head, a fore-leg

-" C. Nunthara, op cil, pp. 87-88. • Mizo Inneih Dan, op cit.. pp. 42-45

65

and a small portion of the meat had to be given to the boy's family ?° The boy's family

seldom prepare feast on that day.

The feast at marriage could be taken by all irrespective of one's clan

membership. Marriage feast was followed by Lawi chhiat. Law! chhiat was

temporary entry of the bride to her husband's house on the night of the wedding. On

the evening of the marriage day, the bride was escorted to the groom's house by an

escort called Lawichal, who was responsible for the safe journey of the bride from her

natal home to her husband's house, and the Lawichal was usually a close kin of the

bride. The Lawichal, on arriving at the door of the groom's house, would announce

"We are entering with sons and daughters".^' The bride was expected to bring with her

a number of fowls on that evening. Inside the house, the groom and his bride were

given rice-beer which was followed by marriage rituals.

The ritual was performed by a Sadawt - a priest of the groom's clan. While the

couple were drinking rice beer, tha Sadawt, reciting an incantation, knotted together

the hairs of the groom and the bride. When he finished the incantation, he untie the

knot and took a fowl which the bride brought with her on that evening, and he also

took a fowl from the groom's family and started another incantation which run as

follows:

Tiinhniii Mizo Nunphuii^ (A\za\\\, Tribal Research Institute, 1992) pp 73-74 Ibid, p. 14

66

"Ka naute (name) and (name) innei hi zawl a suang lungpui angin nghet se, hai ang tara turn ang vuaiin, fanau chawi a maltin malza dawngin thuam liai luai rawh se".''^ (You (name) and (name), let your marriage be as firmed as a great rock on the ground, and be blessed with long life and many sons and daughters).

Then he killed the two fowls by striking at the back with a buhtlei or a rice

stirrer. The fowls, which was called Rem Ar or Ar zang tuak confirmed the marriage.

The word Rem Ar means fowl of agreement. The man and woman become man and

wife from that moment.'̂ '' After the rituals were performed, the bride was escorted

back to her natal home. She did not sleep with her husband on that night.

The next night was called Lawi that zan (permanent entry of the wife to her

husband's house) on which night the bride went to her husband's house with all her

personal belongings to stay permanently. An interesting practise on that night was that

all the family members of the groom slept in their neighbouring houses to give all the

possible privacy to the new couple.

Another types of marriage, namely, Tlandun (elopement) and Luhkhung (in

which the boy or the girl simply stayed in the house of the lover) were alternatives to

the Lunj^var marriage, v,'hen the marriage negotiation failed to produce an agreement

between the parents. They were considered as defamatory forms of marriage. Another

two types - Riahbuk thingfawm and Tawnsabawp (both meaning selecting mate

'- Ihnl. p. 75. " James Dokhuma, op cil., p. 152.

without examining the life and character of the spouse) were not exactly forms of

marriage, rather they were much related to mate selection, uncareful selection at that.

5. Hmeichhe thuam:

Though there had never been a dowry system as experienced in the Hindu

society, the Mizo practice a system in which a bride brought with her some properties

in her husband's house. The properties or Hmeichhe thuam chhawm belonged

exclusively to the woman.̂ '* They were the properties she brought from her natal

family. The properties usually included the followings:^^

1) Pawripui, a thick blanket made of unspun cotton.

2) Thul, a large basket made of cane or bamboo

3) Hmui, a spinning wheel.

4) Puanbu, a loin loom.

5) Phurhlan, baskets of various size and shape designed for carrying

woods, rice, etc. and a Hnam, with which the baskets were carried.

6) Puandum or Zawlpuan, a black cloth.

7) Puanhlap, ordinary cloths which were presented to the husband's kins.

A wealthy father, however, often gave his daughter such valuable things like

Thihna, Thival, Thifen (all are necklaces) and gayal as her hmeichhe thuam when

she got married. It was also a common practice among the wealthy bride's fathers to

present a female gayal to the grand-son.

" N.E. PaiTy op cil., p. 27. Tunhma Mizo Nimphimg, op cit.. p. 77.

0 0

For the woman, these hmeichhe thuam were all that she could possess. All

that she earned or produced in her husband's house belonged to the husband. Her

children also belonged to her husband. Therefore, these properties were her only

security. However, her position in relation to family properties did not imply a low

social status for woman. The reverse may be the truth. As it was mentioned before, the

traditional society was marked by insecurity of human life due to the dangers of feuds,

raids and wars not to speak of the difficulties of life in the jungles. It was the

responsibilities of the men to protect the properties and lives of all the villagers.

