The Sicilian Expedition Was a Potemkin Fleet Author(s): B. Jordan Source: The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 1 (2000), pp. 63-79 Published by: Cambridge University Presson behalf of The Classical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1558935 . Accessed: 15/08/2013 12:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Cambridge University Pressand The Classical Associationare collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Classical Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org
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7/27/2019 Classical Review -'the Sicilian Expedition Was a Potemkin Fleet' B. Jordan, 2000
Author(s): B. JordanSource: The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 1 (2000), pp. 63-79Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1558935 .
Accessed: 15/08/2013 12:50
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
Cambridge University Press and The Classical Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve
and extend access to The Classical Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
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ClassicalQuarterly0.1 63-79(2000)Printed n GreatBritain 63
THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION WAS A
POTEMKIN FLEET
The speechesof Nicias and Alcibiadesn the debate eadingup to the launchingofthe Sicilianexpedition Thuc.6.9-14, 6.20-3, 6.16-18)containa significantnumberof words,phrases,and themes hat recur n Thucydides'aterchapters eportinghe
launchingof the expeditionand its ultimate atein Sicily.Theverbaland thematicechoes oftenconsistof wordsof sightandhearing; mongtherecurringhemesare
rivalryand competition, he contrastbetweenpublicandprivateexpenditures,ndthe desire or
acquisitionand financial
profit.The echoesare numerous ndstriking nough o suggest hatThucydidesntendedto establish trong inksbetween hespeeches ndthe narrativehapters. propose o
arguethat Thucydideswished to exposethe Sicilianarmadaas a hollow force.Its
glittering aqadeconcealed ts essentialweakness,n the samewaythat Potemkin's
facadesof prosperous-lookingut non-existingarmhouses oncealed he impover-ishedcountrysideromCatherinehe Greatduringhertour n 1787.
THESPEECHOF ALCIBIADES
Theallegationshat Nicias andThucydidesmakeagainstAlcibiades t the end of hisfirstspeechat thesecondassemblyn Book 6 mainlyhave o do with theeffectof his
private ifeon the state: avouringheexpedition romself-interest(-rd avroivpdvov
UKorr7WV,.12.2), cravingto be marvelledat by his fellowcitizens because of his
horse-breeding;'vaOavkaoc^a^;,.12.2),beinga spendthrift ndthereforewanting omake money from high office and the expedition(a'd 7roAvrEAELtav?EA?)qOfTL,6.12.2 -
rd't'ta<WEA-qral•t,
.15.2),seekingglamourandadmiration t the risk ofthe state(-rw
7T•T0sAEWSKLV8UV) '8a atAL7TrpvEUaOaL,.12.2), ruining he state
whilespendinghis ownpropertysrnloaLaSLtKE
V,
'LSlavavAovv,.12.2),and
beinga slave o passions or whichhe cannotpay(6.15.3;cf.the contrast1Sla-_•
ortoaL lsoat 6.15.4).'
Alcibiadesnot onlyrefutes heseallegations, utmanages o transform heminto
praiseworthy cts benefitinghis country.Withthe chargeof horse-breeding iciashandshim an openingto his most effectivedefence. t allows him in one stroke ointroduce nto his speechthe OlympicGames,the greatestathleticfestival of theGreeks; he theme of competition, o whichall Greekswereaddicted;he festivities
followingan athleticvictory,with which heAthenianswere amiliar; ndthe rewardsfrom such a victory,whichthey regardedas most desirable.The picturethat he
presentsof himself to the assembly s that of a competitor.He has enteredmorechariotsat Olympia hananyotherprivateperson,has wona victoryand has been
placedsecondand fourth,and has competedas a producer f plays.At the presenttime he is competingwithNiciasforthe command f theexpedition.
Having appealed to the appetite for competitivespectaclesin his audience,Alcibiadesnextexpatiatesuponthe relationship f privateandpublicservice. f hehas spent his fortuneon race horses,and on makinghis theoriaand his victory
' The requentccurrencef thepublic-privateontrastasalsobeennoted yW.Kohl,Die
Redetrias vor der sizilischenExpedition (Meisenheim am Glan, 1977), 101-3.
