CHAPTER r VI

ECONOMY OE/MEDIEVAL ASSAM ,^

The economy of medieval Assam was agro-based,as

it is at present. Assam's soil is suitable for

cultivation of various kinds of crops. Regarding the

fertility of land, J. .M'Cosh observed, "its soil is well

adapted .to all kinds of agricultural purposes that it

might be converted into one continuec? garden of silk and

cotton, coffee and sugar and tea". In the words of

Robinson "The rapidity with which wastes composed

entirely of sand, newly washed forward by the river

current during floods become converted into rich pasture

is astonishing". /

Rice Cultivati"X)n - Rice was the staple food

of the people and therefore, production of paddy was the

main occupation. Before the coming of the Ahoms many of

the tribes like the Morans and Borahis resorted to

zhuming where the women played an important role. The

Chutiyas and the Kacharis cultivated paddy by the broad­

cast method. The Kacharis were adept in the technique of

irrigation." It were the Ahoms who first introduced wet

1. V. Elwin, India's North East Frontier, Oxford University

Press, 1959, pp.3ff

2. W. Robinson, Op.Cit. . p.7

3 . T. Roychoudhury and I . H a b i b ( e d ) , The Cambridge Economic

His to ry of I n d i a , V o l . 1 , A . G u h a , ' T h e Medieval Economy of Assam' ,

Cambr idge , 1984, p . 4 8 1

(200)

4 r i c s c u l t i v a t i o n ( S a l l k h e t i ) i n u p p e r Assam. The Ahoms

5 were an advanced p l o u g h usir;ig t r i b e and t h e y knew t h e u s e

of t h e i r o n sword , t h e i r o n p l o u g h s h a r e and t h e i r o n

a x e , which were needed fo r cu l t i v a t i o n on a large s c a l e and

6 " c l e a r i n g t h e f o r e s t a r e a s f o r t h a t p u r p o s e . The Ahoms

used to l i v e i n ho t r i c h l y w a t e r e d p l a i n s , p r a c t i s i n g wet 7

r i c e c u l t i v a t i o n t h r o u g h i r r i g a t i o n and w a t e r c o n t r o l .

I t was fo r t h i s r e a s o n t h a t Sukapha was l o o k i n g f o r low

l a n d s which c o u l d h o l d s u f f i c i e n t w a t e r to grow

s a l i d h a n . The Ahoms u s e d b u f f a l o e s fo r p l o u g h i n g l a n d s ,

which c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r e f f i c i e n c y i n b r i n g i n g w a s t e

l a n d s u n d e r p l o u g h . T h i s p r a c t i c e i s s t i l l p r e v a l a n t i n

Burma, T h a i l a n d , M a l a y a s i a e t c . However , t h e p r a c t i c e

r ema ined c o n f i n e d to u p p e r Assam o n l y . The Ahoms b r o u g h t

some k i n d s of paddy which were d i s t i n g u i s h e d from_ t h e

ind igenous :* v a r i e t i e s l i k e Ahom s a l i , Ahom j,^ngonl e t c .

The re a r e t h r e e k i n d s of p a d d y , Ahu, Bao and

S a l i . A c c o r d i n g to H a m i l t o n , " S a l i d h a n o r t r a n s p l a t e d

w i n t e r r i c e forms t h r e e f o u r t h s of t h e whole c r o p s ,

Ahudhan o r summer r i c e and u r i d h a n o r w i n t e r r i c e t h a t i s /

4. J . Bargohaki^ Asamar Arthanaitik I t ihas , Jorha t , 1985,p.2

5. A. Guha, 'Medieval North East India- Pol i ty , Society and

Economy 1200-1750 A/f).", Centre for sWdies in Social Science

Calcutta, 1978, Oe^sional Paper 19, p . I

6. R. Buragohain,/"Social S t ra tmcat ions in the Ahom s ta te" , NEIHA

Procedings, 1986,p.126

7 . A. Guha, 'The Medieval Economy of Assam', p.482

8. A. Guha, Loc.Cit . , ,

(201)

sown broadcast in low land were also pretty considerable

crops. Barodhan or spring rice was also raised". That the

people were interested in the cultivation of different

varieties of paddy can be ascertained from the large

number of names of paddy prevalant at that time. "Some of

the popular varieties and subvarieties are ahu, phapari.

guni , ni la j i , ahubari , pharma , lahi . khareka ," jaha ,

gidapuri , bhabli , govind - tulsi , saruJul , jahinga,

mathanga . malbhog . dolkachu, barmathanga . parujahinga .

chakhru, bokajahinga , kataridabua . phatkathabara, I

kangrabara. bav- sohagmoni. saru-sohagmoni , barsali , saru-

sali, ranga-sali, malchur, kalasali, sagarsali , kaldharm,

9 '^''

barjuts, gendhali- sali, maguri etc. In modern times

cultivation of some of the varieties have been given up,

some have been renamed and some new varieties have been

introduced.

Other cereal crops which were mostly cultivated

were gamdhan or maize. Pulse crops like Mat ikalai

(phaseolus radiatus), mug (phascolus memgo), khesari

(Lathy russativus) miri or arahar (citisus cajan),

lesseramah and urahimah (varieties of beans) sariah or

musturd were also grown. People had also cultivated

cotton and fibre crops like rhea grass. Some amount of

9. N.K. Basu , Op.Cit., p.151

(202)

indigo was also grown. Every family' cultivated arecanut,

betel leaves, and sugar cane.

Among the fruits, the most common were jack

fruit, mango, plaintains, plums, coconuts and different

varietiesof citrous fruits like orange, lemon, outenga

(dillenia indica) amara, (spondias Amara), thekera (gar

cinia sa) jalphai (olive) etc. Thekera was an item of

10 export to Bengal. Common cultivated vegetables were

gourds, pumpkins-, leafy vegetables, ginger etc. Black

pepper and long pepper were cultivated on a large scale

11 and were exported to Bengal.

Generally the Ahoms were an advanced plough

using tribe. They brought with them the tradition of wet

rice cultivation and a system of distribution of lands to

officers and the subject population from the original

home land. Records reveal that in old Nanchao Kingdom

land was divided^ amongst different families depending

upon their ranks in administrat ion.For instance, the Chao

P' yas or P'yas holding important posts were allowed to

hold 1000 to 4000 acres, subordinate officers such as

K'uns and Luangs held from 160 acres upwards and common

people held 10 acres. It is therefore possible that the

10 . F . Hamilton, O p . C i t . , p .46

11. Ibid

(203)

Ahoms followed the same practice in Assam in a modified

12 form.