Therefore, man, as the owner of all the properties could make quick decisions in time

of emergency, and as he, he alone was responsible for the security of both the

properties and lives of the family, he must have authority over all these. The woman,

being usually weaker than man physically, needed the man for her own security. Thus,

the husband was responsible for her well-being, his most important duty was,

therefore, service to his wife.

The society, it appears to me, ensured the continuity of group life by giving the

responsibility to man to provide security through the ownership of the properties.

Therefore, woman's relations to properties did not imply a low status for her.

69

6. Bride-price:

"The bride-price was a contractual agreement between the two parties and

might widely vary between clans and in different occasions."^^ The usual pattern

followed amongst the different clans were as follows:

a) A bride-price for a Sailo girl, a girl of chiefly clan was ten gayals or

Rs.300/-

b) A Pachuau girl valued seven gayals

c) Other girls of Lusei clans valued five gayals

d) Clans other than Lusei got four gayals

A mithun or gayal in the bride-price equals to Rs. 20/-. It was through the

distribution of portions of the bride-price that the girl's family reaffirmed and

strengthened relations with their kin members. The lost of one earning member of

the family was compensated by the bride-price, similarly, the bridegroom's family,

being added by a new and potentially very useful member, should pay for the bride.^'

Besides, for the groom's family, marriage resulted in all-round gain, a gain of not only

extra labour force but also wider network of relationships with the alliance group, at

the lost of giving away bride-price.'' Therefore, the social function of the bride-price

seems to be the creation and re-affirmation of wider network of relationships in the

society which was very important for the survival of both the individuals and the

group.

'' C Nunthara, op cii, p 87 Tunhma Mizo Nunpliung. op cii. p 78 C Nunthara, op tit. p 89

"̂ J Morion Lloyd, Hmon of ihe Church in Mizorani (Aizawl, Synod Publication Board. 1991), p 159 "̂ C. Nunthara, op cit, p 89

The bride-price was distributed among the members of the clan chosen by the

girl's parents for the occasion.'*' For that purpose, bride-price was roughly divided into

two main parts, namely Manpui the main price, and Mantang or subsidiary prices.

Manpui usually went to the father or brothers of the bride, and if the bride had no

father or brothers it will go to her nearest male relative and if she had been adopted by

some person who had brought her up from childhood, it will go to him.''^

Mantang was distributed to a number of kins, and it consisted of the following

subsidiary prices :

1) Sumhmahruai: amounting Rs.20/- payable to the bride's father or brother.

2) Surafang: Rs. 8/- payable to the bride's father or brother.

3) Pusum: Rs. 6/- payable to the bride's maternal grandfather or maternal-

uncle.

4) Palal: Rs.5/- payable to any person the bride may select as an adoptive

father. The man who received Palal would be obligated to provide fatherly

helps to the bride whenever necessary, besides, he must give her a fowl and

a pot of rice-beer at the time of marriage. It was usually provided when the

husband was from a different village.

5) Ni ar: Rs.2/- payable to the bride's paternal aunt.

6) Naupuakpuan: Rs.2/- payable to the bride's elder sister.

Besides, there were two optional prices, namely, 1) Thianman Rs.2/- or Rs.3/-

payable to the bride's maid that was purely optional and paid from Manpui, (2)

Lawichal, Rs. 21- payable to one who escorted the bride to the groom's house, and it

'\ Ibid, p. 89. •*" N.E. Parr>', up cil., pp. 24 f.

was also optional price, given out of Manpui.'*^ As a practice, the recipient of a bride-

price usually presented fowl to the bride's family which the bride brought with her to

the husband's house.

It is important to note that the agreed amount of the bride-price could have

never been paid in full at the time of marriage, and the customs which governed the

payment or return of the bride-price at the time of divorce coupled with the poor

economic conditions of the people made the bride-price to function as the insurance

scheme for the girl. Hence, the bride-price ensured the security of girl's position as a

wife, and hence, prevented the marital dissolution.

7. Role relations within the family:

a) Sex roles and division of labour:

Division of labour in traditional Mizo society strictly followed sex division.

