CHAPTER IV CULTURAL HERITAGE AND ETHNIC IDENTITY I Ethnic identity of any group is the cumulative effect of various cultural traits of that group, which may include elements like language, religion, food, dress, social customs etc. Some of those elements may be relatively more significant as far as the ethnic community is concerned, by virtue of the fact that they are the core elements and any attempt to change those elements may endanger the very identity of the community. Members of an ethnic group may therefore exhibit strong or intense affiliation to such elements and try as far as possible to maintain them. On the otherhand, there are certain elements that areconcemed with less important aspects of life, and therefore often treated as trivial or secondary elements. Slight changes or modifications in such elements do not cause any anxiety or agitation. While examining the ethnic traits of Gujaratis in Kochi, we noticed the existence of both core elements and secondary elements. In this chapter we attempt to analyse some of the core elements, namely, language, religion and maniage. Language Among the many marks of ethnicity, language has assumed an important place. Several Sociologists endorse this view. In the words of Talcott Parsons, language has
Transcript
CHAPTER IV
CULTURAL HERITAGE AND ETHNIC IDENTITY I
Ethnic identity of any group is the cumulative effect of various cultural traits of
that group, which may include elements like language, religion, food, dress, social
customs etc. Some of those elements may be relatively more significant as far as the
ethnic community is concerned, by virtue of the fact that they are the core elements and
any attempt to change those elements may endanger the very identity of the community.
Members of an ethnic group may therefore exhibit strong or intense affiliation to such
elements and try as far as possible to maintain them. On the otherhand, there are certain
elements that areconcemed with less important aspects of life, and therefore often treated
as trivial or secondary elements. Slight changes or modifications in such elements do not
cause any anxiety or agitation. While examining the ethnic traits of Gujaratis in Kochi,
we noticed the existence of both core elements and secondary elements. In this chapter
we attempt to analyse some of the core elements, namely, language, religion and
maniage.
Language
Among the many marks of ethnicity, language has assumed an important place.
Several Sociologists endorse this view. In the words of Talcott Parsons, language has
been a particularly prominent aspect of cultural identity, and it is closely associated with
arelative diffuseconception ofacommon cultural traditionl.According to Shibutani and
Kwan, "language provides a bond of unity among its speakers and defines a line of
separation marking off one speech community from another. The bond of unity marked
by language may be one of chance or choice, depending on whether the linkage is
attained through mother tongue or a second language ie, the ethnic bond based on
language can be viewed as either an evolved bond based on mother tongue or a
deliberately created unity founded on a language other than mother tongue'." Loyalty to
one's linguistic heritage may vary from a group to another, and from one context to
another, but the fact remains that language, like religion, constitutes one of the important
marks of ethnic identification.
In India. separate ethnic collectivities based on distinctive languages have existed
for centuries. therefore language sentiments are at times expressed in a virulent form.
This is quite evident from the various language demands in modem India expressed at
several levels. When India became independent, the creation of linguistic states reduced
the salience of language demands for some time. But the persistance of two dominent
language communities in the same state often called for agitation on that account. The
movement for uniting the Telugu speaking people into a single state, by emphasising the
similarites of all Telungu spealung people, became fruitful with the formation of Andra
Pradesh in 1952. This event paved way to similar such movements for a separate state
for the Marathi, Gujarathi and other liguistic people. Thus the regional language
movement led to the formation of Magarashtra, Gujarat. Haryana, Punjab and the hill
state of Assam in addition to Andra Pradesh and Kerala.
Language sentiment in independent India thrived with the support of organized
groups. The emergence of Tamil Nationalism in the south is such an attempt which was
mobilized by oraganized groups. In several other states. a movement for reservation of
employment opportunities for the 'sons of the soil' were launched. For example in Bihar,
a movement was launched during the thirties of this century to reserve jobs forth sons
of the 'Bihar soil'. In the city of Bombay, a political party called the Shiv Sena has
demanded that jobs in the city be given to the local people and has exerted pressure on
private employers to recruit Marathi-spealung people rather than immigrants. In the
south Indian city of Bangalore a political party emerged in the late sixties known as the
Kannada Chaluvaligars, demanding that Kannada-spealung people should be given
employment preferances. Similarly, the Akali-Dal (Punjabi Suba) demanded the cre-
ation of a Punjabi -speakmg state or Khalisthan! n u s language sentiment continues
to ferment in the Indian situation and it has been concerned with various issues like
reorganisation of states, official language of federal government, and recognition of
regional languages as the medium of education, adminisnative transactions and judicial
proceedings. Language thus continues to be a great force in generating group identity.
Language, being an important indicator of ethnic identity, theloveand attachment
ofan ethnic group to its language and its readiness orreluctance to accept other languages
for daily discourse, point towards the degree or intensity of erhniclty in the group. In the
case of Gujaratis, who have settled down in Kochi, Gujarati language is found to be one
of thecore elements of ethnicity that bind thegroup together. In order to measure this core
element of ethnicity, namely language, we selected different inmcators like proficiency
in Malayalam, language used in the family, in the workplace and language used by them
while dealing with Malayalees.
Our enqulry into the attachment of the group to the Gujarati language and the
readiness to learn the language of the new place of residence. namely, Malayalam,
showed that the community of the Gujaratis, exhibit an ambivalent trend. On the one
hand, all of themretain their ability to do discourse in their mothertongue and on the other,
a significant percentage has gradually but consciously learnt to speak, read, and even
write Malayalam. However this ability is found to be considerably varying in various
sections of the community.
The table no.4.1 shows that the men are more proficient in local language than
women, for 7.38 percent of females as against 29.5 percent of males know to speak, read
and write Malayalam. Majority of females are confined to their homes, and so there
is no need for them to learn Malayalam. This may be one of rhe reasons why they lack
profiency in Malayalam. There are also a few others who are fresh immigrants after
maniage.
Table No. 4.1: Proficiency in Malayalam by Gender
Gender Speak, read Read & write Speak only Total
write only
Males
Females
Total
Gujaratilanguage being the mothertongueof Gujaratis, it is obvious that only those
withleast ethnic identity speak Malayalamin thefamily. The gender wise analysis of data
pertaining to language used in the family has brought forth the following table.
Table No. 4.2 : Language Used in the Family by Gender
Gender Malayalam Hindi Gujarati Total
Males 6 I 27 1 278
Females 1 1 120 122
Total
The data given in the table reveal that vast majority of the Gujaratis use only
Cujarati language at home. But a minute percentage has however admitted to the use of
Malayalam and among them males (2.16%) are more than females(0.82%).
Language used in the workplace is another indicator of an individual's affinity to
one's language. A Gujarati who is using his mother tongue in the work place is trying to
maintain his ethnic identity in terms of language.
Table No. 4 3 : Language Used in the Workplace by Gender
Gender %.A*. Mal. Mal. & Mal.& Eng. Cuj. Total
mainly Eng. & Guj. mainly
Males 22 26 75 138 17 278
Females 80 4 15 11 12 122
Total 102 30 90 149 29 400
25.5% 7.5% 22.5% 37.25% 7.25% 100%
* not applicable.
On the otherhand individuals who are willing to speak languages other than
Gujarati, namely English or Malayalam, are more receptive of other cultures. With this
idea in mind, we enquired about the languages used in the workplace. Here the two ends
of the continuum are least ethnic identity expressed in terms of Malayalam mainly and
high ethnic identity measured by Gujarati mainly. The data so obtained indicates that for
65.58 percent of females the question does not arise, for they seldom go outside. A
negligible 7.91 percent of males have also found the question not applicable. Majority
of males use a combination of Malayalam, English and Gujarati. Gender-wise data on
this aspect shows that females are more ethnic than males.
Gujarari being the mother tongue and commonly used language of the Gujaratis,
settledin Kochi, it is most essential to know whichlanguage is used by them whiledealing
with Malayalees. For, information collected on language used while dealing with
Malayalees, helps us to measure their ethnic identity and the extent of adaptation to the
host culture. On the one side, are people who are less ethnic and better adapted and
therefore capable of using Malayalam. On the other extreme are individuals who are of
high ethnic identity and therefore communicating in Gujarati with the help of an
interpreter. They are people who are least adapted and have little knowledge of
Malayalam. The information collected on this aspect of ethnic identity according to
gender is given below. We see from the table that men are better adapted to the language
of the host society. It is clear from the table that 88.13 percent of males use Malayalam
while dealing with Malayalees, compared to 71.31 percentage of females. Similarly the
percentage of those who use Gujarati with an interpreter is higher for females and this
Table No. 4.4 : Language Used With Malayalees by Gender
Gender Malayalam English h n d i Guj. with an Total
interpreter
Males 245 19 13 1 278
Females 87 2 1 2 12 122
71.31% 17.21% 1.64% 9.84%
Total 332 40 15 13 400
reveals their inability to communicate in Malayalam. Generally Gujarati women are less
educated and do not participate in occupational life to the same extent as men, and
therefore they are more conservative and adhere to ethnic identity.
Gender- wise analysis of the various questions pertaining to language sentiment
shows that women are revealing more attachment to Gujarati language. This is evident
from the language used in the family, their proficiency in Malayalam, language used
while dealing with Malayalees and language used in the workplace.
It is a known fact that people of different age categories may have very different
attitudes and behaviour. This awareness has led us to examine the differentitated ethinic
identities of different age groups. From table no. 4.5, it is clear that the age group 41 -60
containshigher percentage ofpeople who are proficient in Malayalam. Thereis a marked
difference between people who are below the age group of 25 and above this age. Most
of these people have learnt Malayalam out of necessity to increase their business
prospects and to thnve in the host society. Duration of stay has also helped them to learn
Malayalam.
Table No. 4.5 : Proficiency in Malayalam by Age
Age Speak, read Read & write Speak only Total
write only
Below 8 7 4 1 56
Above 8 0 33 4 1
60 19.51% 80.49%
Total 9 1 23 286 400
Table No. 4.6 : Language Used in the Family by Age
Age Malayalam Hindi Gujarati Total
Below 0 0 56 56
25 100%
26-40 1 0 138 139
0.72% 99.28%
4 1-60 5 2 157 164
3.05% 1.22% 95.73%
Above 1 0 40 41
60 2.44% 97.56%
Total 7 2 39 1 400
1.75% 0.5% 97.75% 100%
Our enquiry into the language used in the family shows that only an insignificant
percentage of those above 25 years of age speak Malayalam. Probably the whole
population speaks Gujarati language.
Age has a bearing on language used in the workplace. Our table on this variable
shows that majority of the respondents of all age groups use a combination of Gujarati,
English and Malayalamin the workplace. For some the question is not applicable as they
are either retired people or those without any work.
Table No. 4.7 : Language Used in the Workplace by Age.