Method of cultivation - Commercialisation of

agriculture was not prevalent in medieval Assam and, as

such, the villagers produced commodities to the self

13 sufficiency level only. Agricultural lands were divided

into small plots v/hich were named as pathar and as such

some villages were also named after it. Such villages are

Sarupathar, Barpathar, Silapathar, Kachupathar,

Bohupathar, Difflopathar, Tamulipathar etc.

Hand made implements were used. Main

agricultural implements included plough (Nangal) Yoke

(Juyoli), hoe (Kur), iron hand bill (dao), harrow (mai),

sickle (Kachi), knife (Katari) , axe (kuthar), iron spade

14 (khont i), ploughbeam (dalmai) etc.

Initially cultivation was carried on by slash

and burn method. In this method, after burning or cutting

trees, holes were made with the help of long knives

and seeds were sown on them. The use of plough and hoe

was not prevalent at that time. This type of cultivation

was also known as zhuming which is S't i 11 prevalent among

12. P.Gogoi, Op.Cit . , p.99

13. J.N. Phukon, 'The Economic History of Assam under the

Ahoms', unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Submitted to

Gauhati University, 1973. p.135.

14. N.K. Basu, Op.Cit., p.159

(204)

15 some tribal people of the north east. In upper Assam

use of plough was first brought by the Ahoms which was an

improved method of cultivation. This method of using

plough and hoe and the use of domestic animals like oxen

and buffalo is continuing even today. In lower Assam, use

of plough was introduced earlier by emigrants coming from

the west like Bengal and Bihar.

Role of women - Women took active part in the

rearing of crops. They had to carry all the manual

labour. In the areas where there was no provision of

ploughing women had to take the major part in

cultivation. Even the areas where cultivation was done

with the help of plough, women rendered help in all the

stages of cultivation. Transplanting and harvesting of

crops were usually done by women and above all husking

and grinding of crops were considered a sole duty of

women. Sugarcane planting was done by women alone. Many

women also maintained kitchen gardens where vegetables,

flowers and some medicinal plants were grown.

Particularly the women of this area took active

part in agriculture. Planting, weeding and reaping of

crops were all done by women. Women are to carry water

15. P.C. Choudhury, Qp.Cit.. -p.334

[205)

with the help of bamboo tubes from the streams of long

distances and fuels of heavy loads on their backs and

shoulders. Their main cultivable crops were bobesa oir

bobsadhan, goomdhan or maize. Like the people in the

plains they cultivated paddy in two seasons known as

17 aoosa (ahu) and hali (sail) . Cotton, wheat and barley

edible roots, red pepper, ginger and a few cucurbitacious

plants were also grown in the hilly areas and all these

were done mainly by women.

State Patronage for Expansion of Agriculture -

People did not use any kind of manure as the lands

innundated by the rivers were suitable -for cultivating

any kind of crop. Hence there is no evidence to show

that the state took any measure to improve the quality of

land.

Villages v/ere self sufficient and people did

not produce any surplus for the purposes of trade. Under

the circumstanceSj, neither the rulers nor the people took

any interest in improving the method of cultivation. So

except the change from zhuming to ploughing, there was no

other development in the technique of cultivation. There

was also no need to irrigate the fields, as the land had

16. V.Elwin, Op.Cit., pp.113,114

17 . Ibid, p-152

18. Ibid, p.178

(205)

sufficient rainfall. However, in the foot hill areas

irrigation became necessary. The Kacharis .adopted a

technique to irrigate the low lying tracts from the hill

streams, in which dams were built across the hill streams

in their upper reaches and the stored up water was let to

flow to the agricultural fields through some dugout

channels.

The Ahoms with a view to clearing lands for wet

rice cultivation built up their administrative structure

in such a form that the whole adult male population could

be engaged for the purpose and when required, the same

persons could be employed as soldiers for purposes of

defence and aggrandisement. Under this system the whole

m.ale population betv^een the age group of 15 to 50 years

called paiks had to render service to the state. Besides

clearing lands for cultivation the paiks were engaged in

different works like road building, house building boat

20 omaking, maintenance of forests etc.

For efficient vi/orking the paiks were grouped

into different khels or guilds. Four paiks constituted

one got. One member of each got had to work for the state

under cumpulsion while the others were engaged in

19. A. Guha, 'Loc.Cit '. , p. 481

20. N.K. Basu, Op.Cit., p.113

(207)

21 cultivation. Each paik by dint of the service to the

king and the nobles obtained two puras of land which was

known as gamat i or cultivable land. Over and above the

gamat i, each paik obtained some lands for household and

orchard purposes and in lieu of this he had to pay the

22 king one rupee (chika rup) as tax called gadhan.

However the landed properties were owned by the state and

the subjects could not possess the lands permanently

other than Bari or Bast i lands. The lands on the bank of

Brahmaputra being frequently innundated by flood could not

be used for permanent cultivation and therefore they were

used for growing ahu variety of rice.i

Spinning and Weaving - During off time women

reared different kinds of silk worms called endi , mug a

and pat from which different kinds of silk fibres were

extorted. For rearing muga (Antheroea assama),a kind of

tree was transplanted known as som (Machilus

ordoratissima) whose leaves were generally eaten by these

insects. The som-fed worm yields the most delicate silk.

There are also two other varieties of Muga e.g. Champa

and Mezankar4r. The Champa Silk is a fine white silk which

23 was used only by the Ahom kings and nobles. Mezankari

21. A. Gohain, 'Loc.Cit.' p.483

22. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit, pp.496ff

23. U.N. Gohain, Op .Cit . , p.196

(208)

silk is also a fine silk of almost pure white which is still

found with difficulty and is the most costly of all the

silks of Assam. Tusser was also cultivated during the

days of the Ahoms but now it is neglected as being"

inferior to muga. For endi worms a kind of plant called

Era (Ricinus communis) were grown in large numbers in the

vegetable gardens. Endi worms also feed on keseru

(Hetero-ponax fragrans), the Gulancha (Jatropha cureas),

the gomari (game-lina arborea) and also the common Bogri

or Ber tree (Zizyphus jujuba). From the fibre of these

insects a special kind of cloth called endi v\?as woven and

24 this was done by women of all castes and classes. They

wove in their handlooms all the cloths required in the

family such as dhu t i , chadar , mekhela , gamocha, chelleng

chadar, riha, khonia, bed sheets, shawls and what not.

The Katha-guru-charita refers to women sericulturists and

states how Madhavadeva taught a village woman the

2 5 improved technique of rearing cocoons.

The skill of women in this craft was widely

known and Mahatma Gandhi, when he visited Assam in 1921,

was so much impressed by Assamese women's proficiency in

this craft that he made the following remark : "Every

24. F. Hamilton, Op.cit . , p.59

25. Katha-guru-charita , p.87

(209)

women of Assam is a born weaver and she weaves fairy

tales in cloth. I fell in love with the women of Assam as

soon as I learnt that they were accompl ishied weavers.