However, as Goode has warned, not everyone in the society would fit the gender roles

that the society tried to impose.'*'' Neverthelessly, both sexes were socialized from the

earliest years to know what their respective tasks were. The different tasks assigned to

the two sexes were, according to Selet Thanga,''' as follows:

The male was assigned all those tasks outside the domestic domam,

uhichwere preparation of a plot of land for cultivation, building of house and its

'' Ibid, pp 25 -27 "'' William J Goode, op cii .p 71

Selet Thanga Pi Pu Len Lai (Aizawl. Lianchhungi Book Store, 1984, seventh edition), pp 15-22

maintenance, preparation of agricultural tools including baskets and weapons for

huntings and wars, and any other tasks which demanded hard - physical labour. He

was regarded as the principal bread earner of the family, hence failure to produce

sufficient foodstuffs was one of the greatest humiliations for man. Therefore, it was

the man, not the woman who was responsible for the familial status in the community.

All the domestic works were assigned to the woman in addition to her

responsibility of providing the family with vegetables which were grown in the field.

She cooked, fed animals, collected water and firewoods. Besides, the preparation and

productions of cloths and blankets were her responsibilities. Therefore, skills in

weaving and loin loom were often regarded as her most precious qualities.

It is important to note that each of the two sexes enjoyed all the possible leisure

outside the realm of their respective domains. For example, in the forest or at the work

place outside the village, it was the man who cooked, collected water and firewoods.

Woman was not expected to do such things in the jungle or in the work place outside

the village. Similarly, man enjoyed the leisure at home, and he was not expected to

perform any domestic work.

(b) Husband-wife relations:

"The husband-wife relationship in the Mizo society was never mutual

companionship but avoidance even to talk to each other in public except in a

dispassionate way. Howe\er. this did not seem to reduce the mutual bond and love

created by marriage."''^ The nature of the traditional society, which was strictly

community-based might have had moulded the husband-wife relation. A married man

continued to sleep at Zawlbuk until he had two children.'*^ However, he visited his

wife at night from the Zawlbuk to perform his role as a husband, and he was not

expected to spei(t the whole night at the side of his wife.

The husband and wife, however, had the freedom to share their life at the work

place. They did together all types of works at the agricultural field. Hence, they might

have had spent more time together than their counterparts in modem Mizo society.

Besides, dispassionate relations in public did not imply the same relation in private.

The dispassionate relations in public life seems to be the way with which the society

maintained its community-based structure.

(c) Parent-children relations:

Childhood was usually spent with the mother or with the elderly members of

the family. If the family did not have elderly members, the child was usually carried

by the mother at her work places. The father seldom help the mother at the rearing of

children until they reached the age of four or fives. The boys usually accompanied the

father at his work places or at the jungle trapping wild animals and birds, if not, they

were left alone to enjoy themselves with friends or to look after domestic animals like

gayals and goats. However, as the older boys were burdened with the task of

"' C Niinthara, op cil, p 85 cf William J Goode op cii .p 78 James Dokhuina. op cit, p 1 86

collecting firewoods for the Zawlbuk. they have to devote some of their time for that

work.

Girls, on the other hand, were required to perform adult tasks at the age of

four. Therefore she spent most of her time to help her mother in the performance of

her domestic works. At leisure time, she played traditional games such as inkawibah,

Inkhualtelem, etc. with her friends.

Within the family life, members of the family seldom met together except at

meal times. While dinning, the father told his children what to do or what not to do.

1 he boys or adult sons seldom talk at home, though the girls often make jokes and did

the talking. The happiness or unhappiness of the family life, therefore, depended

mostly on the female members.^^

One remarkable characteristic of parents-children relations was that grown up

sons seldom spent their time at home or with their parents. Excepting the time spent

for meals, most of their times was spent outside the home. Therefore, intimate or

friendly relations was not the characteristic of parent-children relations though warm

and intimate relation between mother and children did exist always.'*^ It was the girl,

in general, who developed an intimate relations with both the father and the mother.

