Chapter IV

GREEN REVOLUTION - RATIONALE AND HISTORY

Introduction

Green Revolution, also known as the New Agricultural Strategy,

marks a significant phase in the history of development of agricultural

technology. It represents a paradigm shift in the agents1 players and

priorities of agricultural technology development. Technology development

became a scientist-driven programme, subservient to the goals of output and

profit maximisation.

The present chapter attempts to examine the rationale behind the

Green Revolution and the historical and political background that led to the

development of Green Revolution strategy in India and Kerala in particular.

Green Revolution phase marked a striking quantitative increase in

food production [Mencher, 1974:309]. It has been hailed as the greatest

thing that has happened to the developing countries in their long struggle

for a better life [Sen, 1975; 31. In popular parlance, it often refers to the

impressive progress made in food grain production in world agriculture,

especially in the third world countries during the 1960s and the 70s.

As a strategy, Green Revolution meant a package for increasing

agricultural production and productivity by overcoming the environmental,

cultural and religious constraints on technology. It has been the result of

scientific research and the systematic application of improved agricultural

knowledge especially in the biological and chemical aspects of agricultural

technology1.

The Rationale of Green Revolution

Recent models of agricultural development are classified into two

groups according to the traditions from which they emanate [Zarkovic,

1987:153]. Of them, one has its roots in the neoclassical theory, and the

other belongs to the tradition of radical political economy. With the radical

group of theories there exists a major subdivision with respect to

agricultural issues: pure Marxist analysis and dependency theories.

Green Revolution has been the result of one of the two major

theoretical approaches to solve the problem of food security. Of the two,

one has been the Marxian mode of production approach and the other being

the neo-classical production function approach. In general, radical political

economics rests on the belief that a social order characterised by an unequal

distribution of power and assets will influence institutional arrangements

which in turn the production capacity of the individual farmer. The Marxian

mode of production approach has been centred on redistribution, abolition

of intermediaries and tenancy and the creation of entitlements through land

reforms.

Entitlement refers to the set of alternative commodity bundles that a

person can command in a society using the totality of rights and

opportunities that he or she has. Then poverty is not ultimately a matter of

incomes at all; it is one of a failure to achieve certain minimum capabilities.

These capabilities are, in turn generated by the entitlements [Sen, 1981 and

I Of the various forms of technology, namely, biological or genetic, mechanical, chemical and managerial, the Classical economists made recurring references to mechanisation in agriculture, later, biological lechnology has been generally regarded to be the key form of technology for agriculture.

78

19851. For the farmer the main entitlement is his ownership of the land he

cultivates.

Accordingly the abolition of tenancy has been treated as highly

desirable. As the relations of production are less favourable to the tenant, he

has little incentive to increase his output since a large share in any such

increase will accrue to the landowner [United Nations, 19511. It is argued

that a country can increase agricultural productivity by reforming the land

tenure systems. This calls for decisions on the redistribution of land

ownership, conditions of tenancy, and control of rents [Meier and Baldwin,

1957:383], for increased production. The land reform initiatives or attempts

in the Asian countries are grouped into three basic policy models [Hemng,

19831. They are the 'tenure reform' or the intervention regulatory model,

the redistributive model and 'land to the tiller' model2.

The orientation for land reform had been in the First Five Year Plan

and it has been held that the pattern of economic and social organisation

would depend upon the manner in which the land problem is solved

[Planning Commission, 19531. This orientation is typical to the mode of

production approach.

The debate on the mode of production has started in India in the

early sixties and papers on specific topics such as tenancy and labour

relations have appeared, particularly after 1978). In Marxist literature, the

debate has been known as the "Indian debate".

2 Of them, 'land to the t~ller' model was the reform model explicated by the theoreticians in Indian National Congress and the Commun~st Party in Kerala. 3 During the 1960s and 70s. a theoretical and empirical debate emerged with regard to questions of political economy, mostly in the journals Economic and Political Weekly, Frontier, and Social Scientisr. Agrarian Relations and Accumulation The Mode of Production Debate in India Utsa Patnaik's[l990] encapsulates the main trends in the early discussions.