Being weavers they have used economy in their dress

without imparting its beauty or its efficiency as cover.

And to me it is a sign of very high culture to .see the

Assamese women and girls wearing little or no

jewellery". ° The Persian chronicler also highly

appreciated the silk industry of Assam. For example, the

author of Fathiya-i-Ibriyah observed that 'flowered silk,

velvet, tatband and other kinds of silk stuff were

27 excellently woven here'. Quazim observed that 'silk of

Assam was very excellent resembling that of China'.

The Ahom government during the reign of Pratap

Singha (1603-41 A.D.) gave incentive to cottage industry.

His Barbarua, Mumai Tamuli^ made it a rule that every

woman before going to bed must spin a bundle of thread

which was to be collected next morning by an officer

29 appointed for the purpose. Queen Sarbeswari established

30 weaving schools in the palace campus, where most

presumably improved type of weaving was taught as every

26. H. Barua, The Red River and the Blue Hill,' Gauhati,1984,p.88

27. E. Gait, Op.Git., p.147 ,

28. P.G. Ghoudhury, Op.Git . , p.343

29. S.K. Bhuyan, Buranjir Bani, oGauhati,1951, p.127

30. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, p.70

(210)

woman in medieval Assam including the queens knew how to

spin and weave. Swar^adeo Purandar Singha (1818-1819

A.D,) donated land to a skilled weaver called Madhuram

31 Tanti. The proficiency of Assamese women in this 'art is

also evident from the fact that the wife of a general -or

a commander used to offer a piece of cloth called Kabach

kapur to her husband before he left his home for the

battle field. There was also a belief among the Assamese

woman folk that if a v/ife could offer the piece of

'Kabach kapur' to her husband, he was sure to escape

death in the battle field. An Assamese chronicle

describes the character of the Kabach Kapur as follows.

'In the middle of night a woman would start to spin ani

v /ould finish v/eaving before day break. Such a cloth is

32 called Kabach Kapur. ' The source also relates that as

Mulagabharu, the wife of Pharsenmung Borgohain for having

her monthly course could not do it, her husband met his

death in the battle field fighting against the Muslim

soldiers led by Turbak. To take revenge on Turbak, she

personally proceeded to the battle, field and died

fight ing.

Embroidery and dyeing - Another craft

associated with spinning and weaving and in v hich women

31. B.K. Barua, Asamiya Bhasa Aru Sanskrit!, .Gauhati,

1S65, p.70 32. Sukumar Mahanta, Asam Buranj i , p.18

(211)

of medieval Assam were proficient was embroidery and

dyeing. The Gold and Silver wire (Guna) used for

embroidery was made with in the province by a class of

33 workmen called Gunakat ia. The gold and silver wire used

for embroidery at present is imported from the west, but

the wire is far inferior in both quality and appearance

to that of Gunakat ia. Probably dyeing among the Assamese

people was an art of the past. The most usual practice

follov/ed by the Assamese was to dye not cloth but thread.

The Tarungs and Noras of Jorhat Sub-division dye cotton

thread and cloth with the Rom plant which produces 'a

good blue dye'."^ The dresses used by the people of both

the sexes ia the festivals and in dancing and theatrical

performances are clear indication that the art of

embroidery and dyeing was highly developed among the

3 5 people of both the hills and plains. The m.aterials used

for dyeing and colouring were prepared from a kind of

species known as lac and from various roots, leaves and

barks of trees. Travernier referring to the manufacture

of lac in Assam v/rites that the 'people produced

sufficient shellac of red colour, with it they dyed their

calicos and other stuffs and when they extracted the red

33. U.N. Gohain, Op.Cit.. p.188 —=—=- — — = _ - —

34. Ibid, p.186

35. M. Saikia, Assam Muslim Relations and its Cultural Significance

Golaghat, 1878, p.237

36. P.C. Choudhury, Op.Cit., p.344

(212)

colour they used lac to lacquer cabinets and other

37 objects of the kind and prepared wax from it'. Hill

people were more proficient in the art of dyeing and some

rare variety of wild roots were available in the areas.

Pol and Toy Making - Daughters and married

women of Assam in the medievel period were also accustomed

to the art of making dolls of different kinds and colours

which couldamuse the people of all ages. Previously dolls

and toys were made by their own hands with mud. Later on,

a kind of instrument was prepared by which enough

quantities of dolls and toys were made. To burn the dolls

a fire was put on the yards where burning works were done

by the people regularly. Dolls and toys were also made

with bamboo, wood, cane, rotten cloth etc. The toys of

Assam have a great resemblance with the toys of q Q ^

Mohenjodaro.

Bamboo works - Women also did minor bamboo

works like making of fans, winnowing fans, baskets and

some items of weaving. Almost all the family requirements

were made by villagers themselves. The bamboo articles

like p^lo, jokai , kuki , were made for fishing. Kula,

xlola, bisonl , chaloni were made by medieval villagers.

Bamboo mats called dhari and pati were made and used

37. Ibid.° — — _ = _ = = _ .=.= _=.

3 8 . J . Das , Asamar L o k a k o l a , GiGa.uhati, 196 8, p . 5

(213)

extensively for such purposes as drying of vegetables,

paddy and rice. A fine variety of mat wes ^ made from

patidat v/hich is the finest cane growing wild every where

in Assam. The art of preparing these things are very

common in the villages of Assam even today.

Fishing - Fishing was a important occupation of

a class of professional common women called pohari s.

Tnere are frequent references in the buranj is and in the

Garu Charitas to this class of women. They generally used

jokai and kuki for catching fish. They sold fishes in the

hat 3 or markets or from door to door. As the poharis came

into contact with the people of different walks of life,

they were conscious of the political problems of the

day. Three poharis knowing what was happening in the

court were rescuing Godapani later Swagadeo Gadadhar

3 9 Singha from falling into the hands of the kings men.

Again during Mirjumla's invasion of Assam, when king Jayadhaj

Singha escaped to Namrup, a pohari met him on the

Dalauguri road and uttered in sorrow 'oh king, you have

spent the last fifteen years of your reign in pleasure

and luxury, had you been conc-ious enough to give atleast

fifteen sods of soil where it was necessary in these long

fifteen ye a 1:5 such slate of things should not'.'befal 1 en you.