Parents-children relationship in Mizo society, therefore, was much similar to the

Selet Thanga, op cit, p. 21 C Nunthara, op cii. p 85

/:>

relation among the Pandits of Utrassu-Umanagari which according to T.N. Madan

was-

"The Pandit boys do not develop the kind of intimacy with their parents which the daughters do. A son also is, however, freer with his mother than with his father. A mother usually does not scold or exercise authority over a grown-up son; she almost treats him with respect. Sons in their turn usually show greater affection for their mothers than for their fathers."^"

The very fact of affectionate relations between sons and mothers and the

possessiveness of the mother, however, could go against the bride thus leading to early

split of the family in Mizo society.^'

8. Authority Structure within the Family:

Theoretically, the father of a house may be said to have had wielded absolute

authority in the familial affairs. However, his power had never been dictatorial. The

most influential person in the process of decision making in domestic a^i rs had been

the mother. Back in 1870, Lewin observed that fact. He wrote thus -

"Women are generally held in consideration among the Lhoosai (Mizo); their advice is taken and they have much influence Should the father of a house die, his wife becomes the head of the family."'^

"̂ Qouled in N K Shukia, The Social Structure of an Indian Village (New Delhi. Cosmos Publications, 1976)p 131

'̂ C Nunthara, op cif, p 85 '-THLcwm, mid Races of South-Eastern India, {London V^H Allen & Co 1870), p 134

The authority structure in the family seems to follow division of labour

between the two sexes though the power was vested in the father. In the matters

relating to domestic affairs, the influence or will of the mother was decisive. Her

influence, however, was most powerftilly felt within the network of kin relationship.

The strength or intimacy of kin relationship depended on the mother. Even the

splitting up of brothers from their father's house was often instigated by the women.^

Since the culturally approved authority in the family was the father, a clever woman

never reveal the parts taken by her in the decision making. A fool or unloving wife

who openly exercised the authority humiliated her husband, such an act would make

the husband a Thaibawi, a derogatory status for the husband.

The authority of the father was also limited by the influence of his father-in-

law especially in matters relating to his dealings with his wife and children. His son

was the Tupa of his father-in-law, and a tupa received much more care and affection

from his maternal grandfather than the sons of the same man received from their

lather. The daughter also had a special relation with her maternal grandfather. No

marriage proposal to her could be decided without the approval of her maternal

grandfather or in his absence, her maternal uncles ''*

fhe authority of the father was also limited by the interests of his grown-up

sons Besides, the father always exercised his power within the broad framework of

' ' C Nunthaia, op cii. p 85 I his lias been a practice even toda\ maong the Pang a sub-tribe ofMizo hving in the South-Western

pait of Mizoram and in Bangladesh

the then existing customs and public opinions. Therefore, his authority could be

limited and his decision is moulded by the existing cultural norms and public opinions

and such norms and opinions were subjected to variation under specific circumstances

in the tribal life.

The Mizo society, which was patriarchal and patrilineal, vested the power and

authority of the head of the family on the father. Lineage was traced through the

father's line. At the same time, the society also imposed the responsibility to provide

the means of livelihood and protection on the father. The real life situation, however,

was much more complex and ambiguous as discussed above. The position of woman

was also not as helpless as it appeared to be. In view of the dangers and problems

faced by the society at that time, woman could be said to have had received all the

possible care and protection from the male, and the society."

•>' J) 1 •

9. The Life Cycle of the Family:

One of the most important culmral value of traditional Mizo society was a

large extended family, a family especially with a number of sons. Sons gave prestige

to the family, and it implied greater labour force and security. Even today, the

investigator observed that Mizo hesitated to call a man with only daughter as a father

or Pa. The first known chief of the Mizo named Zahmuaka, the ancestor of all the

chiefly clans, was requested to be the chief because he had six sons."̂ ^ However, a

" N. Chatlerji. Status of Women in the Earlier Mizo Society (Aizavvl, Tribal Research Institute, 1975), p. 32.

"' K.Zawla, Mi:o Pi Piite leh An Thlahte Chanchin (Aizawl, 1981, Third Edition), pp. 13-14.

/ 6

large extended type of family had never been the dominant form of family. Rather, it

was only common as a phase of the family unit because of the life cycle of the

family."

All the family could be said to have had started as a nuclear family. A married

son, after having one or two children separated himself from his father's house to start

a family of his own. At that stage, his family normally consisted of his wife and

unmarried children. At their turn, the grown-up sons got married and stayed with their

father until they had one or two children. And the family broke again to form three or

four nuclear families - depending on the number of sons. However, as the youngest

son was expected to remain with the parent to look after them, a certain portion of

extended family could always be found.