As per the neo-classical production function approach to growth and

development, output is a function of inputs. More output can be produced

by increasing the quantity of inputs or changing the mixture of inputs.

Green Revolution belongs to the second type of approach. Its emphasis has

been on increasing production and productivity and believed in the 'trickle

down' effect of growth.

'Trickle down' in economic growth refers to the probable effect of

transmitting benefits from top strata to the poorest or lower strata of the

society while implementing the strategies of achieving higher economic

growth.

Green Revolution phase marked a striking quantitative increase in

food production [Mencher, 1974:309]. It has been hailed as the greatest

thing that has happened to the developing countries in their long struggle

for a better life [Sen, 1975; 31. In popular parlance, it often refers to the

impressive progress made in food grain production in world agriculture,

especially in the third world countries during the 1960s and the 70s. As a

strategy, Green Revolution meant a package for increasing agricultural

production and productivity by overcoming the environmental, cultural and

religious constraints on technology. It has been the result of scientific

research and the systematic application of improved agricultural knowledge

especially in the biological and chemical aspects of agricultural

technology.

A Brief History of the Development of the Green Revolution Strategy

The history of Green Revolution is traced back to the 1940s when

Daniels, the U S Ambassador to Mexico and Henry Wallace, Vice President

of the USA set up a scientific mission to help the development of

agricultural technology in Mexico. High Yielding Varieties (HYVs) or the

'miracle seeds' were at the core of the new technology. Accordingly, the

Mexican government and the Rockefeller Foundation started a joint venture

to introduce plant breeding programme in Mexico.

Dr. Norman Borlaug, the Norway-born, U.S-based agricultural

scientist was the pioneer of this historic scientific achievement. By 1954,

Borlaug's 'miracle seeds' of dwarf varieties of wheat had been bred. The

Breeding efforts were in response to the unbearable pressure of population

growth on existing food supplies in the Third World countries. In

connection with the 'miracle seed' programme, two international

agricultural research stations International Maize and Wheat Improvement

Centre (CIMMYT) and the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI)

were set up4. These centres grew out of the Rockefeller Foundation's

country programme to launch the new seeds, known as the New

Agricultural strategy, by the mid 1960s. By 1966, IRRI started producing

'miracle' rice, in succession to the 'miracle' wheat from CIMMYT.

The Green Revolution was given support in Mexico, Philippines and

India from the 1940s through to the1960s by the Rockefeller, the Ford

Foundation and the U S Government [Desai, 1998: 2201. It marked a

prominent phase in global agriculture scenario since the 1960s. The term

'Green Revolution' was coined by William Guard of the United States in

1968. It is the name given to the science based transformation of Third

World agriculture [Shiva, 1997: 191.

-

lnternatlonal Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre (CIMMYT), Mexico was set up in 1956 on the basis of the Rockefeller Foundation and Mexican Government programme and the International Rice Research lnst~tute (IRRI), Manila, Philippines was established in 1960 by the Rockefeller and Ford Foundation

Background of the Indian Green Revolution and the Transitional

Phase

The change from traditional agriculture to the Green Revolution

strategy has never been instantaneous. Tt was backdated by a lengthy

period of transition. Kerala's option for the Green Revolution strategy was

part of the national agenda. Therefore, a discussion of Kerala experience of

Green Revolution would be incomplete without an understanding of the

national developments in this regard.

India had gone through a period of serious food shortages and

famines5. As a solution, there evolved a change in the mind-set of setting

production maximisation as the priority in agricultural operations.

Even at the face of famines and shortages British Government in

India paid attention only to certain crops, which were of special interest to

them. Production of commercial crops came to be organised on capitalist

lines. Formation of a separate Department of Agriculture in the Government

of India in 1871 and subsequent formation of Provisional departments,

establishment of agricultural research centres, appointment of

Commissions, formulation of an agricultural policy -all were parts of that

attempt.