Now leaving us in such a state of affair v;here do you

w/ant to go? "

39 . H._ Barbarua, Op.Git. ' p . 90

40. Satsari Asam Buranji, p.90

(214)

As mentioned earlier there were women sellers dealing

wi th be.telnu ts, ., fishes, vegetables, fuels etc whicla is

41 evident from the Katha-guru-chari ta. Towards the later

part of the Ahom rule some Muslim women also started

42 shops in their houses. i

Japi Making - Making of wicker hats or Japi was

very popular during the medieval period and particularly

among the Tai Ahom people. There were different kinds and

varieties of Japi as they were used by the king down to

a poor peasant. Japis used by the king and the nobles and

their female counterparts v/ere covered with velvet and

ornamented with gold or silver depending upon the status

of noble. In fact through the kind of a japi used by an

officer, it could be identified whether he was one of the

great councillors, provincial governors or officers below

their rank. Women of the Ahom royality and the

aristocratic class would not move out of their residences

unless they had a bar-japi or canopy like Dig wickerhats

on their heads. Japis used by common men and women were

made of wifiker and bamboo twigs and had no ornamentation.

Both men and women were proficient in this craft. The

embroidery in the japis used by nobles and officers of

different ranks were done by women.

41. Katha-guru-charita, pp.l04ff, 276

42. G.R. barua, Op.Cit., p.189

(215)

Salt making - Salt in medieval Assam were

extracted from the brine springs for which some people

were engaged. Of course the hill tribes like the Nagas

and the Manipuris were expert in the vrark of extracting

salt from the springs. W. Robinson quotes 'In some of the

wells, the former Assam government obtai_ned a joint

property, the Nagas having a right to draw the brine for

a certain number of hours and the government for a equal

period. Raj a Purander Singha found this right a very

profitable one and a certain portion of his paiks were

allotted to the v/orks. During the reign of "Suhungmung

44 in 1523 A.D. about 6000 paiks had to work for salt making.

But the production of this item was not sufficient,

so salt was a rare commodity and hence considered as an

item of aristocracy. Common people therefore used an

alkaline preparation called Kharani which was done

normally by women. The alkaline was prepared from the

roots and bude of the plaintain plants. A mild form of it

can be prepared by burning the barks of a special kind of

plaintain called bhim or athiya. After the close of the

Ahom Mughal wars when trade relations with Bengal became

permissible, large quantities of salt was imported from

Bengal. In fact, it was with salt ' that the European

43. W. Robinson, Op.Cit.. p.384ff

44. J. Borgohain, Op.Ci t., p.49

(216)

traders started their business with Assam. In 1793 A.D.

during the reign of Gaurinath Singha 31, 222 maunds of

45 salt valued at Rs.1,40,502 v ere imported. Premburton

says that in 1809 A.D. during the reign of Karaaleswar

Singha about Rs.40,000 worth of salt was obtained from

45 the salt spring of Sadiya. According to F. Hamilton the

work of salt making was done under the custody of an

47 officer named Mohanghat Barua. The Nagas also

manufactured salt but their method was very rude and so

not profitable.

Opium, Gur making, oil pressing etc. - Gur

(molasses ) making was a comjnon industry of medieval

Assam and it is still so. Every family cultivated sugar-

cane and made jaggery or gur from it for its use. There

were special apparatus made of wood for that purpose, which

was called gur pera sal. Gur was preserved in big

earthen or wooden pots. Women actively helped in the

process. Similarly mustared seeds and linseeds were

cultivated by each fa mily for the purpose of extracting

eatable oil from them. For this also, an appartus called

Tel— perasal was used. Besides, there was a class of

professional oil pressurer called Teli. In the first

45. E. Gait, Op.Cit., p.301

46. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.471

47. F. Hamilton, Op.Git., p.47

(217)

decade of the 19th century, Assam was exporting annualy

4 R 15000 maunds of musterd seeds to Bengal.

/

Mineral Resource/- Medieval Assam was abounded ^

in mineral resources. Gold dusts were found in the sands

of the rivers and there were lime stone, iron and silver

ores in different parts of Assam. Limes were used for the

construction of palaces, temples and bridges during the

Ahom period. Lime might have been extracted from the ores

situated in Numbar, Deopani , Hariyahjan in the present

district of Golaghat and Karbi Anglong. There was no

gold mine but gold dusts were found in almost all the

rivers of Assam and the gold of Assam is of very fine

quality. For washing gold there was a separate class of

people knov/n as Sonowals. The Sonowals were mainly of

Kachari, Bihia, Koch and Keot castes. About ten to 50 twelve thousand people vjere engaged in gold washing and

each man had to deliver one and a half rupee weight of

51 gold dust, and the king earned more than 18,000 sicca

rupee a year.

Iron deposits were available along the sides of

the Naga hills from Jaypur in the present Dibrugarh

district to Bachadaiyang in the present Golaghat

district. Places having sufficient iron deposits were

Tirugaon, Hatigar- and Kacharihat -of the Jorhat and

4 8 . I b i d , p . 4 6 4 9 . S . Ra jkumar , Etisaha Suara Chasata Bachar,Jorhat ,1980,p.243 50. E. Gait, Op.Ci t . , p.143

51. F . Hamilton, Op.Ci t . , p.47

(218)

Golaghat district. A separate Khel called Lusolia was

52 engaged in the Manufacture of iron. According to

Captain Hannay the number of workers engaged in iron ores

numbered about 3000 and Tirupathar was the main centre of

53 iron production. Various agricultural and war

implements were made through the help of Komars from the

iron produced within the coutry. Cannpns of very big size

and weight are found s^atterd over the Assam valley even

today. However, some amount of iron ores were purchased

at Palasbari and Gonsaihat from the Garos which are

utilised for making of such implements, like spade,

54 needle, iron angle, daos, spears, hoes etc.

Forest Resources /- Assam was full of forest

resources from the earliest times. Many very valuable

trees found in the jungles were agar, sal, sam, nahar,

ajar, uriam, Bonsum, Ha lakh. Khakon, Gandhkarai.

Ti tasapa , Poma, Paroli . Karo i . Hulung . Hi 1ikha , Kathai,

Simolu, Sasi, Chandan, etc. Mughal traders were very

interested with the Agar wood of Assam. Some other

medicinal and household plants like Ekara. thatch,

khagori, nal , cane, bamboo and raidang canes were also

55 available in the jungles. Besides^ the forests were

52. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit . , p.464 53. S. Rajkumar, Op.Cit., p.246 54. H. Barbarua, Op.C i t., p.466 55. "J. Borgohain, Op .Ci t . p.51

(219)

abound in elephants, deers, rhinoceros. Illegal kheda

operation or catching of wild elephants by some Mughals

were sometimes causes of friction between the Ahoms and

the Mughals.

The persons who were engaged in the preparation

of wooden articles were known as Barhoi or Barhoi

Khanikar. Although the carpenters were not so proficient

like the Punjabis, who had a good reputation in this

craft, even then they shovi ed much skill in carving out

the religious idols like Garur, Ananta, Hanumanta etc.