With the absence of recorded account, the average size of the family can not be

known with certainty. However, T.H. Lewin wrote - "A family is generally limited to

three or four children".^^ Basing on Lewin's account, the average number of sons for

each families may be estimated at two (2), therefore, the average family size was

estimated at 6 with two sons and two daughters.

It is further estimated that the a\erage period a family existed as an extended

l>pe of family would range between 5 to 6 years or less, that is, the period the elder

See also William J.Goode, op cii. pp. 66-ff. T.H.Lewin, op cit.. p. 134.

/v

married-sons stayed in their father's house. It may also be estimated that the period a

family existed as a nuclear family at 19 years or more. Therefore, the present

investigator is of the opinion that the dominant type of family in traditional Mizo

society was a nuclear family.

10. Socialization:

if socialization involved deliberate teaching, the traditional Mizo family played

no part in the socializing processes. However, if it involved both deliberate teaching

and unorganized exposure to situations in which learning can occur,"̂ ^ it played an

important role, especially in the socialization of a female child. The part played by

family in the socialization of a male child was minimal, and limited to the imitation of

the father by the child before he was old enough for Zawlbuk life.

The girl, at the age of three or four, was exposed to situations in which she

could learn all that she needed for adult life. The skills and expertise needed were

weaving, looming, cooking, husking of rice, etc. and house keeping. She learned all

these skills under the watchful eyes of her mother, aunts or grandmothers. The culture

of tlie society, however, was learned through exposure to the community. Gossips,

opinions and rebukes from her male-kins taught her the mores and norms of the

society. In short, girls were socialized through practical works.

M.D.Sliipmun. Educaiion and Modernization (London. Faber and Faber, 1971). p 3:

The male-child, on the other hand, was left to his father or his friends until he

attained the age of 10 or more. From his father, he learned the art of trapping wild

animals or birds, hunting and skill in bamboo or cane work. He received much of these

learning through watching the activities of his father or his kin members or

neighbours. However, his most important learning had to be taken place at Zawlbuk -

the bachelor dormitory.

The boy may be said to receive no learning at home. He spent most of his time

outside, and slept at neighbouring houses at night until he was entitled to sleep at

Zawlbuk.̂ *̂ The boy, attaining 10 or more years, was required to supply firewoods to

the Zawlbuk every night, failing which resulted in severe punishment. Then, he

started to learn discipline in the community at the age of 10. Besides, he learned all the

simple life of his society at Zawlbuk from that period though he was not yet entitle to

sleep and spend the night there.

Zawlbuk, the most important place for the male members of the village, was a

large building, usually erected near the house of the chief in which all the grown-up

men. including newly married men slept at night. However, Zawlbuk was not merely

a sleeping place. It was an institution through which the society ensured its continuity

by performing the following functions;

a) It functioned as the security force of the village.

Chaliiana, op c;/, pp 15-16

b) It functioned as educational institution which imparted all the traditional

knowledge and skills to the new generations, with which the youths were

equipped for adult life.

c) It functioned also as "Indoor Stadium" in which all the traditional games

were learned and practised, and in which all important discussions of the

village youths were held.^'

It was the Zawlbuk from which boys learned the cultural norms of the society.

Here they learned the most cherished traditional values of Tlawmngaihna, bravery,

endurance and the moral code of the community under the able guidances of Val upas

or youth leaders. Val upas were experienced hunters, had skilled in warfare and were

not formally appointed. Their leadership qualities and their successes in hunting or

raids automatically appointed them to that position. It was here that a Mizo boy

learned almost all that was possible in his life.

It is important to note that all the learning processes, whether at home or

outside, were directed towards the maintenance of the existing social order, and the

emphasis placed on the principle of "respect the older" might have had ensured that

children grew up in the image of the elders, thereby protecting and serving the

interests of the older members of the societv.

'•' James Dokluima op cit, pp 184 - 190, see also Dr N Chatterji, Zan Ibuk as a social Imtitution in ihe hiizo Societv (Aizawl. Tribal Research Institute. 1975), pp 4-t'f

82

11. Marital Dissolution:

The bonds of matrimony were extremely loose and were very easily slipped

off.̂ " According to available record, 17 per cent of Mizo Christian marriages broke

down during the year 1912.̂ ^ Therefore, marriage-contract appeared to be fragile in

the traditional Mizo society. There were certain rules which governed divorce, and in

those rules bride-price assumed important positions* Divorce rules may be briefly

described as follows:

1) Nupui Ma: When a man divorced his wife, he simply said "1 divorce you"

and the women was then divorced. If the woman had any children with

her husband, the husband had to pay up the whole of^g_i)alance of the

bride-price. However, if the woman had no children, the man was not

required to pay the balance though he could not claim back any of the price

he had already paid.