The colonial priorities and the corresponding strategy of production

affected the social and economic setting of the Indian society. An important

Though a connected and complete account of the famines that occurred in the pre-British period of lndian history is lacking, the available evidence suggests that in the earlier times a major famine occurred in every fifty years. But they were confined to regions very much limited in area [Bhatia, 1963:7]. The British colonial period began in lndia with drought and famine in Bengal in 1770, during which one-third of the population of the province disappeared from the face of the earth. The frequency of famines showed an embarnssing increase in the nineteenth century. In a period of about 90 years, from 1765(the year in which the British East India Company took over the Diwani of Benaal.) to 1858, . . - the country e~pcricn,-CJ twelvr famines m d tiur severe hcarcltles (Report of the Famine Conmi.i.$run. 1901.11. Twentv m~llion 11,cr wera lost in a b o ~ t 20 famines durine the neriod 1850 to 1900. Just ortor - . ~ ~ r~~

to the end of the colonial era, another great Bengal famine occurred during 1942-43, when about 3 million people died of hunger.

82

transition was in the concept of village self-sufficiency, which had taken

deep roots in rural India from near about the sixth or the seventh century

A. D. and the concept disappeared completely during the British period

[Menon, 1985:l I].

Independent India and the American Relation

Solution to famine has become a national agenda after independence.

Independent India implemented various programmes like Grow More Food

Campaign, Intensive Agricultural Development Programme (IADP, 1950-

51), Community Development Programme (1952), the National Extension

Service (NES, 1953), and the Intensive Agricultural District Programme

(IADP, 1960-61) as part of free India's effort to increase production and to

thus to ensure food security. All these programmes were remote

preparations for the onset of the Green Revolution strategy.

Yet, there were sporadic occurrences of shortages. For instance, in

1965-66, though food production was affected adversely by drought, there

were no famines, as the shortage was met through the large food imports,

mainly under the PL 480 programme of the USA. The country was forced

to depend upon imported food supply from the west for a long period after

independence and for many years she had literally a 'ship to mouth'

existence.

During this period American influence in India grew steadily. The

crisis of the Indian Second Five Year Plan in 1958 and the consequent

heavy dependence of the Indian economy on U S aid made American

influence more pervasive and manifest. American connection began to

play an increasingly important role in the shaping of Indian policy in most

fields.

The new turn in agricultural development policy was marked by a

Report by American experts, sponsored by the Ford ~oundation~. It

recommended a major shift in policy- away from the populist participatory

concepts of Community Development and towards an emphasis on

technological solutions to the problem of agricultural development. This

shift led to the coming of Green Revolution.

The New Agricultural Strategy

The 'New Agricultural Strategy' was India's response to the grave

and long - standing food crisis that culminated in the 1960s [Mencher,

1974:309], disregarding its socio-economic consequences. The government

was committed to attaining self-sufficiency in food and gave high priority

in the First Five Year Plan.

However, the success of IADP, the Grow More Food campaign and

the First Five Year Plan in the agricultural sector produced a feeling of

pride and indifference regarding agricultural development. Along with the

agricultural success in the First Plan came the offer of supply of agricultural

surpluses from the piled up stocks on highly concessional terms from the

US government. With the beginning of the Second Plan, agriculture was

relegated to second place in the order of plan priorities.

Neglect of the agricultural sector during the Second Plan, the short

war with China in 1962 and the widespread drought in the east India

culminated in a food crisis. In 1965-66, food grain production in the country

fell from 89 million tonnes in the preceding year to 72 million tonnes.

Meanwhile, a feeling had been growing for sometime among the

donor countries that the resources available with them for international food -

The learn of experts was headed by Dr. Sherman E Johnson and it submitted the report in April, 1959.

aid were limited, relative to the demand for aid from food-deficit

developing countries. The U S President Lyndon Johnson refused to

continue food aid beyond one month in advance until an agreement to adopt

the Green Revolution package was signed between India and the USA.