Some domestic articles like paleng (ornamented bed stand),

Chalpira (simple bed stand) Borpira (flat stool),^

tamulipira (a special kind of stool associated with ones

status), Borpera (box), sarai (tray with stand)^ dola

(Palanquin), Lakhut i (stick), Maku, Karhoni, Durpoti,

Nachani, Tulutha (all these being weaving implements)were

56 also made by the carpenters.

Besides these, lac, honey, rubber, different

kinds of birds and animals had also served as sources of

revenue to the state. The quantity of lac annually

exported in 1808 A.D. amounted to about ten thousand

57 maund and worth Rs.35,000. Lac was extracted by rearing

a kind of insects on the branches of trees with some

56. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit.. p.469

57. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., p.46

(220)

artifitial methods. The great part of lac was exported

in the raw state, some v/ere converted into shell lac and

lac dye.

Ivory products - Elephants, elephant tusks and

ivory products,, of Assam were main source of attraction

to the outsiders during the medieval period. The work of

elephant catching was generally done by the Hati Chung 1

Morans. However other hill and plains tribes also took it

as a highly skilled job. Export of ivory products

59 amounted to Rs.6,500 in 1808. Carpets, comb, fan, chess

men and beautiful ornaments were made of ivory and

sometimes these were presented to the nobles by the king.

King Rudra Singha (1696-1714 A.D.) sent to the Mughal

emperor as presents many valuable ivory and other

products, including 'mats of ivory, fans of ivory and

f • I 60

chess men of ivory'.

Trade - Economy of medieval Assam being self

sufficient people used to produce only what they needed.

There was little circulation of rupee or coins. Peoples'

need was met through the barter system. During the time

of Sankardeva, some people carried on trade through river

58. J.M'Cosh, Op.Cit., p.30

59. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., p.46

60. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.241, .U.N.Gohain, Op.Cit..p.197

(221)

traffic and they were known as Mudoi. Neighbouring hills

people exchanged their goods with those of plains in the

foot hill markets.

During the reign of Kamaleswar Singha (1795-

1811 A.D.) some Marwari and Bengalee peopie—s-t-arted shops

in some places. There were thfee shops at Jorhat and two

of them were ownedjZb^CT'arsuram Duaria's family.

The first batch of local coins were issued by

the Ahom kings in 1543 A.D. After 1555, A.D. the Koch,

Kachari and Jaintia kings used to mint coins regularly.

By 1663 A.D. the coinage of the Ahoms consisted of gold

coins,, silver rupees and caurees. By the end of the 17th

century half rupee and quarter rupee and quarter rupee

silver coins were widely used in the region. In 1570

Mudo i or merchant Joyhari investing an amount of

Rs.8,000/- had been to Jain^tia kingdom for business and

from this some idea in regard to origin of trade and

money can be obtained.

Hadirachaki on the other bank of Goalpara was

known as 'Bongalhat ' and this place . was the venue of

61. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit., p.189

62. A. Guha, 'Loc.Cit.,' p.488

6 3.J.P. Wade, Op.Cit . , p.48

(222)

64 trade between Bengal and Assam. But rigid control was

made on the markets and strict supervision was made on

all commercial dealings with the neighbouring tribes and

kingdom. Traders were not allowed to come into contact in

diplomatic policy nor were allowed to contact with

65 political agents. The promises or informations of the

traders were not relied upon and it was thought that o

profit earning being the motto of trader?^ they might

unveil all the secrecies^ to the enemies under the cover

of trade. Clear evidence of this act was found when

during the reign of Pratap Singha (1603-41 A.D.) three

Assamese merchants Sonari , Narhari and Joyhari proceeded

to Bengal for trading purpose and brought with them two

agents of Nawab of Dacca in order to make negotiations of

peace with the Ahom government, who were being found fi R

guilty for breach of conduct and later executed.

Political agents also were not permitted to

engage in trade. Record reveals that during the reign of

Pratap Singha, a diplomatic agent of the Ahom govenment

who was sent to Bengal on a political mission was put to

64. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit., p.189

65. S.K. Bhuyan, Anglo Assamese Relations, p.84

66. J.N. Phukon, Op.Cit.. p.137

67. S.K. Bhuyan (ed . ), Asam Buranj i, pp.55-56

68. J.N. Phukon, Op.Cit.. p.137

(223)

death as. he wa's found to have indulged in trade in that

6 9 /' count ry .^> Trade with Mughals was restricted strictly. In

1663 A.D., the request of the Mughal diplomatic agent for

70 having trading facilities was firmly declined. But from

the description of Shihabuddin'^Talish,it was apparent that by

order of the Raja a party had been sent to their fron-tier

71 near Gauhati once a year for trade. They gave gold,

musk, wood, pepper, spikenard and silk cloths. In

exchange of these they obtained salt, saltpetre, sulphur

72 and several other products. Hamilton's export,

import schedule indicates that during 1808 to 1814 A.D.

the annual export amounted to Rs.1,30,900 and import

Rs.2,28,300. The defi'Cit of trade was met with gold and

73 silver. The items of import were salt, fine pulse,

ghee, sugar, stone beads, coral, jewels and pearls,

cutlery ' and glass ware ( European ) spicies ,

paints, copper, red lead, English woolens, Tafetas,

Beneras silk cloth called 'Kinkhap', satin, gold and

silver cloth, shells. Muslin while the exports consisted

of sticklac, Muga silk, Muga cloth, Manjista or Indian

madder, black pepper, long pepper, cotton with seed,

ivory, bell metal vessels, musterd seed, iron hoes,

74 slaves, Thaikol fruit etc.

69. Ibid, p.138 70. G.C. Barua, Ahom Buranji, p.161 71. E. Gait, Op.Cit. , p.144 72. U.N. Gohain, Qp.Cit . , p.163 73. F. Hamilton, Qp.Cit. p.46

74. Ibid, pp.45,46

(224)

Assam had trade relations with the Tibetans,

Abors, Nagas, Apatangs, Miris, Daffalas, Singhphos etc.

The trade with Tibet was carried on by caravans and 'the

"bulk of this caravan trade between the Ahom kingdom and

Lhasa was negotiated at a place in the foothills. The

total value of this trade was estimated at rupees two

75 lakhs for the year 1809'. Trade with Bhutan was also

notable. The exports from Assam were lac, muga, silk

cloth, Erendi cloth and dry fish. The imports from Bhutan I

were woolen cloth, gold dust, salt, musk, horses, chamor

chaungri or Thibet bull tails and Chinese silks.