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celebrationsplendid rw 8LtarpE7E^,.16.2),he has done so in the interestsof the
state.The same s trueof hischoregiaind of anyof hisotherservices o thestate forwhichhe makeshimselfshine
(Aat7rpptvojzat,6.16.3- JAAaAurpvvEcrOat,.12.2).2 The
benefit o thestate romhisactivities,orwhichhe is decried(Eirlpor-qdS,.16.1), s theappearanceof power.It is in fact an appearance f power greater han the state
actuallypossesses,a claimwhich s heavily mphasized ythepleonastic omparativeat 6.16.2: r7TEpSUvatLLvJELW Evoutcravcf. 6UvajtLS6ovoEti-at;LUcrXUslvcrat,6.16.3).His performances a diplomathas also benefited he state.Althoughhe is,
again,decried orhisprivate ffairs,hehasmanagedhose of thestatesecond o none
Finally,he addresses he chargeof self-interest.A manwho has spenthis private
fortune o helpthe statemayalsofairly xpectrewardsnreturn.Thesearehonour orboth himself andfor hisancestors, nd for himselfcelebrity(Aarppd'r1qrTrrpoE~aXv,6.16.5 - E'AAak7rpv'vEcrat,.12.2) and a superiorpositionin life, which,althoughresentedby contemporaries,nsuresposthumous ame.3All this is summedup byAlcibiades'maximthat there s nothingwrong n receiving benefitfrominvestingone's own money in the state, as long as this benefits the state as well (18otLs
rAEct---rV rd7tvA,eAV
, 6.16.3).Alcibiades oes notsayexplicitlyhat thepersonalbenefit includesmakingmoney,but since this is precisely he accusation hat he is
refuting, here s no doubt that he is referringo financialprofitas well. Thatthis is
whathe means s supportedby the secondpartof hisspeech,whereAlcibiades urnshisdoctrineof privatenvestmentorprivate ndpublicprofitagainst heSicilians,o
as to convince he assemblyof theirsupposedradicalparticularism:o one in that
mixedrabblebothers to equiphimself with arms and armour(ra rrEp 7T acupLa
o&7Aots,.17.3).Insteadof investingheirmoney nthe defenceandeconomyof their
country, he Sicilianshoard t and on thecontrary ry to get whateverheycan outof thepublic reasury. n undertone f financial ain s alsopresentnthepassagesofhisspeech nwhichhe advocates he extensionof Athens' mpire 6.18.2,6.18.4aT0roL
KaLOLcrvpIpaXOtqEA-rcrUO.LOEa).lcibiadesdoeshisbestto claimdisinterestedtatesmanship,uthe cannothide he
fact,acknowledged y Thucydides,hat n his actionsas a statesman e wasguided oa considerable xtentby his owninterests.4 heassemblymen,owever, isregard is
special pleading,for they are impressedby his wordsabout financialgain. Theyinterpret isremarks s a call to conquestandenrichment:most civilians ndsoldiers
expectto makemoney immediately,nd hope forpermanentncomes n the futurefromtheirnewpossessions.Theirgreed s so great hatno opponentof theexpeditiondares to vote no (6.24.3-4; lyav •r7tvpulav; cf. Alcibiades'
irLrvtuldawhich has been
mentionedat least fourtimes:6.13.1,6.15.2-4).5
The oldermembers f theassemblyhopeforsuccessor at leastfora safe returnof theforce, heyounger ongto see new
2 C. Macleod, 'Rhetoric and history', CollectedEssays (Oxford, 1983), 71 also points out theecho.
3 The theme of competition and rivalry is amplified by a large number of comparatives and
superlativesor theirequivalents in Nicias' and Thucydides'characterizationof Alcibiades, and inAlcibiades' speech, which contain at least thirty-two such expressions.Cf. Kohl (n. 1), 102.