Age N.A. Mal. Mal. & Mal.&Eng. Guj. Total
m d y Eng. & Guj. mainly
Below 12 1 12 27 4 56
Above 14 6 8 12 1 41
Total 102 30 90 149 29 400
25.5% 7.5% 22.5% 37.25% 7.25% l W c
Further examination of data has given clear indication of variation due to age
differences. Olderpeopleare found to usernoreMalayalam than youngsters. About 89.63
percent of 41 -60 age group and 92.68 percent of those above sixty use Malayalam while
the corresponding percentage is less than 80 for younger people. Similarly a higher
percentage of those below 40 years use Gujarati with an imterpreter, and thereby indicate
their inability to converse in Malayalam, compared to those above 40 years. Naturally
the finding is indicative of the fact that duration of stay and prolonged contact with
Malayalees have placed the older people at this advantageous position.
Table No. 4.8 : Language Used With Malayalees by Age
Age Malayalam English Hindi Gui. with an 'l'otal
interpreter
Below 44
25 78.57%
26 -40 103
74.1%
41-60 147
89.68%
Above 38
60 92.68%
Total 332 40 15 13 400
83% 10% 3.75% 3.25% 100%
As regards language sentiment, the influence of age is not very marked. Ahorlt 95
percent of Gujaratis of all age groups speak only Gujarati language at home. regard in^
proficiency in Malayalam, theage group40-60haveshown better adaptation. In thecase
of language used in the workplace ant1 1,lnguage used with Malayalees, those above sixty
years of age have shown better adaptation than others. Years of contact with Malayalees
must have helped them to do so.
Variationsinethnic identity canoccur within anethnic groupduetomany variables.
Several Sociologists have developed a general scheme for explaining generational
'bble No. 4.9 : Proficiency in Malayalam by Generation
Gener- Speak, read Read &write Speak only Total
ations write on1 y
First 4 2 119 125
3.2% 1.6% 95.2%
Second 36 6 94 136
Third 5 1 15 7 3 139
36.69% 10.79% 52.52% - -
Total 91 23 286 400
differences in ethnic identity. Here the first generation refers to i~nmigrants
themselves, second generation to the children of immigrants and third generation to the
grandchildren of immigrants. When we pursued our analysis on this line, we found that
there is a gradual decline ofethnic identity from first to third generation, in the mattcr of
proficiency in Malayalam. About 95.2 percent ofthe first generation rnigrants know very
little Malayalam, while among the second generation people, i t has decreased to 69.12
percent and 52.52 percent in the third pcneration.
The application of generation variable to the ethnic identity trait of language used
in the family has been followed in table no. 4.10. The table indicates that
Table No. 4.10: Language Used in the Family by Generation
Gener- Malayalam I-lindi Gujarati Total
ation - -
First 1
Second 2 1 133 I36
Third 4 0 135 139
2.16% 97.12%
Total 7 2 39 I 4 (K)
Malayalam is used morehy thethirdgenerationand secondgeneration than thc fils(
generation. This aspect throws light to the greater adaptablity to circumstances by lllc
subseqrient generations.
'Ihble No. 4.11: Language used in the Workplace by Generation
Gener- N.A. Mal. Mal. & Mat.& Eng. Guj. Total
ations mainly Eng. & Guj. mainly
First 68 5 18 22 12 125
Second 24 13 42 5 1 6 136
Third 10 12 30 76 11 139
Total 102 30 90 149 29 400
25.5% 7.5% 22.5% 37.25% 7.25% 100%
In our analysis about the language used in the work place given in table no 4.1 1
, there is a clear indication of variation from the first generation to the second and third
generation.
Language used when dealing with Malayales has shown some variation in terms
of generation.Theresult of this analysis given in table4.12, point out that the second and
third generation Gujaratis use Malayalam more than first generation immigrants. This is
a clear indication of their readiness to accept the language of the host society.
Table No. 4.12: Language Used With Malayalees by Generation
Gener- Malayalam I:nglish Hindi Guj. with an 'fotal
ations interpreter
First 90 18 5 12 125
Second 121 12 3 0 I36
Total 332 40 15 13 4 00
83% 1 0% 3.75% 3.25% 100%
While considering the effect of generation, we found that about 97 percent of all
the three generations speak only Gujarati at home. However a hetrer percentape of
second and third generation Gujaratis are proficient in Malayalam compared to Fil-st
generation people. As regards the language used in the workplace, the first gencra[io~i
Gujaratis are using more Gujarati than second and third generation. I n the Ianpr~agc r~scd
with Malayalees, second and thirdgeneration have shown better adaptation than [lie first.
Thus while a vast rna,jority of Gujaratis still maintain their Gujarati langttape ser~tinicnt.
the second and third generation at-e making slight attempt to ad.jr~st with tile liosl society.
Several sociolologists have felt that education, with its emphasis on acllic\~crnent
status rather than ascribed status woul~l level the differences between people on account
of features like ethnicity, caste, race etc. Education, being an achieved status, it is
interesting to examine the effect of it on the ethnic trait of profiency in Malayala~n. Our
table no.4.13 shows that education has a remarkable influence on proficiency in
'bble No. 4.13: Proficiency in Malayalam by Education
Educa- Speak, read Read &write Speak only Total
tion write only
Illiter- I 1 19 2 1
ales 4.76% 4.76% 90.48%
SSLC 38 6 131 175
21.71% 3.43% 74.86%
Gradu- 36 15 119 170
ates 20.45% 8.82% 70%
Dipl.1 5 1 5 I I
Tech. 45.45% 9.09% 45.45%
Post 6 0 6 I 2
Graduates 50% 50%
Profess- 5 0 6 1 1
ionals 45.45% 50%
Total 91 23 286 400
22.75% 5.75% 7 1 3% 100%
Malayalam. It is found that the diploma holders, those having postgraduate degree and
professional degree holders are more proficient in Malayalam than graduates and thosc
with lesserqualifieations. Thus the technically educated and highly educated are having
less ethnic identity in this aspect.
Table No. 4.14: Language Used in the Family by Education
Educa- Malayalam Hindi Gujarati Total
tion
Illiter-
ates
SSLC
Gradu-
ates
Dipl.1
Tech.
Post
Graduates
Profess-
ionals &
Total 7 2 39 1 4W
1.75% 0.5% 97.75% 100%
Educationexposes an individual to theinfluenceof modernization, secularization.
and individualism, and so we may expect educated people to be less in favour of ethnic
attitudes. This may be the reason why Malayalam is not used in the family hy post
graduates and professionals, though they are highly educated. On the other hand, a few
of the SSLC degree hoders, graduates and diploma holders are not hesitant to use
Malayalam in the family.
Table no. 4.15 indicates the variations caused by educational attainment in the
language used in the workplace. We expect educated people to he more exposed to the
host society, and so capable of using Malayalam better than others. But whileexamining
our data, we found that majority of the highly educated people ie, postgraduates and
professionals, use acomhination of Malayalam and English. However their position is
midway between least ethnic and highly ethnic.
Table No. 4.15: Language Used in the Workplace by Education
Educa- N.A. Mal. Mal. & Mal.& Eng. Gui. Total
& Guj. tion mainly Eng. rnainly
Illiter- 8 5 0 7 I 2 1
ales 38.1% 23.81% 33.33% 4.76%
SSLC 52 18 3 2 5 6 17 175
29.71% 10.29% 708.29% 3270 9.71%
Gradu- 39 6 4 3 7 3 9 170
ates 22.94% 3.53% 25.29% 42.94% 5.29%
Dipl.1 1 0 2 6 2 1 1
Tech. 9.09% 18.18% 54.55% 18.18%
Post 2 1 6 3 0 12
Graduates 16.67% 8.33% 50% 25%
Profess- 0 0 7 4 0 I I
ionals 63.64% 36.36%
Total 102 30 90 149 29 400
25.5% 7.5% 22.5% 37.25% 7.25% 100%
I t is a known fact that educated people have better opportunity than others in
learning other languages. But how far they are ready to use the language of the host
society in their interaction is analysed in table no. 4.16. I t needs to he notcd that more or
less, educated people are using Malayalam compared to others i n their interaction with
Malayalees. This is because the highly educated have another option for them while
conversing with Malayalees, namely, English, and so many of them are inclined to use
English in such situations. However among the highly educated no one use Gujarati
language with an interpreter, thereby indicating their tendency for adaptation.
Table No. 4.16: Language Used with Malayalees by Education
Educa- Malayalam English Hindi Guj. with an Total
tion interpreter
Illiter- 18 1 1 I 2 1
ates 85.71 % 4.76% 4.76% 4.76%
SSLC 150 4 1 1 10 175
85.71% 2.29% 6.29% 5.71%
Gradu- 141 24 3 2 170
ales 82.94% 14.12% 1.76% 1.18%
Dipl.1 8 3 0 0 I I
Tech. 72.73% 27.27%
Post 8 4 0 0 12
Graduates 66.67% 33.33%
Profess- 7 4 0 0 I I
ionals 63.64% 36.36%
Total 332 4 0 15 13 4 0 0
83% 10% 3.75% 3.25% 100%
Education hasnot lessened their attachment to Gujarati language, for more than 90
percent of Gujaratis in thesampleirrespcctiveoftheireducational atlainrner~t speak their
mothertongue at home. Only in the mattcr of proficiency in Malayalam, those who have
obtained better education have shown better adjustment than others.
Like education, occupation is a component of achieved status, and as such is
supposed to reduce ethnicity. Our examination of the data on this line has produced table
no. 4.17. The data reveal wide variation from lack of proficiency to cent percent
proficiency. IIigher proificiency is given by white collar workers, hut least proficiency
by people without jobs and retired people.
Tal~le No. 4.17: Proficiency in Malayalam by Occupation
Occupa- Speak, read Read &write Speak only Total
tion write only
No Occup-
ation
Self
employed
Employed
in trade
White
collar
Admn.1
Manag.
Profess-
ional
Retired
Total 91 23 286 400
22.75% 5.75% 71.5% 100%
Occupational variation in the language used in the family shows that only those
who are without properjobs, those who are self employed, and those who are employed
Table No. 4.18 : Language Used in the Family by Occupation
Occupa- Malapalam Hindi G~1,jarati Total
tion
No Occup-
ation
Self
employed
Enlploycd
in trade
White
collar
Admn.1
hlanag.
Profess-
ional 100%
Retired 0 0 8 8
100%
Total 7 2 39 1 '100
i n trade, speak Malayalarn in the family. Even for those occupational groups thc
percentageofpeople who speak Malayalarn in the farnily is negligihlc. Mainly Gujal-ati
is thc language spoken in the family by all occupational categories.'I'hns occupation has
not affected their ethnic identity i n the matter of language used in t l~c family.
'hble No. 4.19: Language Used in the Workplace by Occupation
Occupa- N.A. Mal. Mal. & Mal.& Eng. Guj. 'fot al
tion rnainly Eng. Rr Cuj. mainly
No occp- 84
pation 58.33%
Self 8
employed 4.47%
Employed 2
in trade 3.64%
White 0
collar
Admn.1 I
Manag. 33.33%
Profess 2
ional 20%
Retired 5
62.5% -
Tot a1 102 30 9 0 149 20 4 00
Several studies have indicated that certain occupations have a corrosive effect on
ethnic identity. So further analysis wa; done to explore the influence of occupation on
the languageused in the workplace. We seethat ma,jority ofG~11aratis ofwhitecollarjol~s.
administrative and professional jobs and the retired people show a tendency for less
ethnic identity. But most of the Gujaratis who are without ,jobs, sclf eniployetl, and
employed in trade incline towards higher ethnic identity.