Lac and cotton with seed were the highest

export from Assam and during 1804-1814 A.D. annual export

amounted to Rs.35,000/- only. Quoting F.J. Halliday,

S. Rajkumar stated that during 1795-1810 A.D. lac worth

Rs.55,000/- was exported to Bengal and with Tibet and

China worth Rs .1 , 00 ,000/-.^"^

The Ahom rulers encouraged internal trade and

set up hat s or markets at various places. But these hats

75. A. Guha, 'Medieval North East India, Polity, Society

and Economy' occassional paper 19, p.21

76. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., p.74

77. S. Rajkumar, Op.Cit. p.283

(225)

were set up not as-, profit based but as need based.

Generally markets were held once in a week. Records

reveal the establishment of such markets during the reign

7 8 of Suhungmung at Dalaughuri, on the bank of Dikhow by

79 Shuklengmung, the market at Hakalu near Lechang on the

Rfl

Dichang by Chakradha>j Sinha and the markets Chakihat

and Rajahat by Godadhar Singha. Gait refers to a market

formed during the reign of Rajeswar Singha as 'A number

of Manipuris who accompanied Kuranganayani were settled

near the mouth of the Dichai at Masalukhat or the 82 Manipuri markejt. For marketing of goods between the

Ahoms and the Kacharis a market was opened at Marangi on

the bank of the river Dhansiri during the reign of

8 3 Shutengpha or Naria Raja. During the reign of Rajeswar

Singha, Kirtichandra Barbarua set up a market (hat) at

84 Raha and appointed Krishnagati Borah as hatkhowa.— Some

other markets like Nunihat, Borhat, Jorhat, Titabarhat,

Balihat, Pengerahat, Kacharihat, Dipotahat, Chungirhat ,

Hariparahat, Phukanarhat etc. were also set up during

this period. The commodities bought and sold in the

78. Satsari Asam Buranji, p.17

79. Ibid, p.79

80. Ibid, p.167

81. Ibid, pp.111, 115

82. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit.. p.101, E. Gait, Op.Git., p.188

83. Kachari Buranj i , Guwahati, 1984, p.36

84. Deodhai Asam Buranji, p.142

85. J.N. Phukan, Op.cit., p.140, Tunkhungia Buranji,pp.22,125,130

(226)

markets were earthen pot, (kal'ah) . lime, betel leaf,

betel nut, black pepper, musturd seed, ginger^ small

knife, dap , sickle, and ploughsare, cattle, buffaloes,

goat and duck etc. The medium of exchange was generally

the cowries and other transactions were done through

barter system. Shihabuddin Talish also refers to a

daily market at Garhagaon but it was not so important

because selling of minor articles like betel leaf and an

betel nuts only was done here.

Taxation and Revenue System - During the Ahom

rule there was no direct system of land taxation as a

paik in return for his service to the state got two puras

of best arable land for his use which was free from

assessment. But as per direction of Momai Tamuli

Barbarua, during the reign of king Pratap Singha (1603-

1641 A.D.) payment of certain taxes in cash was

introduced. Thus taxes were levied on hat(market) ,

ghat(place of crossing river by boat or on bridge),

phat (custom duty) , beel (fishery), muga chung (place of

o o

rearing of muga etc.). When personal service of any

paik was not required for the state he could get

86. J.N. Phukan, Op.cit.,p.l39, H.C.Goswami, (ed.),

Purani Asam Buranji, Gauhati, 1922, pp.143, 148

87. J.N. Phukan, Op.cit., p.140

88. H. Barbarua, Op.cit., p.123, Sadar Amin, Asam

Buranj i, p.40

(227)

exemption by paying rupees two as levy. The Chamuas were

free from rendering personal services but had to pay

rupees two per head as levy to the state. Besides the two

puras of cultivable land, one could also obtain land for

home-stead and kitchen garden on payment of a poll or

house tax of one rupee. In Darrang a tax was imposed at

the rate of rupees two lujon each family using a separate

kitchen. Any one holding land more than the usual quota

(Katani) of paddy lands, was allowed to hold it on

payment of rupees one to two a pura but it could be

occupied so long as the same was not required to provide

the paiks with proper allotment through new census.

Those who cultivated (pam cultivators) the

mnundaled parts of the land of the country (Charland) had

to pay a tax for his plough. In the same way the hill

people who cultivated cotton on high lands had to pay a

tax as hoe tax. Artisans, gold washers, brass workers

paid a tax amounting to rupees five, while the oil

pressers and fisher-man had to pay rupees three as tax to

89 the state. A widow was not required to pay tax on the

lands in her occupation. Land allotted to officers and

granted to temples and Brahmanas were also revenue free.

A widow with a minor was given the benefit of paiks

service. The iron workers had to pay a share to the state

89. E. Gait, Op.Cit., p.240

(228)

in kind. Moreover revenue was collected as royalties on

elephants, timbers and rent paid by farmers of mines and

90 frontier traders. Markets were opened at the initiative

of the king and for all marketable goods like cows, areca

nuts, betel leaf, paddy, cotton etc. a specified sum had

to be paid to the state. To manage the markets and

collect taxes, officers called Hatkhowa (tax collector)

was appointed who was given the service of ten gots of

91 paiks. We find in our 'time some other items of taxes

also, although the rates of levying them are not known.

These taxes include a fee paid by a paik who failed to

render manual service (katal) , tax paid by Chamua for

elevating to the rank of officer (pad), tax for catching

elephants and wild animals (beth) , revenue on the land

(kar), fine for fornication (chinala), tax for fishing in

rivers and beels (Jalkar), salestax (dan) , ferry tax

(ghat), market tax (hat),custom duty (Phat), tax on items

other than landed property (Khut) , tax for crossing a

border (Caki) , rent free physical service or requisitaon

(Begar) , contribution on special occasion'-' (pancak) ,

service to supply nitre for preparation of gun powder

(Yavaksar), heirless person's property that goes to the

royal coffer after death (dhumuchi), share that goes^to

90. L. Gogoi, Ahom Jati Aru Asamiya Sanskriti, Sibsagar,

1961, pp.80-83

91. Deodhai Asam Buranji, p.142

(229)

royal coffer at the wedding of one's daughter (ghamecha)

92 tax for using land for homa in a marriage (maracha).

However taxes on the subjects were levied in

93 such a way that they did not prove burdensome. Even if

the arrear of taxes or revenues became heavy and

realisation by force tended to cause misery upon the

subjects, these were written off and the subject

concerned was inflicted light punishment only. '

Differentiation in the Status of Various Social

Groups - Till the close of the 15th century, the Ahom

society had limited stratifications. There was no surplus

production and hence exploitation was nominal. Later on,

mostly through conquests, territorial expansion were

accomplished followed by increase in population. The paik

system which was originally confined more or less to the

Ahom population and to the few tribesmen like the Morans

and the Barahis that they conquered, was now extended to

include the entire subject population. This was done

during the reign of Pratap Singha (1603-41 AD) and

Jayadhaj Singha (1648-63 AD). With the elaborate working

and extension of the Paik system new offices v;ere created

and feudalistic elements also came to appear prominently.