La1 Bahadur Shastri became the then Prime Minister, assisted in the

Food portfolio by C Subramaniam decided to put agriculture at the centre of

the stage in government policy -making and planning and implement of the

Green Revolution strategy. Agricultural research has been considered

central to the new strategy.

History of Agricultural Research in India

It has been observed that agricultural research has traditionally

played a very minor role in most developing countries [Pinstrup Anderson,

19821. Even up to the beginning of the second half of the 2oth century such

research in India was primarily focused on export commodities such as

rubber, sugar cane and bananas- commodities, which were of interest to the

imperial power.

Expansion of production of these crops came about primarily

through an increase in the area under cultivation while attempts to increase

yields and productivity in cases where they occurred were based primarily

on imported technology from the developed countries. Such technology was

in many cases unsuited or poorly suited to the agricultural conditions in the

developing countries. Therefore the yield and productivity increases were

small.

Dr. J A Voelcker's report in 1897 heralded the initiation of formal

agricultural research in the country, nearly 50 years behind Europe and the

United States. The efforts in agriculture were based on Voelcker's

prescription of bridging the gap between better performing and poorer

regions through selection and adaptation of varieties and practices from the

former to the latter; and using scientific advances in genetics, soil fertility,

engineering, etc. The goal was to increase food production through

scientific evaluation of indigenous practices and exploitation of new

scientific principles. The beginning of agricultural research in India was

thus clearly focused on the peasantry because of the indigenous roots

[Jha, 2001 :2].

The above orientation in research did not last long. The commercial

and trading interests of colonial powers crept in very soon. The Central

Cotton Committee was created in 1921 to increase the production of cotton-

a major interest of British industry. It sponsored research and development

in concerned provinces through respective departments of agriculture and

their experimental farms. The Royal Commission of Agriculture (1928)

which got impressed by this initiative recommended the creation of the

Imperial (later Indian) Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) for co-

ordination of agricultural research in the country. Relating to commercial

crops commodity-wise committees were formed for jute, oilseeds, spices,

cashew, etc., following the cotton pathway.

Organisation of formal agricultural research had evolved from the

first experiments of private European planters, to the botanical gardens and

provincial experiment stations under the British government, to the present

national public research organisation, the ICAR and the State Agricultural

Universities. Organised agricultural research in the public sector was one of

the most critical interventions made by the Indian government for

agricultural development.

Food crops and livestock research was conducted on experimental

farms of provincial departments of agriculture. In that endeavour the state

departments were supported by the ICAR and a few central institutes were

directly supported by the Government of India. The then allocation of

research funds shows that the research portfolio got diversified over time

and also that commercial crops claimed a large share.

ICAR and Commodity Committees played an important role in

nurturing the state research systems. The 1950s saw the establishment of

several central research institutions, some specifically mandated to address

critical needs and others to create captive units for the Commodity

Committees. There were 564 research stations under provincial departments

of agriculture at the end of the 1950s [Jha, 20011.

In the mid sixties the 'New Agricultural strategy' was enunciated,

assigning a central role to technology and research. ICAR was reorganized

and it assumed charge of all agricultural research supported by the Central

Government .The Council played a major role in reanimating the state

system as well through direct and substantial support to the newly

established State Agricultural Universities (SAUs). The All India Co-

ordinated Research Projects (AICRP) heralded another ICAR initiative,

which brought the state system in the mainstream. Since then the public

system has grown in depth and coverage7.

Supply and Demand Factors in Research

Various review committees and observers have evaluated the

national agricultural research system. The most notable defect of the system

is with regard to its orientation. Though the origins of agricultural research

in the country were rooted in farmers' practices, during the evolution it was

gradually converted into a supply-driven system. Scientists looked all over

Today the nalronal agricultural research network consists of 97 ICAR units, 31 SAUs, 98 AICRPs, and 313 research stations, 120 zonal research stations and 200 sub-stations. The nineties saw the beginnings of significant private investments in this field, a trend that is accelerating now. The research community IS quite confident that agricultural sciences can contribute significantly to resolving the current and emerging challenges on product~on, environment, trade and rural development.

to the westwards for ideas, methods and materials to enhance production

and tried to refine or adapt them.