The type of occupation may determine the network ofinteraction of an individual
and as such can influence the language used when dealing with Malayalccs. A person
w b s e occupation demands greater contact with Malayalees can learn i t rapitlly. O r ~ r
analysis of the influenceof occ~lpation i r ~ theethnic trait of language used in dealing wit11
Malayalees pinpoint the fact that higllcr percentage of Gujaratis of all the occupational
categories except the professionals are using Malayalam in all their dealings \\.it11
Malayalees.
Table No. 4.20 : Language Used With Malayalees by Occupafion
Occupa- Malayalarn English Hindi Guj. with an Total
tion interpreter
No occp- 104 22 6 12 144
ation 72.22% 15.28% 4.17% 8.33%
Self 157 13 8 I 179
employed 87.71 % 7.26% 4.47% 0.56%
Employed 52 2 1 0 5 5
in trade 94.55% 3.64% 1.82%
White 1 0 0 0 I
collar 100%
Admn. 3 0 0 0 3
Manag. 100%
Process- 7 3 0 0 10
ional 70% 30%
Retired 8 0 0 0 8
100%
Total 332 40 15 13 4(M)
83% 10% 3.75% 3.25%- I 0076
The variableof occupation has not rnadeany remarkable influence on thelanguage
used in the family. About 97-100 percent from all occupational groups speak only
Gujarati language at home. Regarding other aspects like proficiency in Malayalam,
language used in the workplace and language used with Malayalees, people having jobs
are better adapted than those with no occupation.
Table No. 4.21: Proficiency of Malayalam by Income
Income Speak, read Read & write Speak only Total
in Rs. write on1 y
Below 24 13 84 121
25000 19.83% 10.74% 69.42%
Above 8 0 12 22
1OOOOO 36.36% 54.55%
Total 91 23 286 400
22.75% 5.75% 71.5% 100%
Often clear cut differences of ethnic behaviour are found among people who make
up a given social class. Fromthe sample i t is clear that thevery high income group is least
ethnic with regard to proficiency in Malayalam as 36.36 percent of them are highly
proficient in Malayalam. This is higher than the other groups.
Table No. 4.22: Language Used in Family by Income
Income Malayalam Hindi Gujarati Tot a1
in Rs.
Below 1 0 120 121
25000 0.83%1 0 99.17%
Below 3 1 151 155
25000 1.99% 0.65% 97.42%
50001- 3 1 98 102
1OOOOO 2.94% 0.98% 96.08%
Above 0 0 22 22 b
1 m 100%
Total 7 2 39 1 400
It appears that in many situations the behaviour of people of different levels of
income, varies considerably. So our investigation proceeded on those lines and we found
that the high income groups are expressing less ethnic identity in the workplace. The
highest percentage of those who are using Malayalam in the workplace bclongs to upper
income group.
Table No. 4.23: Language Useu in the Workplace by Income
Income N.A. Mal. Mal. & Mal.& Eng. Gui. 'l'otal
in Rs. mainly Eng. & Guj. mainly
Below 37 8 16 46 14 121
25000 30.58% 6.61% 113.22% 38.02% I 1.57%
25001- 35 12 30 67 1 1 155
50001- 26 7 34 3 1 4 102
I00000 25.49% 6 85% 33.33% 30.39% 3.92%
Above 4 3 10 5 0 2 2
Total 102 30 9 0 149 29 400
25.5% 7.5% 22.5% 37.25% 7.25% lOO5T
Often people of high economic status are found to dissociate with an ethnic group.
Our attempt to analyse the influence of income in deciding the language used irl
interacting with Malayalees is represented in tableno.4.24. We see that the high incornc
group of those earning above Rs. 100000/- stands apart with 72.77 percent using
Table No. 4.24: Language Used With Malayalees by Income
Incorne Malayalam English Hindi Guj. with an Total
in Rs. interpreter
Below 93 14 8 6 121
1 00000 85.29% 9.8% 1.96% 2.94%
Above 16 5 0 I 22
1 00000 72.72% 22.73%
Total 332 40 15 13 400
Malayalam, and 22.73 percent are using English. In all the other income groups, more
than 75 percent of the people use Malayalam when interacting with Malayalees.
When we take account of the effect of income, we obtain a more or less similar
result. More than 96 percent of all income groups are using Gujarati language at home.
Those having higher income have shown better proficiency in learning Malayalam.
Similarly The higher income groups have revealed better adjustment co~npared to low
income groups in features like language used in the workplace and language used with
Malayalees.
For considering variation inethnic identity of Gujaratis in Kochi, we have selectetl
another variable, ie, locality of residence. This is considered due to the fact
Table No. 4.25: Proficiency in Malayalam by Locality of Residence
Loca- Speak, read Read & write Speak only 'l'otal
lity write only
Mattan- 73 23 234 330
cherry 22.12% 6.97% 70.91%
Erna- 18 0 5 2 70
kulam 25.71% '74.29%
Total 91 23 286 4(Ml
22.75% 5.75% 71.5% 100%
that respondents in the sample belong to two different localities-those settled in
Mattancherry and thoseresidinginErnakulam. Mattancherry is acentreof Gujaratis, and
many Gujarati families are concentrated there. On the other hand, resident Guiaratis of
Ernakulam, are either new ar~ivals, or those who have shifted from Mattancherry. Our
investigation into the possibility of variation due to this factor reveals that only slight
variation is existing between these two groups. Table no. 4.25 is indicative of Gujaratis'
proficiency in Malayalam.About2.5.7 1 percent of thoseliving in Ernakulamarecapable
of speaking, reading and writing Malayalam. As against this, only about 22.12 percent
of thoseresiding in Mattancherry arehaving the same ability. When we consider the case
of those who can only speak Malayalam, people from Ernakulani side outnumber those
from Mattancherry.
Individuals residing in different localities may differ considerably in the degree of
importance they attach to ethnic affiliations. Our investigation in this respect has
produced the table no. 4.26. Contary to our expectations we see that only
Table No. 4.26: Language Used in Family by Locality of Rcsidcncc
Loca- Malayalam Hindi Gujarati Total
lity
Mattan- 6 1 323 q 330
cherry 1.82% 0.30% 97.89%
Erna- 1 1 68 70
kulam 1.43% 1.43% 97.1%
Tot a1 7 2 39 1 4 0
1.75% 0.5% 97.75% 100%
slight variation in the data. More or less equal percentage of people residing in
Mattancherry and Emakulam are using Malayalam in the family.
Language used in the workplace was considered next. It is found that only a small
percentage of people are using Malayalam in the workplace. while majority of the
population use a combination of Malayalam, English and Guqarati. Ilowever. n high
percentage of people from Ernakulam side have shown a slight inclination towards less
ethnic identity by using a combination of Malayalam and and English.
Table No. 4.27: Language Used in the Workplace by Locality of Residence
Loca- N. A Mal. Mal. & Mal.& Eng. Guj. 'l'oral
lity mainly Eng. & Guj. mainly
Mattan- 78 25 62 138 27 330
cherry 23.64% 7.58% 18.79% 41.82% 8.18%
Erna- 24 5 28 11 2 155
kulam 34.29% 7.14% 40% 15.71% 28.6%
Total 102 30 90 149 29 400
25.5% 7.5% 22.5% 37.25% 7.25% 100%
Considering the feature, langungc used while dealing with Malayalccs, \vc see
from the table that 84.55 percent of Gujaratis settled in Mattancherry are using
Malayalam in their dealings, compared to 75.71 percent from Ernakularn side. But we
also find from the table that greater percentage of Gujaratis frorn Ernakulam are capable
of conversing in English. By and large, those settled in Ernakulam are better educated,
and therefore they use English in thei~ social interaction with Malayalees.
Table No. 4.28: Language Used With Malayalees by Locality of Residence
Loca- Malayalam English Hindi Guj. with an 'li~tal
lity inlerpreter
Mattan- 279 25 14 12 3 30
cherry 84.55% 7.58% 4.24% 3.64%
Erna- 53 15 1 I 70
kulam 75.71% 2 1.43% 1.43% 1.43%
Total 332 4 0 15 13 4 0 0
83% 10% 3.75% 3.25% 100%
Not much difference is found between the two localities in the ethnic trait of
language. People from both thelocalities havestronglanguagesentiment. Thus language
continues to be an expression of ethnic identity for Gujaratis.
The foregoing analysis reveals certain interesting facts- We found that most of llie
Gujaratis (97.75%)expresstheirdeep attachmentto their language by speaking Gujarati
languagcat home.Only about 22.75 percent areable toread, writearid speak Malayalarn.
and about 71 .5 percent can only speak Malayalam. Even in the workplace, they prefcr
to speak a combination of English, Gu.jarati, and Malayalarn. There are about 7.25
percent of Gujaratis who use only their mother tongue in the workplace. While deal in^ with Malayalees, 3.25 percent of Gujaratis are using Gujarati language with the help of
an interpreter. Some 83 percentage of them are able to manage by speaking Malayala~ll.
Considering the fact that family is the arena where the true feelings and sentiments arc
revealed, we can infer that most of the Gujaratis in the sample have great attachment to
their language. At the same time they are making slight attempts to adjust to the
environment by trying to use Malayalarn in their contacts with thc Malayalees.
We also observe that slight variations are expressed in ethnic identity in the are:)
of language, due to factors like gender, age, generation, religion, education, occupation.
income, locality etc.
1 . Females are found to have greater attachment to Gujarati language.
2. Older age groups, ie, those above 60 y&as are better adapted
3. The first generation immigrants are having more language sentiment
4. Education has helped to lessen Gujarati language sentiment.
5. Occupation has not affected the language sentiment of Gujaratis.
5. Local~ty of residence has not affected the attachment towards languagc
sentiment.
Religion i 3
\;' ~ .~ ,
Religion is an important cultural trait which helps the form&ibc,g&hnk identity.
Gordon has found that national origin, rel igion, race and the nation
itself are the models of ethnic identity of an American4, According to Roy Burman,
ethnicity can be based on race, language, religion, habitat, tribal organisation and so on'.
Similarly Ranu Jain has found that religion is a major ethnic feature! Greeley has
asserted the relationship between religion and ethnicity in his hook ' Why Can't They
Be Like Us7?'
Religion as such need not necessarily lead to ethnicity. But sometimes a particular
religion practised by a community may develop certain special traits of their own whicli
helps to enhance ethnicity. So religion with its own specificity practised as part of
ethnicity, becomes a strong indicator of ethnicity.
Ehnic sentiment based on religion is particularly complex, and often it is a way of
defining the boundaries of one's ownculture in relation toothers. At times ethnic groups
based on religion develop their own cultural markers, which is commonly expressed in
their pattern of dress and other aspects. At other times it restricts their interaction with
outsiders and develops an exclusive nature.
Religious sentiment is always associated with strong emotions, and sparks at the
slightest provocation. In some instances, it has taken an organized form and resulted in
clashes and conflicts. In the context of our Freedom Struggle, i t ultimately ended in the
partition of India and Pakisthan.