2) Sumchhuah: When a woman divorced her husband, she should return the

bride-price to her husband, but she would take her hmeichhe thuam with

her.

3) Sum lai tana inthen: If both the parties agreed to separate, the bride-price

should be divided into two equal portions between the husband and wife. -̂

4) Pek sa changa inthen: The couple could seek divorce if both of them

wanted a divorce. In this divorce, the husband was not required to pay the

balance, and the already paid portion would not be returned either.

5) Uire: Uire was adultery, and only the woman could commit adultery. In a

divorce resulted from Uire, the woman had to return all the bride-price,

and she could not claim even her hmeichhe thuam.

' .1 Shakespeare, The Lushei Kuki Clans (Aizawl, Tribal Research Institute. 1912. reprinted 1988), p. 51.

J Meirion Lloyed, (>/? c/7.. p. 158. N F Parp.', op cii.. p 42. cf James Dokhuma, up cit.. p. 164.

» J

6) Lamthlang rapthla: It was not a divorce. If the husband died, the woman

was described as Lamthlang rapthla, and it did not effect the bride-price.

However, the women should remain in her husband's house for three

months after the death of her husband. If she slept with another man during

that period, she committed adultery and, rules which governed Uire

applied to her automatically.

7) Makpa hnamhrual chat: If the wife died, the man was called Makpa

hnamhrual chat. He must pay the balance of the bride-price, unless he

did, he could not re-marriage.

8) Chhuping: It was a divorce out of vaginal problem. The women had to be

fisrt treated by a Puithiam, a priest. If the problem remained with her, she

would leave her husband by Sumchhuah divorce. If the man left his wife

during the treatment period, the divorce was inmak or Nupui ma.

9) Zangzaw: It was Impotence. The man had to be treated first by a priest for

a certain period of time agreed to by both the parties. If the treatment

failed, the woman divorce her husband by Pek sa changa inthen. If she

divorce her husband during the agreed period of treatment, Sumchhuah

would apply to the divorce. However, if the woman took another husband

during the agreed period, she was Uire.

10)Atna avanga inthen: or divorce on account of madness. The other party

was required to look after the partner for three years, if the partner did not

recover, Pek sa chang divorce might be invoked. If divorce took place

before the lapse of three years, Nupui Ma or Sumchhuah, whichever was

applicable, would apply.

11) Nupui Tlansan: or Abandonment of wife. If a man abandoned his vvife, ail

the properties including children would belong to the woman, and she was

entitled to keep or dispose.̂ ""

6'i The explanations are based on James Dokhuma, op cit, pp 164-167, and N E Parry, op cit, pp 42-49 There might have been variations in practise at difference in places or at time

84

The importance of bride-price in divorce seems to reveal that bride-price was a

natural seal to the civil contract and the stabilizing factor in a Mizo Marriage. The

economic involvements in divorce, therefore, seems to protect the position of the

woman more than the husband. In all divorce, excepting Nupui TIansan, children

remained with the father. The effect of marital dissolution on the children was

negligible in relation to their social status and future life. The effect was felt

psychologically but not socially excepting in the case of Uire, A Uire daughter would

have difficulties in finding mate for Uire was considered the most sinful act.

12. Inheritance:

The principle of ultimogeniture applied to the law of inheritance in Mizo

society excepting among the Sailo, Lai and Paite clans who follow primogeniture.^^

The youngest son was expected to stay with the parents and look after the old parents

and family properties.

"Woman did not have any legal claim on the family property except a small

share at the time of marriage which they carried with them as a form of hmeichhe

thuam. Even in the absence of a male child, a daughter could not claim, as a matter of

right, the family property, but would normally go to the nearest male relatives."'̂ ^ thus

observed by Prof C. Nunthara. However, it is important to note that there was not

much property to distribute. The common properties were Dar be! or copper pot, Thi

'' Also see J. Meirion Lloyod. op ell., p. 159. '"' V;iiparhi (age 72) and Siliana (age 72), Interview 28.3.96 at Durtlang.