92. S.N. Sarma, A Socio Economic and Cultural History of

Medieval Assam, pp.99, 100

93. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.123

(230)

Extension of bureaucracy and the heirarchial differences

with status and power went side by side. From paternal

94 bureaucracy it landed into monopoly beaucracy.

Originally, there were only seven families (sat

Rharia Ahoms) who were qualified to get senior jobs in

Ahom administration. Later on during the reigri of

Jayadhaj Singha (1648-1663 AD) this lineage group

95 extended to some sixteen. It was very difficult for an

ordinary paik to climb the ladder and rise to high

position. There are instances of Momai Tamuli, rising to

the rank of the Barbarua from the position of a bonded

labourer and that of Kirtichandra getting to that same

position from an ordinary paik, but such cases are very

rare.

The secular aristocracy consisted of the king

at the top and the Saikias and the Boras at the bottom.

All of them lived upon the labour of paiks and lands

allotted to them on heirarchial basis. The same pattern

was followed in the Satra establishments, and the

spiritual aristocracy also lived in a like way upon the

labour of the paiks. The paiks were divided into

different classes depending upon the nature of their

94. R. Buragohain, "Loc. Cit." p.128

95. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.507

(231)

allotment and their relation to land. The Kari paiks

consisting of peasants and artisans formed the Ahom

militia, who for their labour received two puras of

arable land from the state and for whom giving service to

the state was compulsory... Paiks allotted to the religious

institutions v/ere usually exempted from this labour. In

between the Kari paiks and the aristocracy there was

another class of paiks called Chamuas, from among whom

junior officers like Bora and Saikia were appointed. The

Chamuas could enjoy ,exemption from compulsory labour by

paying a commutation money at the rate of Rs.3/- per head

perannum. When appointed •-' officer, they were out of the

paik system and were called Apaikan Chamua. The paiks

donated along with land to Sat ras or temple were called

bhumi dan or devaliya paiks. Their condition was slightly

better than the Kari paiks as ordinarily they were not

required to proceed to the battle field. Below the Kari

paiks were the bandi , bet is or bondsmen and slaves. As

very few bondsmen could make themselves free, there was

little distinction between bondsmen ^nd slaves. Slaves

were bought and sold in the open market and were even

exported to Bengal 96 ,

The differentiation in the status of various

social groups being very rigid, the paiks did not get

96. F. Hamilton, Op.Cit., pp.46,64

C232)

any incentive to produce more, because they were not

free to improve their standard of living unless promoted

to the Chamua class, which however, was very rare. Social

stratification maintained through administration confined

them to small unhealthy huts, having made to eat from

plaintain leaves or wooden and bamboo utensils, sleep on

the floor and dress half naked. As pointed out by R.

Buragohain : "The system was in built that it gave no

scope for the growth of a diversified economy. It was in

a sense what is known as the asiatic mode of

97 product ion'i

1

The Sat ghariya Ahoms did not like the non-

Ahoms to be appointed to senior posts in administration,

specially in the offices of military Phukans. Thus v/hen

Manthir Bharali Baru.a, a Kayastha, was appointed as

Commander-in-Chief of the army superceding the Ahom

officers to fight against the Jaintias near Guwahati,

there was strong resentment among the Ahom officers 98 there, who in protest desisted from fighting. Again,

during the days of Lakshmi Singha, one Kalita Phukan was

weilding much influence in politics, against which the

99 king was warned by the nobles several times.

97. R. Buragohain, 'Loc. Cit.'

98. Sukumar Mazhanta, Asam Buranj i , p.78

99. Tungkhungia Buranji;, pp.79-83

(233)

In a liksway, the Hinduised Ahoms and non-Ah6ms

were not admitted into the fold of upper caste Hindu

class. Some professions like fishing were considered to

have belonged to lower castes only. Cultivation with

ploughshare was,,of course, considered a noble work and

even the prince knev/ how to plough. This had its impact

on the general economy of t he- s't a t e .

Impact on Women's status Social

stratification had its impact on the status and living

conditions of women. Queen and elderly members of the

royalty were allotted me Is or lands and p-a-iks for their

maintenance over which they exercised full control.

Towards the later part of the Ahom rule, when individual

proprietory rights over land slowly emerged, women could

also enjoy their rights over land but such cases are very

few and far between. It is on record that Gadadhar Singha

(1681-96 AD) donated lands to three common women- Rahdai

of Raha, Bhadai of Tipam and Aghuni of Salaguri who

rendered him great service during the period of his

concealment. Sayani , the v;ife of Prat apbal labh Barphukan

made a gift of 16 puras of land along with a family paiks

to the Hayagriva Madhava temple at Hajo in the Saka year

1727(1805 AD). This of course does not mean that women in

general were allow/ed to exercise their rights over land

propert ies.

100. H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.226

(234)

Distinction in the status of aristocratic women

was- made in the kind of umbrellas and palanquins used

by them. Only the wives of the great nobles could use

palanquins and gold embroidered umbrellas and fans and

sit on carpets. Wives of the junior officers could not

use palanquins and were required to sit on plaintain

leaves only, the common women having made to sit on the

bare floor. There was also differentiation in the kind of

dress used by* women depending upon their social status.

This had been described in another chapter of this work.

System of Dowryr-<=^There was no system of dowry

among the common people of Assam. Girls were given some

items of furniture, ornaments, clothes, utensils etc. by

their parents, relatives and friends at the time of their

marriage, over which they had full right. Amongst some

tribes, there was an interesting custom of paying ga-dhan

(bride price) either in cash or in kind to the bride's

101 family. ^ It was, however, not i strictly lollowed.

Contrary to this custom, it is learnt from Assamese

chronicles and Guru- Chari t as that the kings, nobles and

rich Bhuyans offered valuable dowries to their daughters.

r0"2 which included interalia land and cattle. Thus it is

on record that Svt'argadeo Jayadhaj Singha (1648-63 AD)

101. E. Gait,Op.Git., p.259; Kathaguru Charita, p.106

"02 R.Thakur, Guru-Charita, H.N. Dutta Barua (ed.') ,

Nalbari, 1978, V.2920

(235)

while offering his daughter Ramani Gabharu to the Mughal

harem, as a sequel to the treaty of Ghilajarighat (January

1663) concluded with Mir Jumla, offered her a dov.'ry of

2000 gold mohars, 12000 silver coins, 20 elephants, 100

103 male slaves and 100 female slaves. In a like way, her

comrade Mohini Aideo, the daughter of the Tipam Raja was

given a dowry befitting her status.