Religion being a strong factor of ethnicity, it is crucial to know how this factor helps
to maintain theethnic identity of Gujaratis. Gujaratis in Kochi are mainly Jains. Iiindus
and Muslims. Mostly Hindus and Jains reside in the same colony. But the Gujarati
Muslims in Kochi, who are either Marnons or Bohras live in separate localities. Some
of the Muslims have married Kerala wornen, and as such resemble the other Muslims of
Kerala in their lifestyle. On the other hand, the Gujarati Jains and Ilindns are very
traditional, conservative and still follow their own modes of worship. They aplxar to be
a distinct community which has resisted cultural invasion of others for a long time.
Majority of the Gujaratis in the sample belong to the religions ofJairlism and I linduisrn.
J AINS
Jains form a predominant section of the Gujarati population in Kochi. l'here are
about 1150 Jains in Kochi, distributed in 232 houses. In Emakulam area itself, there arc
some 246 Jains and 48 Jain households. Gujarati Jains in Kochi hail from different
regions like Kutch,Sourashtra, etc. Mostofthernaresuccessful business people and their
culture place much value on trade. Th1111gh Jains mix with the Hindus freely, and visit
Hindu temples, they have their own temples in Kochi.
Jains celebrate Mahavir Jayanthi, the birhday of Lord Varhanmana Mahavir.
ParyushanisareligiousobservanceofJains when they do fasting. Paryushnn begins with
the twelfth day of the dark half of the month of Sravan and ends with the fifth day of the
bright half of the month of Bhadrapadas. I t lasts for eight days.The last day of Paryushnn
is known as Samvatsrai. On this day friends and relatives visit and greet one another and
seek forgiveness.
The Jains also celebrate other festivals like Holi, Navaratri, Deepavali and Rakslia
Bandhan.
Gujarati Hindus in Kochi live intermixed with the Jains. Most of them helong to
different castes like Brahmins, Bhaiiyas, Lohanas, Banias, Patels etc.
Brahmins
The number of Brahmins is very rrleagre and majority of them are worshippers of
Siva. Altogether there are about forty families among the Gujaratis, belor~ging to the
Brahmin caste. There is only one family belonging to the Nagar group, which is one of
the oldest groups of Brahmins, occupying a special place in the social and culcural life
of Gujarat.
Bhatiyas
Bhatiyasareworshippers ofLord Krishna, and they belonged to the Kshatiyacaste
originally. J t is estimated that there are about forty eight families belonging to this caste.
Lohanas
Among the Gujarati community, Lohana is a peculiar caste and its members
worship the Sea water and Fire God (Udairalalor Jaladeva). They claim to he
descendents of 'Lavan', the son of Sri Rarnaand as such belonged to the Kshatri yacaste.
initially. They were known as 'lavanarn' in the beginning, but as time passed on, they
were known as ' L ~ h a n a ' ~ . There is a legend which informs us that Udairalal was born
in 951 AD to stop the disappearance of Hinduism. In the beginning of I 1 th Century, two
hundred years after the death of King Jasaraj, 1,ohar empire declined, and i t fell into the
hands of King Maraksha. l l e was a fanatic and wanted to convert Ilindus if they did not
show him their God. On hearing the command of the King, they requested him to give
them time foreightdays.Thenallre1igious Hindusassembled in thesea shore, and started
worshipping 'Dariyalal'(God of the Seas) with Tamburu and bells. On the third day, in
the evening, the sea water started boiling and every one heard the voice from the Sky
promising the birthofasavioratNasarpur.This is thelegend about thebirth of Udniralal.
who redeemed them from their distress and propagated the worship of 'Sea God'. l le
believed that there is no difference bet^ een the Muslims and Hindus as all religions lead
to God. So both Muslims and Hindus became his followers and among Muslims he is
known as 'Zindpir'. He advised his people to worship flame and water and for this he
constructed a Dariyasthan (Dariya meaning seaand sthan meaning place). On the throne
a light (Jyothi) burning all the time was kept and on either side vessel with water (Kundi)
was kept. Saffron cloth, ring, drum, sword and utensil (big size vessel for parshad) were
the other sacred things in the Dariyasthan.
The Lohanas in Kochi have built a Dariyasthan for themselves and the 'Jyothi'
(flame) burning in this temple was lighted from the Dariyasthan in Sindh. The same
'Jyothi' has been burning in the Dariyasthan in Kochi for the past 65 years.
At present there are above 65 families among the Gujaratis belonging to this caste.
They are like other Hindus in their social life, and believe in all other Hindu gods.
Banias are devotees of Devi and generally belong to the 'Vaisya' caste. There are
some 150families belongingto this Vaisyagroup.They aretraditonally business menand
money lenders.ThoughVaisyas could trade, lend money at interest, and beagriculturists.
we cannot see a bania practising agriculture among the Gujaratis in Kochi. They trade
with all varieties of commodities except the ones that are "unclean".
Patels
This is another caste found among Gujarati Hindus. Kaira district of <;ujamt-
particularly Nadiad, Pattad, Borsad and Anand- is the homeof Patcls'". In Kochi, some
1.5 to 25 families belong to this group. They adore 'devi'.
Most of these Gujarati Hindus belong to different sects. There are Shaivites.
Vaishnavites and adherents of Vallabhacharya sect among these Gujaratis. The much
popular cult of worshipping Lord Ayyappa in Kerala, has not found many adherents
among Gujaratis. IIowever in the sample only one person has admitted to hnve
accomplished the pilgrimmage to Sabarimala.
Mainly there are four temples in Kochi for Gujarati Ilindus-l.ohana Mnhajnn
D:-iyasthan has a flame and a pot full of sea water as objects of worship, the Navanith
Kr.shna Temple has Lord Krishna as deity, Samudri Temple has Maheswari as the
goddess, and the Gujarati Mahajan Siva Temple has placed Siva as the idol. Gr~jnrati
Hindus give much reverence to cow. They had built Paranjapoles to look after ttic dying
cows.
Religion has a strong hold on the niinds of Gujaratis. Men and women go to various
temples frequently. Some of the Gujarati families have a small portion as pooja room.
In other families, images of traditional deities are hung on the wall.
For the purposeof analysing how religion helps to keepethnic identity ofGujaratis.
the researcher has selected four indicators like visiting temples of own community.
visiting temples ofothercommunity, number of Gujarati festivals celebrated and number
of Kerala festivals celebrated.
Religion is an important variable which causes variation in the behaviour of
individuals. Our analysis of the question 'how often do you visit the temples of your
community' has shown that females are more frequently visiting temples of ouJn
community than males. Table no. 4.29 shows that exactly 58.27 percent of males and
64.75 percent of females in the sample visit their own temples regularly. Only 3.96
percent of males and 5.74 percent of females said that they visit their own temples rarely.
The rest of Gujaratis visited their own temples occasionally.
Table No. 4.29: Visiting Temples of Own Community by Gender.
Gender Rarel y Occasionally Regularly Total
Males I I 105 162 278
3.96% 37.77% 58.27%
Fernales 7 36 79 1 ??
5.74% 29.5 1 % 64.75%
Total 18 141 24 1 400
4.5% 35.25% 60.25% 100%
To get a complete picture about the hold of religion in maintaining ethnic identity
i t isessential to get anideaabout their habit of visiting temples ofother community. 'l'his
is a markoftheir tolerance to adaptto sitr~ations. Ourenquiry in this respect hrought forth
the data represented in table no. 4.30.
Table No: 4.30: Visiting Temples of Other Community hy Gender.
The table on the nurnber of Gujarati festivals celebrated by age proups ns pivc.11
iri tat~le no. 4.35, shows that the variatior~ is not much appararitly. hlost of tlic (ir~iarntic.
irrespecture of'their age, find erijoyrnent in celebrating three to for~l- festivals. I lo\vc\.r.r
as seen iri the table all the (;r~iaratis above sixty years celehratc 2-4 resti\-ills. \vliic.ti
indicate their greater cornrnuriity sentirnerit.
B b l e No. 4.35: Number of Gujarati Festivals Celebrated by Age.
Age Nil One Two Three Four Total
Below 1 1 2 38 14 56
0.61% 7.32% 43.9% 48.17%
Above 0 0 6 18 17 4 I
60 14.63% 43.9% 4 I .46%
Our analysis of the question on the number of Kerala festivals celebrated for tlie
same variable has brought forth the table no. 4.36. About 20.14 percent from the age
group of 26 - 40 celebrate at least 3 Kerala festivals. In the age group of those below
twenty five years, about 16.OBpercentcelebrate three Kerala festivals, but another 14.29
percent do not celebrate any festival at all. However the percentage of people who
celebrate two or three festivals is very low among those above 40 years. Thus !lie older
people are less adapted to accept the festivals of the host society than youngsters.
Table No. 4.36: Number of Kerala Festivals Celebrated by Age
Age Nil One Two Three Tot a1
Below 8 36 3 9 56
Above 1 37 2 1 41
60 2.44% 90.28% 4.88% 2.44%
Total 21 305 33 4 1 400
When we look at the pattern of variation in religious trait due to age, we find that
the older members, ie, those above sixty years, have greater ethnic identity which is
obvious from their temple going nature and celebration of festivals.
The intensity of ethnic feeling can vary according to generations. The first
generation immigrants are in many ways different from the second and third generation
migrants. With this assumption, we proceeded to understand how different generations
responded to the same questions. Table no. 4.37 on visiting temples by generation
indicates that second generation Gujaratis in Kochi attend temples of their own
community more regularly (66.2%) than the first generation immigrants (54.4%) and
third generation Gijaratis (59.7%). However 9.6 percent of first generation ~nigrants
attend the temples of their own community rarely.
Table No. 4.37: Visiting Temples of Own Community by Generation
Gener- Rarely Occasionally Regularly Tot al
ations
First 12 46 68 125
9.6% 36.8% 54.4%
Second 2 44 90 136
1.47% 32.35% 66.2%
Third 5 5 1 8 3 139
3.6% 36.70% 59.7%
Total 18 141 24 1 400
4.5% 35.25% 60.25% 100%
It is interesting to note the influence of the same variable on the data regardirlp
attending temples of other community So we analysed the data accordingly, the result
of which is given in table no. 4.38. We find that majority of Gujaratis of all tlic threc
generations in the sample are only occasional visitors to other temples. Only below 15
percent of Gujaratis visit other temples regularly. Probably, their community sentiment
restricts them from visiting other temples.
Table No. 4.38: Visiting Temples of Other Community by Generation
Gener- Regularly Occasionally Rarely Total
ations
First 12 76 37 125
9.6% 60.8% 29.6%
Second 16 95 25 I36
11.76% 69.85% 18.38%
Third 24 85 30 139
17.27% 61.15% 21.58%
Tot a1 52 256 92 400
13% 64% 23% 100%
Our next attempt was to analyse the variation between generations in the trait of
celebrating Gujarati festivals. Our findings in table no. 4.39 shows that ahout 32.8
percent of first generation migrants celebrate four Gujarati festivals. The correspontling
percentage for second generation Gujaratis is 42.04. By and large, gererations of slay
in the host society has intensified ethnic identity in this repect.