C.Nunthara. op cil., p. 85.

or necklace of various designs and qualities, gongs of various size and shape, domestic

animals especially gayal, spears and gvin, which was very rare. The father, however,

might give any of the properties to other sons if he choose to do so.

13. The Mizo Family - an Economic Unit:

From the above discussions, the importance of swidden cultivation for

moulding the family structure may be seen. From mate selection to the division of

labour in the family, from the position of woman to her relationship with her husband,

the economic system of the society, along with the existence of insecurity of human

life due to wars and raids, played decisive roles. Besides, the whole family members

engaged in agricultural work for the production of agricultural goods for its own

consumption.

The Mizo family may even be described as an independent economic unit. The

organization of familial activities found in Mizo society may also be called, in the

words of Blizabeth Bott, the "Complementary Organization'"^^ in which the division of

labour between the sexes fitted together to form a whole - the whole which was

directed to meet the economic needs of the whole family. Though the society was

characterized by reciprocal give-and-take form of interactions, the family, the famil>

alone was responsible for the production of commodities for its own consumption.

There was no other institution on which the family might depend for the production of

''" Ld/abeth Bott, Fainify and Social Network (Second Edition) (London, Tavistock Publications, 1971), P53

its economic necessities. Therefore, a Mizo family was an economic unit, withm

which all the member of the family spent their time and labour for the production and

consumption of economic goods for the family itself

14. Kinship group and net>vork:

Kinship group and network in Mizo society was complex, it did not completely

fit to none of the single system. The way kinship relations were organized had been

based on the following three facts:

1) The society was patrilineal.

2) There was a clear distinction between kinship by marriage and kinship by

descent, and both of them were recognized, and

3) Cognatic system of kinship organization, therefore, was the dominant form

of kinship at the village level having importance to the individuals more

than his agnatic alliance had on him.

As a partrilineal society, the rule of descent was strictly based on the male line

only. An authority on the subject thus says:

"In the traditional system, a woman was recognized, even after marriage, b\ her patri-clan name. Thus, all the children acquired membership in their father's clan group which might be a localized group or might spread horizontal!} o\er man> \illages. and could never acquire membership in their mother's clan group except by a kind of adoption in which case they would not attain true membership in the politico-jural field. Thus, recruitment to any clan among the Mizo has been strictly based on descent through the father's line only. The

8/

pattern of inheritance, rules of succession and residence 70

closely followed the system of descent."

That can be viewed as a ''series of father-child units, or as a series of successive

brother-sister units with the children of the 'brothers' forming the next generation, or as

all the descendants of the original 'brothers' through males - their sons and daughters,

71

the sons and daughters of these sons, and so on." Therefore, the patrilineal system of

the Mizo kinship organization may be illustrated as foUows:̂ '̂

O

O

O A

= 0

DIAGRAM NO. 1: Showing descent group in Mizo society

The actual way in which group developed is shown in diagram No. 2

' C Nunthara. op cit, p 84 Robin Fox. op cit, p 45 The diagrams followed Robin Fox's, op cit pp 44-45

DIAGRAM NO. 2: Showing the patrilineal group.

<rm

A A

0 A A

Therefore, the Mizo kinship organization was, first, following a patri-lineage

system of kinship organization. However, kinship by marriage was also recognized.

The overlapping of groups, therefore, was realistic and recognized. For example, a

husband belonged to his father-in-law's kin-group while, at the same time, retaining

his membership at his father's group. Similarly, the wife also have, to use Strinivas'

phrase, "double membership.'"^^ but not enjoying full jural and ritual status in eithr of

the groups. Such an arrangement may be illustrated as shown in diagram No. 3.

M N Snnnas, Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India (Oxford University Press, 1952), p 54 as quoted in V Kochar. SOLIOI Organization Among the Santal (Calcutta, Edition Indians. 1970), p 81

DIAGRAM NO. 3: Overlapping of kinship groups:

A B D

n T: r̂ r r i 0̂1 I I \ \

^ r n 1 1

The membership to the group of the father-in-law acquired by the husband was

by virtue of being a Makpa or son-in-law of that group. As a Makpa, he was required

to perform certain functions to his father-in-law's group, and such functions mainly

related to partake in the preparation of feasts connected with marriage or other

ceremonies. He was also, it seems, required to cover up with earth the graves of his

wife's relatives when and if they died. The membership of the wife to her husband's

group, however, was as a Menu or daughter-in-law. She did not enjoy any full jural

and rituals status in her husband's family though she was expected to look after the

parents of her husband as affectionately as she might look after her own parents.