Complete neglect of demand side variables, particularly indigenous

practices and local physical and socio-economic constraints, created an

environment and culture which now severely restricts the role and scope of

research [Jha, 2001:8]. Firstly, it created a disciplinary approach, which put

premium on peer recognition rather than problem solution. Agricultural

technology has become a discipline and got institutionalised. Secondly, it

created an attitude where no scientist wanted to step out of the lab or

experimental farm, and the farmer was perceived as ignorant.

An important consequence has been increasing irrelevance and lack

of priority in research. When the system adopted the Land Grant pattern in

the sixties, it attempted to bridge this gap by integrating extension with

research and education, but this effort also became disciplinary. Scientists

made recommendations based solely on their research, but were not

involved in dissemination, which is the responsibility of the extension

division or directorate. Thus development of technology and its

dissemination, the two aspects of a same reality or process got separated.

Only scientific output figured in evaluation. Scientists claimed

scientific achievements, and were indifferent to how these were followed in

practice, and they blamed extension or policy lapses for failure in adoption.

The Indian Experience of Green Revolution

In the post independence decades, Green Revolution became the

catchword in India and agriculture began to be completely revamped

according to the priorities set by the new paradigm. Although preparations

had been there, the outstanding performance of Indian agriculture started

with the Green Revolution during the mid-sixties. It was through a package

programme consisting of improved seeds, inorganic fertilizer, irrigation,

and plant protection measures (PPCs) combined with agricultural research

and development (R&D) and dedicated work of Indian fannerss.

Basically, Green Revolution was a "eureka" in biological

technology, at the core of which was the 'miracle seeds'. Biological

technology was generally regarded to be the key form of agricultural

technology [Evenson, 19931. Biotechnology - a hybrid of genetics and

chemistry determines the maximum biological performance of plants and

animals and also influences the scope and effectiveness of other forms of

technology as well.

'Miracle seeds' and the Green Revolution Technology

The response of the traditional varieties to fertilizer was said to be

negative. When they are fertilized with chemicals, they would shoot up

even faster, grow dense, stoop and lodge on the ground reducing the

photosynthetic work, and in the end would yield even less. The new seeds

however, break open the nature's limits and cycles, which were respected

by traditional agriculture. The 'miracle' seeds were therefore at the heart of

the science of Green Revolution.

An important characteristic of modern varieties is their ability to

utilize nutrients and water efficiently, and to translocate more of them to

grain formation than to other parts such as leaf. The dream-plant from the

miracle seed has another unique feature: it is photoperiod-insensitive. In

simple words it means that it can grow and work uninterruptedly even under

cloudy skies, which drastically cuts down the time needed to produce a

crop. This results in a quantumjump in yield.

- The subsequent revolutions in oilseeds (Yellow Revolution), milk (White Revolution) and fish (Blue

Revolution) further consolidated the gains and contributed to the phenomenal increase in overall agricultural, lish and milk production[R S Paroda, 1999:63].

The 'miracle seeds' were seen as a source of new abundance and

peace. The new seeds were said to be the best hope -the only hope- of

winning the race between population and food, a race that is becoming

increasingly more critical with every passing year [Sen, 1975:7]. Science

was honoured for having shown a magical ability to solve problems of

material scarcity and violenceg.

During 1965-90, India moved from a highly precarious food supply

situation to one of frequent surplus, improved food security, and higher

aggregate nutrition levels [World Bank; FAO, Production Yearbook various

years]. This happened despite the addition of almost 390 million people to

India's total population over this quarter century and in the face of an

annual population growth rate of 2.2 per cent during 1965-80[World Bank,

19891.

According to the above World Bank estimates, per capita daily

calorie supply in India increased from 2,111 to 2,238 calories during 1965-

86. Agricultural production is estimated to have grown by an annual rate of

2.8 per cent during 1965-80, while the population growth rate in that period

was about 2.3 per cent per year [ibid]. This success is attributed mainly to

the adoption of new high-yielding varieties, particularly of rice and wheat

developed by international and national agricultural research stations and

distributed to Indian farmers from the mid-1960s onwards.