Table No. 4.39: Number of Gujarati Festivals Celebrated by Generation
Gener- Nil One Two Three Four Total
ations
First 0 2 17 65 4 1 125
1.6% 13.6% 52% 32.8%
Second 0 3 10 65 58 136
2.21% 7.35% 47.79% 42.65%
Third 2 0 7 66 64 I39
I .44% 5.04% 47.48% 46.04%
Total 2 5 34 196 I63 400
0.5% 1.25% 8.5% 49% 40.75% 100%
The data on celebrating Kerala festivals analysed for generational differences is
given in table no. 4.40. We see that most of the Gujaratis belonging to all the three
generations celebrate one Kerala festival.This happens to be Onam, which is the unique
festival of Kerala. I-Iowever the percentage of those whocelebrate 2-3 festivals happens
to be more in the second and third generations compared to the first generation. At the
same time we also observe that the percentage of those who do not celebrate any Kerala
festival is alsogreater forthethirdgene~ation and first generation. Thisshows that a r n o r ~ ~
the third generation there are some who are resisting adaptation to the culture of Kerala.
Table No. 4.40: Nurnber of Kerala Festivals Celebrated by Generation
Gener- Nil One Two Three Total
ations
First 6 108 6 5 125
4.8% 86.49% 4.8% 4 .O%
Second 3 107 1 I 15 136
2.21% 78.58% 8.09% 11.03%
Third 12 90 16 2 1 139
8.63% 64.75% 11.51% 15.11%
Total 21 305 33 4 1 4 00
5.25% 76.25% 8.25% 10.25% 1 (X)%
Considering the effect of generation on religious aspect, we find that the second and
third generation Gujaratis are adhering to their community sentiment more than the first
generation. This is clear from the fact that more number of them visit Gujarati temples
more regularly and that they celebrate 3-4 Gujarati festivals.
In all societies, the learned vary from the others in their attitude and hehaviour. So
we proceeded toanalyse the variation i n thedata due to the differences in theeducational
achievement of respondents. This aspect isconsidered in table no. 4.41 .There is a steady
decline in the number of those attending temples of their own community as the
'Ihble No 4.41: Visiting Temples of Own Community by Education.
Educa- Rarely Occasionally Regularly Total
Illiter- 2
ates 9.52%
SSLC 8
4.57%
Gradu- 6
ates 16.67%
Dipl.1 0
Tech.
Post- 2
Graduates 16.67%
Profess- 0
ionals
Total 18 141 24 1 400
4.5% 35.25% 60.25% 100%
educational level increases. About 76.19 percent of illiterates go to their temples
regularly while only 27.27 percent of professionals are found to have that habit.
7-he data on the influence of educational achievment on visiting temples of orher
Table No. 4.42:Visiting Temples of Other Community by Education.
Regularly Occasionally Rarely Total Educa-
tion
Illiter- 2 9 10 21
ates 9.52% 42.86% 47.62%
SSLC 16 118 41 175
Gradu- 30 109 3 1 170
Tech. 18.18% 63.64% 18.18%
Post- 2 8 2 12
Graduates 16.67%
Profess- 0 5 6 11
ionals 45.45% 54.55%
Total 52 256 92 400
13% 64% 23% 100%
community is given in table no. 4.42. We find that a sizable percentage of graduates
and diploma holders and post graduates visit temples of other community. About 17.65
percent of graduates, 18.18 percent of diploma /technical degree hoders, and 16.67
percent of post graduates visit other temples. But none from the professional group visit
other temples so regularly.
'Pable No. 4.43: Number of Gujarati Festivals Celebrated by Education.
Educa- Nil One Two Three Four Total
ations
Illiter-
ates
SSLC
Gradu-
ates
Dipl.1
Tech.
Post-
Graduates
Profess-
ionals
Total 2 5 34 196 163 400
0.5% 1.25% 8.5% 49% 40.75% 100%
Variation due to educational achievement in the celebration of Gujarati festivals is
analysed in table no. 4.43. However not much variation is found in this trait. The table
reveals that both illiterates and the highly educated celebrate Gujarati festivals as much
as possible.
Table No. 4.44: Number of Kerala Festivals Celebrated by Education
Educa- Nil One Two Three Total
tion
Illiter-
ates
SSLC
Gradu-
ates
Dipl.1
Tech.
Post-
Graduates 50% 33.33% 16.67%
Profess- 0 9 1 1 I I
ionals 81.82% 9.09% 9.09%
Total 21 305 33 4 1 400
Celebration of Kerala festivals by Gujaratis is comparatively rare. How the
educational level of the respondent has affected this trait is analysed in table no. 4.44.
The table clearly indicates that majority of Gujaratis of all educational categories
celebrate only one Kerala festival. The highest percentage of people who celebrate
3 - 4 Kerala festivals is found among the post graduates.
Referring to the tableonreligious trait due to thevariationofeducation, wecan infer
thatthere is adeclineinethnicity as theeducational level increases.This is very clear from
the tables on attending temples of own community and other community. Educated
Gujaratis are found to visit temples of other community more and participate in Kernln
festivals more.
Even among members of the same ethnic group, people involved in certain kinds
of occupations vary from certain others. This is revealed in table no. 4.45. Some 7.64
percent of those having no occcupation have responded that they visit their own temples
rarely though 63.79 percent of them are regular visitors. All the white collar workers and
administrative/managerial group are also regular visitors to temples of theircommunity.
125
Bble No. 4.45: Visiting Temples of Own Community by Occupation.
Occupa- Rarely Occasionally Regularly Total
tion -~ -
No Occup-
ation
Self
employed
Employed
in trade
White
collar
Admn.1
Manag.
Profess-
ional
Retired
Tot a1 18 141 24 1 400
4.5% 35.25% 60.25% lOO%
Visiting temples ofother community is another associatedtrait which indicates the
religious affinity of respondents. When we analysed the data on this characteristic for
variation due to occupation, we got the result as shown in table no. 4.46. Only 7.64
Table No. 4.46: Visiting Temples of Other Community by Occupation
Occupa- Regularly Occasionally Rarely Total
tion
No Occup- 11 86 47 144
ation 7.64% 59.72% 32.64%
Self 27 121 30 179
employed 15.08% 67.6% 16.67%
Ernployed 9 39 6 55
in trade 16.36% 70.9 1 % 10.91%
White 0 0 1 1
collar 100%
Admn.1 1 2 0 3
Manag. 33.33% 66.67%
Profess- 2 5 3 10
ional 20% 50% 30%
Retired 2 3 3 8
25% 37.5% 37.5%
Tot a1 52 256 92 400
13% 64% 23% 100%
percent of Gujaratis with no occupation visit temples of other community regularly.
Except white collar workers, all other Gujaratis with some definite occupation visit
templesofcommunity regularly. Thehigher percentageisrepresented by administrative/
managerial group.
lsble No. 4.47: Number of Gujarati Festivals Celebrated by Occupation,
Occupa- Nil One Two Three Four Total
No occup- 1 3 19 80 41 144
Self 1 1 I 0 85 82 179
employed 0.56% 0.56% 5.59% 47.49% 45.81%
Employed 0 1 3 22 29 55
in trade 1.82% 5.45% 40% 52.73%
White 0 0 0 1 0 1
collar 100%
Profess- 0 0 I 3 6 10
ional 10% 30% 60%
Retired 0 0 1 2 5 8
12.5% 25% 62.5%
Total 2 5 34 196 163 400
Similarly our analysis on the basis of occupation given in table no. 4.47 indicates
that most of the occupational groups celebrate Gujarati festivals as many as possible.
Majority of the people celebrate 3 to 4 Gujarati festivals.
Table No. 4.48: Number of Kerala Festivals Celebrated by Occupation.
Occupa- Nil One Two Three Tot a1
lion
No occup-
ation
Self
employed
Employed
in trade
White
collar
Admn.1
manag.
Profess-
ional
Retired
Tot a1 21 305 33 4 1 400
5.25% 76.25% 8.25% 10.25% 100%
Table no. 4.48 indicates that the majority of Gujaratis celebrate only one Kerala
festival. About 4.86 percent of Gujaratis with no occupation and 4.47 percent of self
employed and 10.91 percent of those employed in trade have said that they do not
celebrate any Kerala festival. But generally most of the Gujaratis celebrate one to three
Kerala festivals irrespective of their type of occupation.
Among those who celebrate 2-3 festivals, the highest percentage is indicated by
administrativelmanagerial catagory. Analysis of data on religion for variations due to
occupation shows that almost all occupational groups are regular visitors to their own
temples (except professiona1s)and majority are occasional visitors to other temples
(except white collar workers). Irrespective of their occupational background they
celebrate Gujarati festivals and most of them celebrate at least one Kerala festival.
However those in administrative1 managerial capacity are found to celebrate as many as
three Kerala festivals.
Variation in ethnic identity is often perceived among different income - earning
groups. Our enquiry about visiting temples ofown community has explored this matter,
as is seen in table no. 4.49. Exactly 66.12 percent of the low income group in the sample
are found to visit the temples of their own community regularly. The corresponding
percentage for those earning between Rs. 2500 - 50000 is 59.35 and for those earning
between Rs. 50000- 100000is 57.84. Thenumber of people from the high income group
who attend temples of their owncommunity is still less and itcomes to only 45.45 percent.
whoattend temples oftheir owncommunity is s t i l l 1 nditcomestoony 45 .4 percent.
Table No. 4.49: Visiting Temples of Own Community by Income.
Occasionally Regularly Total Income Rare1 y
in Rs.
Below - 6 35 80 121 .-
Above 2 10 10 22
1OOOOO 9.09% 45.45% 45.45%
Total 18 - 141 24 1 400
With regard to variations brought about by differences in income in the data on
visiting temples of of other community, we find that a more or less equitable percentage
of Gujaratis of different income categories visit temples of other community regularly.
Among those who visit the temples of otl~er community rarely, the highest percentage
is found among the low income group.
Table No. 4.50: Visiting Temples of Other Community by Income.
Income Regularly Occasionally Rarely Total
in Rs.
Below 16 72 33 121
25000 13.22% 59.50% 27.27%
25001- 2 1 103 30 155
50000 13.55% 66.45% 19.35%
50001- 12 66 23 102
1 00000 11.76% 64.71% 22.55%
Above 3 15 4 22
1 00000 13.64% 68.18% 18.18%
Total 52 256 92 400
While conside,ring variation due to income differences, we have found that
majority of Gujaratis of all the different iti~ome groups celebrate Gujarati festivals. Only
in the low income groups, a negligible percentage of people have said that they do not
celebrate Gujarati festivals.
Table No. 4.51: Number of Gujarati Festivals Celebrated by Income.
Income Nil One Two Three Four Total
in Rs.
Below 1 2 12 60 46 121
Above 0 0 I 12 9 22
Tot a1 2 5 34 196 163 400
In the high income group, about4.55 percent celebrate two festivals, 54.55 percent
celebrate three festivals and 40.91 percent celebrate four festivals.