The recognition given to kinship by descent and kinship by marriage had

resulted into the system of cognatic relations which was very important, if not most

important, for the individuals because "villages were not solely based on kinship

because of the operation of horizontal marriage system cutting across village

groupings." In fact, the importance of kinship organization for the individuals had

C Nunthara, Impact of the fmroduction of Grouping of Villages m Mizoram (Guwahati, Omsons Publication, 1989).

90

been best realized within the cognatic organization of kinship, it was within this

kinship networks that the individuals received care, affection and protection, within

which helping hands were always available to him whenever they were needed. The

cognatic kindreds of the individuals may be illustrated as follow:

DIAGRAM NO. 4: Cognatic kindreds of the individual:

A B

A - I A = F O A - 2

A-4A A A-3 0

B - 1 A = Y O B - 2

1 A-5A A-6

A-70 A-8A

0 B-3A

6

B-5 A B-6 0 A

A EGO

OB-4

A B - 7

For the ego, A-1 was his/her Pu, paternal grandfather from whom he/she

acquired clan membership, A-2 was the grandmother. A-3 and A-4 were her/his Ni

aunt and Pa respectively. A-5 and A-6 were his/her brothers and sisters. A-7 and A-8

were his/her Fate or sons and daughters. The sons or daughters of A-7 or A-8 were

his/her Tute, or grandchildren. On the other hand, the ego was the Tupa (grandson) or

Tunu (grand-daughter for A-1 and A-2, for A-4, the ego was the son or daughter for

A-3, the ego was her^Vab.JFor A-5 and A-6, the ego was Nau or U (elder/younger

brother or sister). For A-7 and A-8, the ego was Pa father. Sons and daughters of A-7

and A-8 would call the ego Pu or Pi (Grandfather or grandmother).

B-1 was the ego's Pu, grandfather, B-2 being the Pi grandmother. B-3 was

also the ego's Pu (maternal uncle), B-4 being the ego's Nu mother. B-5 was also ego's

Pu (but not grandfather) while B-6 was ego's Pi (but not grandmother) or younger

sister. For B-1 and B-2, the ego was their Tupa or Tunu (grandson or grand­

daughter). For B-3, the ego was also Tupa or Tunu (grandson or grand-daughter)

while the ego was Fapa or Fanu (Son or daughter) for B-4. For B-5 and B-6 the ego

was their Tunu or Tupa (grandson or grand-daughter). B-7 and ego were brothers or

sisters as the case may be.

The most important kinship network for the individual, therefore, was to be

found around these two groups especially in their day to day life. Outside these two

groups, kinship had not much practical value for the individual excepting clan

membership and social identity he or she acquired from the father's line. The small

kinship network had been the result of the functioning of the village community as the

principal kinship network for the whole population notwithstanding differences in

clans or membership in different sub-kinship groups. Therefore, kinship network

based on parilineal descent or cognatic relations were the smaller units of the principal

network of the whole village community to which they owed the same loyalty, and to

uhich they were subordinated.

The most remarkable function of a clan was to give to the individuals a

network of kinship organization to which he may seek protection, etc. in the absence

of his or her cognatic kindreds. Or, in other words, the importance of clan membership

yz

was felt when the individual was at another village, or among strangers. In such a

situation, his first and only refuge would be the house of or among the members of his

clan. It was, therefore, important to note that members of each major clans could be

found in every Mizo village. Members of the same clan considered one another as

kindreds, and they would call one another as Pu, Pi, Nu, Pa, Ni, U, Nau depending on

the difference in age between the subject and the actor. In that context, the individual

membership to the clan occupied the most important place. It was there that the

importance of clan was emphasized more than anything else.

It is interesting to note, therefore, that the most important, and most influential

kinship group in the Mizo society was the village community. As the society was

strictly community based, the individual's first and foremost obligation was to serve

the interest of the village community. Within the village community, the individuals

received more intimate relations with his/her cognatic kindreds for the satisfaction of

his or her personal needs. The descent group gave the individual the social identity by

giving a membership to a clan, the clan provided the largest kinship network crossing

village boundaries within which protection and security would always be available for

the individual members. Members of the clan needed no previous relations to have

involved in the intimate interaction with one another, mere membership to the clan

v\as enough for an individual to approach another member to seek protection, care etc.

from him.