Compared to other phases in the history of agricultural development,

the transformation through Green Revolution occurred in an extraordinarily

short span of time. During the period there was an exponential growth in the

use of inputs that belonged to the Green Revolution package.

Borlang, the hero behind the 'miracle seeds' was given Nobel Prize for Peace

90

Table: 4.1: An overall view of trends in Agricultural Inputs-India for the period from 19504 1 to 1992-93

Pesticide consumption (Tech. Grade material) Source: Economic Intelligence Service (1994) Basic Statistics Relating to the lndian Economy, Aug. Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) Bombay (Table 6.1)

1000 tons

2.4 8.6 24.3 45.0 52 72 82.4 79.4

Table: 4.2: Decadal percentage change in area under H W s and use of agricultural inputs-India from 1950-51 to 1990-91.

Item

Area under HYVs in million ha.

0

Fertiliser consumption in lakh kg.

Electrical imgation pumpsets in lakh nos.

Diesel irrigation pumpsets in lakh nos.

0.83 (73)

Per hectare consumption of fertiliser in kg.

1950-5 1

-

0.69

The percentage decadal increase was very significant in the use of all

0.52

Power consumption in million kw

Tractors in lakh nos.

the new inputs, especially during the first decade of the Green Revolution,

1960-61

-

2.94 (326)

namely 1960-61 to 1970-71 lo. There was 665 per cent increase in the use of

1.92 (269)

Source: CMIE (1994) based on table 6.1 in basic statistics relating to the Indian economy. Note: Figures in parenthesis show percentage change (decadal)

203

0.09

fertiliser for the ten year period. During the corresponding period the per

1970-71

5.6

22.5 (665)

hectare consumption of fertiliser was 609 per cent. Similarly there was

13.61 (609)

833 (310)

0.3 1 (244)

increase in the number of electrical irrigation pump sets (913 per cent),

1980-81

18.2 (225)

55.16 (145)

diesel irrigation pump sets (578 per cent), power consumption (437 per

1990-91

28.1 (54)

125.46 (127)

31.96 (135)

4470 (437)

1.4 (352)

cent) and in the number of tractors (352 per cent).

'69.28 (117)

10 Though Green Kevolution in the stnct sense had begun only by the mid -60s, the Community Development Programmes had already ~nitiated changes in the input mix like, improved varieties, increased application of fertiliscrs elc., in the early 60s. Therefore we take the figures in the early 60s to represent the pre-green revolution situation in India.

14481 (224)

5.2 (271)

49469 (242)

14.68 (182)

When viewed on a local scale rather than through aggregate national

statistics, a more complex picture of the nature and impact of Green

Revolution emerges [Goldman and Smith, 1995:243]. Therefore a state or

region wise reference is attempted.

The Punjab, Haryana and Tamilnadu Experiences

States and regions vary with regard to the nature and extend of the

Green Revolution package. It depended on factors like the size of

operational holdings, the availability of water, innovative nature of farmers,

policy of the government etc. Punjab was one of the main Green Revolution

areas in India. Between 1964-85, the period of the Green Revolution in

Punjab [Goldman and Smith, 1995:244], wheat output rose more than

fourfold from 2.44 million metric tonnes to 10.2 million tonnes [Bhalla et a1

19901.

It is argued that part of the above trend was the result of the increase

of wheat yields, which grew 120 per cent during 1965-78 [ ~ e a f " , 19871,

and the remainder to increases in planted wheat area. Rice production in

Punjab increased more than ten fold, from 0.5 million tonnes in 1969 to 5.1

million tonnes in 1984-85 [Bhalla, et al., 19901. In consequence, by 1985,

per capita income in Punjab was 50 per cent higher than the national

average [Chopra 19861.