The data regarding celebration of Kerala festivals are analysed for differences due
to income in tableno. 4.5 1. Herealso, a high percentage of Gujaratis of all income groups
celebrate only one Kerala festival. It is noteworthty that all Gujaratis of high income
group clebrate at least one Kerala festival.
Table No. 4.52: Number of Kerala Festivals Celebrated by Income.
Income Nil One Two Three Total
in Rs.
Below
25000
25001-
50000
50001 -
1 OOOOO
Above
1 m
Total 2 1 305 33 41 400
5.25% 76.25% 8.25% 10.25% 100%
Variations due to income as shown in the tables indicate that majority of Gujaratis
of all income groups are revealing their ethnic identity in religious aspect. IIowever the
low incomegroup is morerevealing this traitthanthehigher income groupas isclear from
the table on visiting temples of own community.
CONCLUSION
Thus the data on religior~s aspect has brought forth the following facts- Regardirlg
the trait of visiting temples ofowncomrrlunity, some60.5 percent haveadmitted that they
go to temples regularly, another 35.25 percent are found to be occasional visitors and a
negligible 4.5 percent frequent their temples only rarely. For the question about visiting
temples of other community, only 13 percent are found to frequent other temples
regularly. 64 percent visit occasionally and 23 percent attend only rarely. Naturally those
who have strong community sentiment resist visiting other temples. Considering the
feature of celebrating Gujarati festivals, we see that about 40.75 percent celebrate four
festivals, 49 percent three festivals, 8.5 percent two festivals, and 1.25 percent only one
festival. A minute, 0.5 percent do not celibrate any festival at all. Regarding the feature
of celebration of Kerala festivals, we observe that some 10.25 percent of the sample
celebrate three festivals, 8.25 percent two festivals, and 76.25 percent only one festival.
A negligible 5.25 percentage of the sdmple population do not celebrate any Kerala
festival at all.
When we analyse these data for variations due to gender, age, generation,
education, occupation, and income we see slight variations.
1. Females are more particular about religious aspect tharl males.
2. The older members of the community exceed the youngsters in religious
behaviour.
3. There is a decline in ethnicity indicated in terms of religion as the educatiorial
level increases.
4. Majority of all Gujaratis holding various occupations are keen about their
identity which is expressed in their religious behaviour.
5. Majority of all Gujaratis of all income groups participate in their own religious
practices particularly the low income group.
Marriage
Marriageis an important social institution whichis directly related with the family
and broadly with the overall cultural aspects of a society. The marriage institution is
guided by a number of rules, norms, customs and rituals which have undergone some
changes according to different stages of societal development. Every ethnic group has
a distinctive set of marriage regulations, and customs by which the members are tied
together. Some of the customs related to Gujaratis in Kochi are given below.
MARRIAGE AMONG BANIAS
The Bania follows thevedic vidhi in marriage, and has all the major traits ofa IIindu
mamiage. Paying dowry is generally accepted and each one pays it considering their
status. At times heavy dowries are given.
MARRIAGE AMONG PATELS
given to daughters in the form of gold, clothes etc. For both engagement and marriage,
sending of 'matli' is important. This may consists of a maund or two of sweets, papad
etc. to the bridegroom's residence. Sometimes big brass vessels and jewllery are also
sent. A girl has to be given 25 tolas of gold, 25-30 sets of clothes etc.
Hypergamy is accepted and daughters are given to a higher groups and brides for
sons are chosen from lower groups.
MARRIAGE AMONG BHATIYAS
The Bhatiya marriage is similar to other Hindu marriages. Generally they practise
endogamy.
MARRIAGE AMONG LOHANAS
Generally Lohanas have arranged marriages after considering the horoscopes.
Exogamy with reference to gotra is the accepted pattern of marriage. Dowry is accepted
but it is not compulsory. Both anuloma and pratiloma are accepted.
Marriage is conducted in accortiance to 'vedic vidhi'. A Brahmin officiates the
ceremony and the couple takes the vows in front of Agni. Panigraha, Saptapathi etc are
followed in their marriages.
MARRIAGE AMONG JAINS
The marriage rituals of Jains are similar to other Hindu marriages. Gujarati Jains
follow endogamy to the regional level.
Marriageis iin important indicator ofethnicity, and often i t is used by ethnic groups
to demarcate their boundaries. With a view to understand how the Gujaratis of Kochi
maintain their ethnicity, we have delved deep into the different aspects of their marriage
system. Mainly we haveconsidered five important questions like. thecommunity ofthe
spouse, objection of parents to marriage outside Gujarati con~munity, objection of
parents to marriage outside the religion and within the Gujarati community, objection of
parents to marriage with peopleof thesamereligion but different caste within the Gujarati
community and allowing children to choose non Gujaratis as partners in marriage. The
data so collected is analysed in the following pages.
Gender-wise variation of data on the community of the spouse is given in table no.
4.53. In the sample consistingof 278 males and 122 females, 26.98 percent of males and
males and 13.11 percent of females are not married and hence the question to which
community spouseis belonging is not applicable to them. About 66.39 percent of fcmnles
and 57.91 percent of males have spouses from within Gujarati community and their
spouses belong to thesamecasteand samereligion. Some 1 I . 15 percent of menand 15.57
percent of women have spouses belonging to Gujarati community, and same rel~gion.
A negligible 1.8 percent of men and 0.82 percent of women have spouses from within
the Gujarati community but belonging to different religion. Only 2.16 percent of males
and 4.1 percent of females have married outside Gujarati community.
Table No. 4.53: Community of the Spouse by Gender
Gender N.A. Outside Within Gujarati Total
Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
Males 75 6 5 3 1 161 278
26.98% 2.16% 1.8% 11.15% 57.91%
Females 16 5 1 19 8 1 122
13.11% 4.1% 0.82% 15.57% 66.39% -
Total 91 11 6 50 242 400
To get a better understanding of how boundaries are maintained by Gujartis in the
matter of marriage, we probed further and tried to find out whether the parents of their
respondents objected tocertain types of marriges. Some of the respondants haveevadcd
thequestion by saying 'not sure'but afew havegivenvery definiteanswers. About 8 1.15
percent of females have said that their Larents objected to marriage with people outside
the Gujarti community. However only 68.3 percent of males have expressed the same
view. Thus wide variation is found in the data by gender. This is also indicating the fact
that female Gujartis are brought up vary strictly by the parents.
Fable No. 4.54:ObjectionofParents toMarriage OutsideCiujarati Community by
Gender
- Gender Not sure Yes No Total
Males 66 190 22 278
23.74% 68.4% 7.91%
Females 13 99 10 122
10.66% 81.15% 8.2%
Total 79 289 32 400
19.75% 72.25% 8% 100%
Our next enquiry was to find out how parents of the respondents reacted to the
proposition of their children marrying from outside the religion but within the Gujarnti
community. It seems that more female respondents have given a positive answer in this
matter than females. About 8 1.15 percent of females have felt that their parents objected
to marrying outside the religion, even if the partner belonged to Gujarati community. As
against this, only 58.99 percent of meir haveexpressed similar opinion. This shows thc
strong religious conviction of Gujarati women.
To the question whether their parents objected to their marrying from outside the
caste but from within the same religion and same community, a few have opined in
negative. But it is seen that higher percentage of females have given a positive answer,
ie, 72,.13 percent of females as compared to 57.19 percent of males.
Table No. 4.55:Objection of Parents to Marriage from the Same Religion but
Different Caste Within the Gujarati Community by Gender
Gender Not swe Yes No Total
Males 63 159 56 27 8
22.66% 57.19% 20.14%
Females 14 88 20 122
11.48% 72.13% 16.39%
Total 77 247 76 400
Further enquiry about marriage pertains to the personal attitude of the respondent
in allowing children to choose non Gujaratis as partners in marriage. Gender-wise
analysis of the data tells us that males are more open and progressive in outlook than
females. About 33.81 percent of males hdve stated that they allow children tochoose non
Gujaratis as partners in marriage. But majority of the population have given a negative
answer in this matter. One of the respondents was even offended by the question and
outright rejected the possibility.
Table No. 4.56:Allowing Children to Choose Non Gujaratis in Marriage hy
Gender
Gender Not sure Yes No Total
Males
Females 22 29 7 1 122
Total 83 123 194 400
20.75% 30.75% 48.5% 100%
Gender-wise anaysis of the questions related to marriage shows that females are
more tradition bound than males in thematter of marriage. Not only have majority of thern
expressed that their parents objected to marriage outside the caste, outside the rcl igio~~.
and outside the Gujarati community, but they have also admitted that they do no! allow
children to choose non Gujaratis in marriage.
Age-wise variation of the data on community of the spouse is displayed in table no.
4.57.Thetable shows that only asmall percentageofGujaratis havespouses fromoutside
Gujarati community. Among them the highest
Bble No. 4.57: Community of the Spouse by Age
N.A. Outside Within Gujarati Total Age
Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
Below 46 0 1 4 5 56
20.86% 4.32% 2.16% 17.99% 54.68%
41-60 14 4 2 20 124 164
8.54% 2.44% 1.22% 12.2% 75.61%
Above 2 I 0 1 37 4 1
60 4.88% 2.44% 2.44% 90.24%
Total 91 1 1 6 50 242 400
percentage belongs to the age group of 25-40, Majority of those below 25 years are not
married. Majority of people above the age of 25 have married within the Cujarati
community, from the same caste and same religion.
In table no. 4.58 the percentage of people who haveclearly stated that their parents
object to marriage with people outside aujarati community is more or less uniform.
However higher percentageof younger age group have felt that their parents do not object
to marriage outside Gujarati community than those above 40 years.
Table No. 4.58:Objection of Parents to Marriage Outside Cujarati Community by
Age
Age Not sure Yes No Total -- -
Below 4 42 10 56
Above 9 32 0 41
- 60 21.95% 78.05%
Total 79 289 32 400
'l'lic tl;ita for parent's objection to marriage frornoutside the religion but within
~!?.?~?i~i?::"Ii ~ ~ : ~ ~ i ~ ~ l . ~ ~ ! i t y : h o w s that more peopleabove the age of40 years haveanswered
ill tB:e ?tiirinrtire than the younger aer groups.
'B&!?lc No. 4.59:Objection of Parents to Marriage from the Same Religion but
Different Caste igithin the Gujarati Community by Age
Age Not sure Y s No Tot a1
Ucluw 7 2 1 28 56
25 12.5% 37.5% 50% 0 , 'il L ~ I ~ , : d 38 76 25 139
27.34% 54.68% 17.99%
4 1 . c ~ ' ~ 26 115 23 164
15.85% 70.12% 14.02%
Pibu.;~ 6 35 0 41 /I, u'u 11.63% 85.37%
, . . ., I: : , ,:n' ~::~j-i,:i.ioi, :o ni;urinn- , pic t.j~utsidc the caste within the Gujarati
C"7>.',u:r;:.- j.: .-i..c,l i II k., > '7 . ., , L I i no. 4.5% .!,::- c.130 nlaxt: people above the age of 40 years
i ~ e ,y iv r i~ n ~ ~ s i i i i \ . c auswer. While only 3'1.5 percent of those below 25 years have felt
Or r t thrir p?.rril:.s objected to marriage within the Gujarati community within the same
rqligiort Irrr:. fi,un, n tiiffererat caste, abc . 85.37 percent of those above 60 years have
c ; : [xcs~~J iilrcsar~lr: Cer:ling.Thereis atnarked difference between theyoungerage groups
and older age groups.