It is worth mentioning that Pijau Gabharu, the

daughter of Badan Chandra Barphukan, who had been

usually disclaimed as having brought the Burmese) to

Assam, when given in marriage to Oreshanath, the third

son of Purnananda Buragohain^ was offered such a rich

dowry consisting of so many articles that the Premier had

104 to provide seven rooms to accommodate them. Hemo Aideo,

offered to the Burmese emperor Badaw Paya (1781-1819 AD)

by Badan Chandra Barphukan, as a reward for the help

given to him by the emperor, was presented with a large

105 number of attendants and maids. Besides five hundred

Assamese paiks along with their families accompanied her

to Burm.a. Chaoching Kunwari , Consort of Suklengmung

Gargayan Raja (1559-1603 AD) had brought with her a dowry

103. Sukumar Mahanta, Asam Buranji, p.84,G.R.Baruah,Op.cit. ,p.83

104 H. Barbarua, Op.Cit., p.294

105. Ibid, p.304

106. Ibid

(236)

of nine elephants, eleven horses and many valuable

'• 107

articles and clothes. Sometimes even large estates or

fighting men were presented as dowries. For example,

Harmati and Darmati received as dowry the parganas of

Ghoraghat and Fariabad and eleven tanks used by the

Hindus, when they were offered as wives to the Ahom

SwarRadeo Suhungmung Dihingia Raja (1497-1539 AD) by IDA

their father, the lord of Cauda.

Women as bondsmen and slaves - As stated

earlier, life of the common people in medieval Assam was

hard. The Ka tha-guru-Chari t a refers to poor women, who being unable to eke out their living took to smal] trades

109 in betel-nut, fishing etc. It may be noted here that

towards the close of the Ahom rule, when money economy

slowly emerged as a result of establishing trade

relations with Bengal, the peasants did not like to long

continue under the paik system, which greatly restricted

their freedom of movement and did not allow any scope to

pursue trade on individual basis. Some peasants therefore

preferred to serve as servants in the houses of the

nobles and the rich, where they could enjoy greater

freedom than a kari paik. Some peasants with their wives

107. Sukumar Mahanta, Asam Buranj i, p.27

108. Ibid, p.20

109. Katha-Guru-Charita, pp.104,276

(237)

and children therefore joined the establishmenta of the

nobles. Alter continuing to serve the master's families

for generntlons, their descendants became slaves. Some

peasants possibly with a view to undertaking trade

pursuits borrowed money from rich persons but unable to

repay the debt became bondsmen and consequently slaves.

This usually happended in lower Assam, where pargana

system of administration largely prevailed even after its

110 occupation by the Ahoms. 'It is on record that David

Scott, soon after the British occupation of Assam

released as many as 12000 slaves from the district of

111 Kararup alone. Women slaves were bought and sold in the

open market and their price ranged from Rs.3/- to Rs.20/-

112 depending upon their caste. There are also instances

of husbands selling their v/ives. This is learnt from a

document belonging to Gadadhar Singha's reign, which was

discovered in the house of Balindra Bhattacharya of

Silsako of North Guwahati. The deed mentions the purchase

of a temple slave from her husband a,t the cost of Rs.8/-

and an embroidered sari by a priest of the Kamakhya

temple in 1607 Saka (1608 AD)."'--'- '

110. S.L. Barua, 'Slavery in Assam' Journal of Historical

Research, Dept. of History, D.U. 1977, pp.74,75

111. E. Gait, Op.Cit., p.242

112. Ibid.

113. M. Neog(ed.), Prachchya Sasanawali, p.179

(238)

General Economic Condition of the people - The

principle of domestic as well as state economy in

medieval Assam was self sufficiency. Common people

generally produced for their own consumption. As a result

small surplus remained for the purpose of trade. Akalo

nai bharalo nai (no poverty, no scarcity) was the maxim

of the material life of the common people. Rice, the

staple food was cheap and abundant. Numerous heels and

rivers offered a plentiful supply of fish, their gardens

furnished vegetables and fruit and their cov;s and

114 buffaloes unadulterated milk. Their houses cost them

nothing as the building materials were collected from

their- lands and forests. 'An Assamese woman was a house

keeper, spinner, weaver and cook as well as a wife and in

115 many cases a farm labourer as vi/ell' and she supplied

all the clothing necessary for' the family. Cotton was

produced abundantly within the state and also brought

from the neighbouring hills. Mug a, pat and endi v;ere also

grown abundantly and the cost of carrying them to the

loom was nothing but the value of the time and labour of

116 tne carriers.

Natural calamities of serious nature were very

rare. In the words of Gait, "The year 1565 was remarkable

114. U.N. Gohain, Op.Ci L., p.149

115. Ibid, p.149,150

(239)

prevented cultivation but made it necessary in many parts

to dig deep wells in order to obtain water for drinking.

This is the only occasion in the whole course of Assam

history, when the rains failed to an extent sufficient to

117 cause a complete failure of crops." Flood was a usual r~~ "• ~~-

feature, but the embankments constructed under the

patronage of the Ahom kings particularly in the old

district of Sibsagar protected the country from the

floods of the Brahmaputra and its tributaries. It is

recorded in the account of Bucanon Hamilton that three-

fourths of the whole area of upper Assam south of the

Brahmaputra was under cultivation."

The country was rich in fruits. In the vrards of

Shihabuddin Talish "peeper, spikenard, lemons and oranges

are plentiful. Mangoes are full of worms but plentiful,

sweet and free from fibre, though yielding scanty juice.

Its pineapples are very large, delicious to the taste and

rich in juice. Sugarcane is of the black, red and vi/hite

119 varieties and very sweet. Other common fruits 'were

banana, jackfruit, coconut, palm, guava, pomegranate etc.

Betel leaf and unripe green nuts were consumed in large

quantities.

117. E. Gait, Op.C11., p.153

118. U.M. Gohain, Op.Cit., p.151

119. E. Gait, Op.Cit . ,. pp.l42ff

(240)

On the whole, although the general economic

condition was not of a high standard, there was no

beggary and hence almost complete absence of theft.

Making a rough estimate of different sources of revenue

which had a bearing on the general economic condition of

the state, Shihabuddin Talish commented "If this courTtry

y/ere administered like the Imperial dominions, it is very

likely that forty to forty five lakhs of rupees would be

collected from the revenue paid by the raiyats. the price

of elephants caught in the jungles and other sources".

116. Ibid, p.143

* * * * * * * * *