During the 14 years (1965-78), the agricultural economy of Punjab

was profoundly transformed in almost all respects. The new varieties played

" Murray Leaf, an anthropologist, made a valuable examination o f the effect o f Green Revolution through a series o f studies in a Punjab village. He first worked in the village in 1965, just before the introduction o f the HYVs and then returned to conduct a second study in 1978[Leaf, 19871.

a catalytic role in many of the changes. Along with HYVs, irrigation,

fertilizer use, crop patterns, livestock, and mechanization all changed in

type and intensity, most innovations reinforcing and stimulating others.

With regard to the area under H W seeds, Punjab had an increase

from 3.58 to 99.5 per cent, compared to that of Haryana from 1.73 to 95.2

per cent during 1967 to 1984. Fertilizer consumption was greater in Punjab

at all points in time, and expanded to a greater rate than in Haryana.

Between 1970-71 to1980-81, Punjab's consumption increased from 40.3 to

133.2 kilograms per hectare, compared to Haryana where the change was

from 17.3 to 42.0 [Zarkovic, 1987591.

In Tamil Nadu several villages in North Arcot region of Tamil Nadu

State in the Green Revolution period were studied by teams from

Cambridge and Madras universities in 1972-73, an early stage of the

introduction of new rice H W s . They made another study in 1982-83 and

1983-84 [Hazel] and Ramsamy, 19911. The studies concluded that the

agricultural changes had brought considerable benefits to almost all

economic classes in the region including small paddy farmers and land less

labourer.

The most significant changes in the region's agricultural economy

have been the shift to HY rice varieties, a large increase in fertilizer use, the

expansion and mechanization of irrigation, associated with which has been

an intensification of paddy production and the mechanization of a number

of other activities. By 1983-84, over 90 per cent of the area in the region

was under the new varieties.

Green Revolution in Kerala

Green Revolution in Kerala came as part of the national agenda, the

result of a deliberate attempt by the central and the state governments to

increase food production through the introduction of H W s and the

increased use of chemical inputs like fertilizers and plant protection

materials and agricultural practices of high productivity.

As part of the Community Development Programme, Alappuzha and

Palakkad districts in Kerala, were chosen in 1962-63 to come under the

Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP). The programme was a

co-operative endeavour by the Ford Foundation, the Government of India

and the State Government. It is significant to note that Kuttanad and

Palakkad have been the two 'rice bowls' of the state and the IADP in Kerala

concentrated mainly on paddy production.

The two districts were selected for the implementation of the

Programme as they satisfied certain criteria such as assured water supply,

freedom from natural hazards, well developed village institutions- chiefly

co-operatives and panchayats- and potentiality for rapid increase in

agricultural production [Panikar, 1983:4]. A major area of Kuttanad lies in

the Alappuzha District.

The Green Revolution phase in the present study, which extended

from 1968-69 to 1989-90 is divided into two phases based on the general

trends in the area and production of paddy. The first phase, which extended

up to 1974-75 has been nlarked by increasing trend in area under paddy

cultivation and its production.

Table No. 4.3: Trends in Area, Production and Yield in Kerala, 1966 to 1975 and their Indices (1966 base)

Index no. Production Index no. of Yield Index no. Year I (:::) I of area ( (IaLh M.T) I production I (Kg.Ma.1 I of yield 1

Over the phase there was an increase in area by about 11 per cent

while production has increased by about 34 per cent and yield per hectare

increased by about 12 per cent as seen in table 4.3.

1974

1975

As mentioned earlier, the main component in the Green Revolution

package was the HYVs. Introduction of high yielding varieties ( H W s ) was

argued to be a milestone in the development process of Kerala agriculture.

The Kerala Agricultural University and the Department Agriculture through

their extension programmes motivated the farmers in adopting the HYVs.

Thereby the area under HYVs increased from 1.3 lakh hectares to 2.3 lakhs

hectares during the period 1969 to 1976, showing 77 per cent increase over

the period [Radhakrishnan, et. al 19941.

During the second phase (1975-1990) there was a negative growth in

production by 14.15 per cent over the period from 1975-76 to 1989-90.