As secn in table no. 4.60 only lesser percentage of people above 40 years, has
consented to allow their children to choose non Gltjaratis as partners in marriage.
Majority of tlien~ are not in favour of inter con~munal marriages.
'P'.-'28.: Tin. n.60:Allowing Childrett to Choose Non Gujaratis in Marriage
-- Ag.: Not sure Yes No Total
---- - - Deluw 18 24 14 56
Analysis of data on marriage for differences due to age shows that while majority
of Gujaratis have spouses from the san;:. caste, religion, within the Gujarati community.
this percentage is higher for those above40.Ahigher percenatge of people from the same
age group have also opined that their parents objected to marriage outside the Gujarati
community. The trend does not change for the other questions related to objection of
parents to marriage outside the religion but within Gujarati community, and objection of
parents to marriage from a different caste within the Gujarati community. The older age
groups have also expressed their strong convictions about marriage by denying the
possibility of their allowing children to choose non Gujaratis in marriage.
Like gender and age, generation is a factor that can possibly affect the marriage of
an individual. Several studies have shown that slight leniency is exhibited by second
generation people in marriage regulatioils. Our table no. 4.61 indicates that the percent-
age of those who have married outside the Gujarati community is higher in the case of
second and third generation migrants. But the percentage of those who married outside
the religion but within the Gujarati community is negligible in all the three generations.
About 71.2 percent of first generation Gujartis have married from the same caste and
same religion which is compartively higher than the percentage for second and third
generation Gujariis. This is a clear indication of gradual relaxation of the rule of
endogamy from first to third generation.
Table No. 4.61: Community of the Spouse by Generation
Genera- N.A. Outside Within Gujarati Total
tions Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
First 9 2 2 23 89 125
7.2% 1.6% 1.6% 18.4% 71.2%
Second 32 6 2 10 86 136
23.53% 4.41% 1.47% 7.35% 63.24%
Third 50 3 2 17 67 164
35.97% 2.16% 1.44% 12.23% 48.2%
Total 91 11 6 50 242 400
22.75% 2.75% 1.5% 12.5% 60.5% 100%
Tab, No. 4.62: Objection of Parents to M d a g e Outside Gujarati Community by
Gerleration
Yes No Total Genera- Not sure
ti011
First 19 95 I I 125
Second 26 96 14 136
24.4670 70.5% 5.04%
Tot ill 79 289 32 400
'Ihe influence of generation in ps!c~it's ot7jection to marriage outside Gujarati.
community as given in table no. 4.62 indicates that there i s a gradual decline from first
gctneratior~ tu secc>r~!l and third generation, in the percentage of pcople who have
spccific~lly s t n t d t l~at the parents object to marriage with people outside Gujarati
coanmu~!ity. ' l h i s shc~ws tile greater adaptation of secorid and third get~eration.
Curlcicirxine relationship betwcer~ generation and parents' objection to marry-
ing f1.0111 outside the religion, but within the Gujarati comml~nity, we find that there is a
ul;.n!:cJ slliTI irr Llic a:bitvclc from the first f!:ncratiot~ to the second and third gencrakion.
Only about 51.81 percent of third generation migrants have given a positive answer in
this matter compared to 72.06 percell: of second generation and 74.4 percent of third
generation.
Table No. 4.63:Objection of Parents to Marriage from the Same Religion but
Different Caste within the Gujarati Community by Generation
Genera- Not sure Yes No Total
tions
First 2 1 88 16 125
16.8% 70.4% 12.8%
Second 21 94 21 136
15.44% 69.12% 15.44%
Third 35 65 39 139
25.18% 46.76% 28.06% - -- - - -
Total 77 247 76 400
On considering the objection of parents to marriage from the same religion but
different caste, within the Gujarati community, for different generations, we found that
percentage of those who gave a positive answer, has declined from the first to third
generation. About 70.4 percent of first generation immigrants, 69.12 percent of second
generation. About 70.4 percent of first generation immigrants, 69.12 percent of second
generation migrants and 46.76 percent of third generation Gujaratis have expressed that
their parents objected to marriage outside the religion though within the Gt!jnrati
community.
The third generation is better than the first and second generation in relaxing
marriage regulations. About 36.69 percent of the third generation has agreed to permit
inter communal marriages for their children. On theother hand only 28.8 percent of first
generation Gujaratis have agreed for the same proposition.
Table No. 4.64:Allowing Children to Choose Non Gujaratis in Marriaee hy
Generation
Genera- Not sure Yes No 'l'ot nl
tions
First 13 36 76 125
10.4% 28.8% 60.8%
Second 34 36 66 I36
25 % 26.47% 48.53%
Third 36 5 1 52 139
25.9% 36.69% 37.41 %
Total 83 123 194 400
20.75% 30.75% 48.5% 100%
Generation as a possible factor thatcancause variation in theethnic trait of marriage
has shown some remarkable variations. While majority of Gujaratis of all generatioris
have spouses from the same caste, among them lesser percentage is reprcscntcd hy third
generation than the first. In questions related to objections of parents to marriage outside
the caste, outside the religion and outside the Gujarati community also the third
generation is represented less than first and second. Their leniency in marriage regula-
tions issubstantiated by thefactthatalmost36.69percentageofthem are willing toallow
their children to choose non Gujaratis in marriage.
Education is supposed to liberate the individual from the clutches of class. caste.
race etc. and give him a rational outlook. Often education is considered as a factor
promoting inter caste and inter communal marriages. In the case of Gujartis living in
Kochi the practiceof choosing a marriage partner from anothercornmr~nity is rare. Only
2.75 percentage of Gujartis have married outside the community, among them 9.00
percent of professionals are included along with 4.76 percent of illiterates. 4 pcrccnt of
SSLC holders and 1 . I8 percent of graduates. On the whole, 54 - 66 percent oT(iuiartis
fromeacheducational group':! havernarried withinGujarticomrnunity and frornthe same
religion and same caste.
'Ihble No. 4.65: Community of of the Spouse by Education
Educa- N.A. Outside Within Gujargti Total
Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
Illi tcr- 2 1 0 4 14 2 1
ates 9.52% 4.76% 19.05% 66.67%
SSLC 30 7 5 23 110 175
Gradu- 48 2 0 22 98 170
ates 28.24% 1 . 1 8 12.94% 57.65%
rust 3 0 I 1 7 12
%hie No. 4.66:Objection of Parents to Marriage Outside Gujarati Comrnrrnily by
Education
Educa- Not sure Yes No Total
tion
Illiter-
ates
SSLC
Gradu-
ates
Dipl.1
Tech.
Post
Graduates
Profess-
ionals
Total 79 289 32 400
19.75% 72.25% 8% 100%
Several studies suggest that intercaste marriages and intercommunal marriages are
on theincreaseamong the highly educatcdpeople. Education is thus apossible factor that
can influence parents' attitude to marriage with people outside Gujarati cornmunity.
Though education of the respondent need not affect parent's attitude always, we have
considered this possibility in table no. 4.66. We see that parents of diploma holders and
technically educated have expreesd least opposition. Ilut for all the other occupational
categories, majority of the parents objected to interco~nmunal marriages.
Education plays avital rolein moulding one's attitude. It is assumed that education
ofthe respondent will in some way affect the attitude ofparents. Our analysis shows the
distribution of education in this mattcr makes it cleiir that the lowest percentage is
represented by the diploma holders and tcchnically educated. I-Iowever majority of all
other categories, including the illiterates have given a definite 'yes' to the question
whether their parents objected to marriage with people outside the religion and within
the Gujarati community.
Objectionofparents tomarriagewith peopleofthesame religion but different caste
within the Gujarati community anaysed for variations due to the education of the
respondent is given in table no. 4.67. We see that a large bulk of the Gujaratis who are
not highly educated have given a positive answer in this matter.
Table No. 4.67:Objection of Parents to Marriage in the Same Religion hut
Different Caste Within the Gujarati Cornrnunity by Education
Educa- Not sure Yes No Total
tion
Illiter-
ates
SSLC
Gradu-
ates
Dipl.1
Tech.
Post
Graduates
Profess-
ionals
Total 77 247 75 400
19.25% 61.75% 19% I 00%
Table No. 4.68:Allowing Children to Choose Non Gujaratis in Marriage hy
Education
Educa- Not sure Yes No Total
tion
Illiter-
ates
SSLC
Gradu-
ates
Dip]./
Tech.
Post
Graduates
Profess-
ionals 45.45% 36.36% 18.18% -
Total 83 123 194 400
Education is believed to be an instrument to inallowing children to choose non
Gujaratis in marriage. Our table indicates that the highly educated are more prepared lo
relax marriage rules in this matter. About 30-40 percent of highly educated are willing
to choose non Gujarati spouses for their children. So education has definitely made a
change in their attitude towards marriage.
Occupation has not affected the marriage practices of Gujartis much. Majority of
Gujnrtis have kept endogamy to the extent of caste, community and religion. Only 12.5
pereerlt of retired people, 2.79 percent of selfemployed people and 3.47 percent ofthose
who have no occupation have married out side the community. As for those who have
married outside the religion, the highest percentage of I0 is among the professionals. I t
is noteworthy that the single white collar worker represented in the sample has rnarricd
out side the caste but within the same religion and same community.
Table No. 4.69: Community of the Spouse by Occupation
Occupa- N.A. Outside Within Gujarati Total
Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
No occup- 38 5 1 22 7 8 144
ation 26.39% 3.47% 0.69% 15.28% 54.17%
Self 35 5 2 15 122 179
employed 19.55% 2.79% 1.125% 8.38% 68.16%
Employed 12 0 2 12 29 55
in trade 21 22% 3.64'% 21.82% 52.73%
White 0 0 0 I 0 I
collar 100%
Admn./ 3 0 0 0 0 3
h4anag. 100%
Proless- 3 0 1 0 6 1 0
ional 30% 10% 60'1%
Retired 0 1 0 0 7 8
12.5% 87.5% - - - -
Total 9 1 I I 6 50 242 400
Table No. 4.70:Ohjection of Parents to Marriage OutsideGujarati Community hy
Occupation
Occupa- Not sure Yes No Total
tion
No Occup- 13 87 14 114
ation 9.02% 76.32% 12.28%
Self 40 125 14
employed 22.86% 71.43% 8%
Employed 19 34 2
in trade 34.55% 61 32% 3.64%
White 0 1 0
collar 100%
Admn.1 0 1 2 3
Manag. 33.33% 66 67%
Profess- 5 5 0 10
ional 50% 50%
Total 79 289 32 400
Occupational differences of respondents in the matter of parcnt's ot~jection to
marriage with people outside Gujarati community is analysed in table no. 4.70. Anlong
those who have agreed to parent's objection for intercommunal marriages, the ]cast
percentage goes to the administativel managerial category. All the other categories.
including the no occupational group have a higher percentage of people who felt that
their parents objected to marrying fionl outside their Gujarati community.