Source: Govt. o f Kerala (1977) Economic Review, Trivandrum.

8.82

8.85

110

1 1 1

13.34

13.65

131

134

1513

1520

112

112

But there was an increase in the average yield by almost 29 per cent.

Though there was an increase in productivity by 29 per cent the decline in

production was due to a decline in area under paddy cultivation by 33 per

cent over the period (Table 4.4).

Table No. 4.4: Trends in Production and,Yield of Paddy in Kerala for the period from 1975-76 to 1989-90

Area under rice Production (in 1000 Ha.) (1000 Tones)

Yield (KgIHa)

The area under paddy production showed a declining trend in Kerala

1989-90

since 1974-75. Though there was an increase in productivity, it was not

adequate to compensate the loss in production consequent to the reduction

Source: Govt. of Kerala, Econom~c Review (various issues)

583.39

in area.

1141.23 1956

The increase in productivity was due to increased application of

fertiliser and other inputs. For instance, the per hectare fertiliser

consumption had increased from 200 kilograms per hectare of gross

cropped area in 1971 to 620 kilograms in 1987-88. This is an indicator of

the increasing trend in the cost of cultivation due to increased application of

chemical inputs (Table 4.5).

Table No.4.5: Fertiliser Consumption in Kerala 1961 to 88.

Total Fertiliser 1000 consumption tones

Fertiliser Consumption per Kg - 200 340 620

Source: G.O.K. Dept. of Eco. And Statistics, (1989) Kerala Economy 1960-61 tog1987-88, Trivandmm.P.6

Table 4.6 shows that when the index of fertiliser consumption

increased from 100 in 197 1 to 3 10 in 1987-88 (an increase of 2 10 per cent),

the yield doesn't increase proportionately: its increase during the

corresponding period is I1 per cent only.

Table 4.6: Fertiliser consumption, Rice Productivity and their Indices (1971 to 1987-88)

Fertiliser consumption (per ha in kg)

1987-88

Index of fertiliser

consumption (1 97 1 base)

100

170

Source: Est~mated from table 4.4 and 4.5

62

Yield of rice (kdha)

1544

1587

Index of yield

100

103

310 1709 11 1

The alarming increase in the consumption of fertilisers is indicative

of the increased dependence of agriculture in Kerala on chemical inputs.

From the data shown in table 4.7, there is an increase in the total

consumption of fertilisers for all crops from 56657 tomes in 1970-71 to

267606 in 1991-92, showing an increase by 372 per cent. This is also an

indication of the increased dependence of agriculture on external inputs.

Table No.4.7: Consumption of Fertilizers in Kerala for all Corps in Tomes.

I Year ! Nitrogen !

The high cost of external inputs together with a low farm price of

rice made rice cultivation uneconomic in Kerala. As a result, paddy

cultivation has been shrinking into a high- cost, low productivity regime in

the state. It has raised so many issues on the relevance of the new

technology and the search for different strategies which are cost effective as

well as eco-friendly, sustainable agriculture. The search for sustainable

agriculture has arisen from the growing multi-dimensional criticisms

levelled against Green Revolution [Shephered, 19981.

Nutrients Phosphorous (P~02)

1989-90

1990-91

1991-92

Potash (K2o)

Source: GOK. Statistics for Planning, 1983 and 1993.

78638

93805

103662

Total

, 47252

55420

62077

Index of total consumption

(base 1970-71)

86564

95155

101868

212457

244380

267607

375

43 1

472

To sum up, the Green Revolution experience in India and Kerala has

been one of declining area and production, increasing cost of cultivation

and growing dependence of off-farm inputs especially chemicals. Though

the use of chemical fertilisers has increased at an alarming rate the growth

in the yield per hectare remained insignificant. Increased use of chemical

fertilisers brought along with it the worsening of environment especially in

areas of mono cropping like Kuttanad. The next chapter attempts to discuss

the experience of paddy cultivation during the traditional and Green

Revolution phases in Kuttanad.