The analysis of the data relating to objection of parents to marriage with people
outside the religion and within the Gujarati community, for the variableof the occupalion
show that the whitecollar worker stand apart fromott~ers.As to the rest of the population.
it is found that those holding managerial occupations and professional,jobs have shown
a less percentage than others in answering in the affirmative to the question.
Table no. 4.71: Objection of Parents to Marriage from the Same licligion hut
Different Caste Within the Gujarati Community by Occupation
Occupa- Not sure Yes No Total
tion
No occup- 17 96 3 1 144
Self 35 115 29 179
employed 19.55% 64.25% 16.2%
Employed 20 23 12 5.5
in trade 36.36% 41.82% 21.82%
White 0 1 0 1
collar 100%
Profess- 4 2 4 10
ional 40% 20% 40%
Total 77 247 76 400
19.25% 6 1.75% 19% 100%
Occupation of the respondent has brought out wide variation in the data as is
evident in table no. 4.7 I . We see that the lowest percentage of people who have given a
positive answer in this respect belongs to the group of professionals and those employed
in trade.
Unlike education, the influence of occupation is not very clear. Only those in
administrative1 managerial capacity and those holding professional jobs record a high
percentage in allowingchildren to to choosenon Gujariitis as partners in marriage. About
72.73 percent of them have specifically said that they will not allow their children to
choose non Gujaratis as partners in marriage.
Referring to the various tables on marriage, we can infer tliat the influcncc of
occupation is not very clear. Majority of Gujaratis of all occupational groups arc
cndogamous to the extent of caste, but slight leniency is expressed by the managerial I
administrative category and professionals in the matter of marriage.
Tallle No. 4.72:Allowing Children to Choose Non Gojaratis in h4nrringe hy
Occupation
Occupa- Not sure Yes No Total
tion
No occup-
ation
Self
Employed
Employed
in trade
White
collar
Admn.1
Manag.
Profess-
ionals
Retired
--
Total 83 123 194 4N
Table No. 4.73: Community of the Spouse by Income
Income N.A. Outside Within Gujarati Total
in Rs. Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
Below
2.5000
25001 -
500000
500001 -
I OOOOO
Above
100000
Total 91 1 1 6 5 0 242 400
22.7570 2.75% 1.5% 12.5% 60.5% 100%
Our attempt to analyse the variation in selecting marriage partners due to differences in
income is revealed in the table no. 4.73. The highest percentage of those who have
married outside theGujarticommunity falls in thelowest income group. The same is truc
for those who have married outside the religion and within the Gujarti community.
Endogamy with reference to caste is observed more among the higher income groups
than lower income groups. Thus there is a clear indication of maintenance of ethnic
identity among the higher income groups.
Table No. 4.74:Objection of Parents to Marriage OutsideGujarati Community by
Income
Income Not sure Yes No 'fotal
in Rs.
Below
25000
25001-
50000
50001 -
1 OOOOO
Above
1m
Total 79 289 32 400
19.75% 72.25% 8% 100%
I t is often found that peopleofhigh incomegroup either dissociate themselves fro171
their ethnic group or overemphasise it. Our examination of the data for the variation due
to income is given in table no. 4.74.
IIere the high income group stands apart from others with a higher percentage
expressing the opinion that their parents object to marriage with people outside Gujarati
community. Naturally better economic position has not affected the ethnic attitude of
these people who want to maintain ethnic identity in terms of intra communal marriages.
Table No. 4.7S:Objection of Parents to Marriage From the Same Religion but
Different Caste Within the Gujarati Community by income
Income Not sure Yes No Total
in Rs.
Below 28 65 28 121
Above 3 15 4 22
Income differences in the matter o l parents objection to inarraiagc outside the
religion within the Gujarati community is presented in table no. 4.75. I t appears that a
large bulk of the respondents from all income groups has agreed that their parents
ohjected to their marrying from outside the religion even if the person belonged to the
same community. As is clear from the table the highest percentage in this matter falls i r t
the high income group.
Income differences influenced much in changing parents'objection to marriage
with people outside the caste as seen in the table. Mnjority of all income categories have
felt that their parent's objected to their marrying from outside the caste even i f the person
belongs to the same religion and same community.
About 72.73 percent of them have specifically said that thcy will not allow thcir
children to choose non Gujaratis as partners in marriage.
The influence of income on the data on marriage is noteworthy. Ilcre thc high
income group expressed firm convictions about endogamous type of rnarriagc.
When we considered the factor of locality of' residence we found that rnorc inter
-communal marriages and inter-caste marriages have taken place among GYja~tis il l
hlattanchery than among those in Ernakulam.
Table NO. 4.76:Allowing Children to Choose Non Gujaratis in Mal~iagc by
Income
Income Not sure Yes No Total
in Rs.
Below 33 3 1 57 121
25000 27.27% 25.62% 47.11%
25001 - 3 1 47 77 155
S o 0 0 20% 30.32% 49.68%
50001 - 18 40 44 102
1 00000 17.65% 39.2256 43.14%
Above 1 5 16 22
1 00000 4.55% 22.7356 72.73%
Total 83 123 194 400
20.75% 30.75'7~ 48.5% 100%
Not much difference is found in the data related to parents' objection to marriage
outside thereligionand within thecommunity with regard to locality of I-esidencc h l r ~ ~ c
or less equal percentage of people from Mattancherry and Ernakulam have opined that
their parents objected to their marrying from outside the religion hut within the
community.
Table No. 4.77:Community of the Spouse by Locality
Loca- N.A. Outside Within Gujarati 'fotnl
lity Gujarati community
Religion
Outside Same
Caste
Diff. Same
Mattan- 84 10 6 47 183 330
cherry 25.45% 3.03% 1.82% 14.24% 55.45%
Erna- 7 I 0 3 59 70
kulam 10% 1.43% 4.29% 84.29%
Tot a1 91 I I 6 50 24 2 400
22.75% 2.75% 1.5% 12.5% 60.5% 1007~
Locality of residence is considered in this matter, by comparing Gujaratis settled
in Mattancherry and those inhabiting Ernakulam. Less percentage of Gujaratis frorn
Ernakulam have said that their parents objected tomamiageoutside Gujarati community.
Table No. 4.78:Ohjection ofparents to Marriageoutside the Religion and Within
the Gujarati Cornrnunity by L,ocality
Loca- Not sure Yes No Total
lity
Mattan-
cherry
Erna-
kularn
Tot a1
n b l e No. 4.79:Ohjection of Parents to Marriage OutsideGujarati Cornrnunity hy
Locality
Loca- Not sure Yes
lity
Mattan-
cherry
Erna-
kularn
Total
Table No. 4.80:Objection of Parents to Marriage from the Same Religion but
Diffrrent Caste Within the Gujarati Community by Locality
Loca- Not sure Yes No Total
lity
Mattan- 60 205 64 330
kulam 22.86% 60% 17.14%
Total 77 247 76 400
Il~ourstudy notmuchdifferenceis noticed inparents, objection to marriageoutside
the caste though the person belongs to the same religion and same community.
As llre tableindicalesmoreorlessequal percentageofGujaratis FromMattancherry
and E ~ n ~ u l a m are p~epiued to allow children to choose non Gujaratis as partners. But
more petceritage of people from Matta~~cherry have expressed the opposite viewpoint.
'Illis shows that co~ i se~va t i~~c n~embers are illore i r c ldattancherry.
Table No. 4.81:Allowing Children to Choose Non Gu,jaratis in Marriage by
Locality
Loca- Not sure Yes No Total
lity
Mattan- 65 102 163 330
cherry 19.7% 30.91 $6 49.39%
Erna- 18 2 1 3 1 70
kulam 25.71% 30% 44.29%
Total 83 123 194 4 0 0
20.75% 30.7S1% 48.5% 100%
Locality of residence is not a much decisive factor in controlling marriage. thot~ph
greater percentage of residents of Mattancherry have expressed that they will not allow
their children to marry anon Gujarati, they are not very caste conscious for some 14.24
percent of them have spouses from a different caste than their own.
CONCLUSION
The data on marriage have revenled the following facts. About 60.5 percent of
Gujaratis havespousesfrom thesamecaste,samereligion within theGujaraficomtn~rnify
and only 2.75 percent of them have married outside the community. some 72.25 perccrlt
of them believe that their parents objected to marriage outside the Gujarati community.
and some 65.75 percent are convinced that their parents objected to marriage outside the
religion. About 61.75 percent are sure that their parents ob,jected to marriage frorn a
different caste and only 30.75 percent are willing to allow their children to marry a non
Gujarati.
The following aspects were noticed when the data on marriage were analysed for
variations in gender, age, generation, education, occupation and licality of residence.
1 . Females are more tradition bound than males in the matter of marriage. 'l'hcy
are more keen about endogamy than males.
2 . Ehnicity indicated in terms of marriage is higher for those above the age of 40
years than others.
3. The first generation migrants have expressed greater idcntity by obscrvin~
endogamy than the second and third generation migrants.
4. There is a clear distiction between the lowly educated and highly cducntcd ill
thematter of marriage.Thosc withlow level ofeducationnl attainment arc rriorc
keen about observing the rule of endogamy than highly educated.
5. Leniency in marriage is expressed by those occupied in administrnti~cl
managerial jobs and by professionals than other occupational categories.
6. Iligher income groups expressed strong convictions about observing en-
dogamy in marriages than low income grcrups.
7. The influence of locality of residence in marriage practices shows that the
residents of Mattancherry are more keen than those in Ernakulam area i r ~
maintaining the rules of endogamy in mar~iage practices.
On the whole, weobserve that elements likelanguage sentimcnt, specific rcligiotrs
customs and marriage practices give the Gujaratis an identity and they are so important
for them that a vast majority follow them. Thus the culture of an ethnic group has some
coreelements which remain more or less stable and give thegroup an idcntity of its own.
NOTES
I . Talcott Parsons, "Some Theoretical Considerations on the Nature and'rrentls ofChangeofEthnicity," Ethnicity(9ed), Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moiynihnn. Ilarvard University Press, 1975, p.54.
2. T. Shibutani and K.M. Kwan, Ethnic Strotificntiorr, New York. Macrnillar~ 1965, pp. 75-76.
3. Myron Weiner, Sons of the Soil: Migrotion and Ethnic Conflict III inclicc. New Delhi, Princeton University Press, 1978, pp.226.
4. Cfr.Gordon M. M, Assirnilntior~ in A~nericnn Life, New York. Oxford IJnivcr- sity Press, 1964.
5. B. K. Roy Burman," Ethnic Assertions in Indian Polity ," 711f Etrr-srrrn Anthropologist, 44; 1,198 1. p48.
6. Kanu Jain, "'Jain Oswal' of Calcutta as an Ethnic Group- A Socio llistoricnl Perspective," Man in inrlin, 67.4, Dec. 1987, pp. 385-388.
7. Andrew Greeley, "WIIJ~ C(tn't they Be Likc U.s?". New Ilclhi, I'renticc Ilall of India Pvt. Ltd. 1970.