4 Macleod (n. 2), 72.
5 For the greed of the Athenians, see M. I. Finley, 'The fifth-century Athenian Empire, abalance-sheet', in P. Garnsey and C. Whittaker (edd.), Imperialism n the Ancient World Cam-
bridge, 1978), 103; id., AncientHistory: Evidenceand Models (London, 1985), 77; D. Kagan, The
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replicatedn the chaptersdescribingheembarkation nddeparture f thearmada.The crowds from the city gatherin the harbouras do the multitudesat Olympia(6.30.2-3). They have come to watch a spectacle (co&pwv,6dvEL, KadT O&av,6.31.1),and they see competition,both figurativeand literal,on all sides.Competitions
implied n thecomparison f thearmadawithits predecessors, hich t surpassesncostliness and looks (6.31.1-3), and with its intended adversaries o whom it is
trierarchs ompetewitheach other to havethe best-lookingandfastest-sailinghip(raxvvavruEv, 6.31.3), and the soldiers compete with one another for the best
equipment (7rps JAAnAovu~~uAAl• v, 6.31.3). Following the Olympic victor's
example, everyone at every duty station competes with everybody else (iptv yEVErOaL,6.31.4). The spectacleends with an actual athleticcompetition,the ship race to
Aegina (pu1AAavdrotoi'vro, 6.32.2). It is reminiscent of the regattas with triremes
which were one of the events of the Isthmiangames, which Atheniantheoriai
regularly ttended.6Twospectacular acingevents,one withchariots, heother with
warships,rame the themeof
competitionntroduced
byAlcibiades'
ictoryin
theOlympicgames.The spectatorsalso observea fleetwhich, ikeAlcibiades,s a marvel o behold
(OdlpELt,Aa/Li-pdrp-rt,.31.6 -I'va 0avuaaljj^, 6.12.2; AaLprrpdrrplt,.16.5). It is also
verygood-lookingand each of itsships, ikehisOlympicheoria, tandsout inbeauty
(E1rrpE7•rnardrq,.7rpE7la, udALta-rarpodE'e,
6.31.2-3 -r^ 8tarpE7ti, 6.16.2;
Aajluipdir-q- rpoauxov,6.16.5). Because of its daring and splendour the fleet is cried
about, famous, 7rEptPo-grsr (6.31.6). The word echoes Alcibiades' irlpo-g-rd =
notorious; but since notflo~rIds also has the meaning 'to call upon someone (including
gods)for
help',7both
adjectivesmaybe heard n a
good sense,so that
the echo of7rrEpL3o-ros s closer than might appearat first sight. The double meaning of the wordin Alcibiades'peech s almostcertainlydeliberate-Alcibiades an be calleduponto
helphis country.An allusion o his service o the statein factroundsout the visual
aspect:just as his actions havegiven an impressionof Athenianpowerto other
Greeks,so also the Sicilianexpeditions a showandportrayal f thispowerto theHellenes (7r36EL8Lr
6vvd•/Ewsg,6.31.4; cf. A
dpor,6.31.1 - V7Tp Svatvw LztLV W
vTovoEtiratc;aX•v
?atvETraq,.16.2-3).8Convincedby Alcibiadesand followinghis exampleof private nvestment or
hopes[5A•nlrtwv]to makemoneybecausehesatisfaction f hispassions xceeds is nrrdpxovaavoviuiav).
Thenarrativerom6.31.1 o 6.31.5 etailshepublic ndprivate xpendituresortheexpedition.he tatehasadopted lcibiades' AUvrIAEtanorganizingnarmadathat s roAvvrEAEUcdr`-6.31.1).thas pent eavilyor heships,hehyperesiai,nd hesailors'wages (pLEydatrLsav&dvats,.31.3), and has providedthe generalswithfunds6.31.5).The rierarchsupplementhewagesrom heirownpocket;heyalso
payfortheveryexpensive ennantsnd other ittings f their hips ToAvrEAEL,
6.31.3),nd akemoney
longor uture
xpenses6.31.5). he
hoplites,ejectinghe
badexample f the Sicilians,whoaccordingo Alcibiadesreunwillingo armthemselves,reeager o procurehe bestarmsand armour t theirownexpense
('r7Awv aLTWjVEpt woLtoaUKEU•wV,6.31.3 r TaEptrdoowa ro7TAot,.17.3).
Everybody,hetherrivateerson rmilitaryman, akesmoney long or ravellingexpensesn addition o thewagepaidby the state.Thecumulationf phrasesexpressinghecontrastrivateersus ublicxpensen thepassagesremarkable:̂SrrO•7EwsVLwaWLVfloaav, IoV UIpaIEUOpLEVWoVr7eVav, -r7s7AEwrs " a
7TPOETE•EAEKElt,coV
tStLoTVo ca Kat IptlTpaPXoS
vCoV'7AKEltKat EJ`EAEVJ'VaAw'dEtLV,
aVEU70t
K
TOO g)[Looiou/ltoOoO6.31.4-5). o udgerom heemphasislaced n
private xpendituret would eem hat twasnearly sgreat s thepublic.The argeamountsf money eavingAthens reevidenceor hesuperabundancef Athenianwealth6.31.4),ymbolizedythegoldandsilverups romwhich hewarriorsourlibations eforeeaving ort 6.32.1).Almostncidentallyehear hat oldiers,ailors,andmerchantslso akemoney longor hepurposef tradingverseas6.31.5). ythe end of chapter 1 themilitaryxpeditionasvirtuallyecome commercialventure,nd n factmorehanhat,orat6.44.1wesee hatmany on-combatants,otonlymerchantsooking orprofit,but alsomasons, uilders,millers, nd so on,voluntarilyccompaniedhe fleet n many argo hips.Theexpedition,s anotherwriter asobserved,mountedo a large-scaleffort o plantanAthenianolonynSicily;twas,neffect, 'cityon themove'.9
THESPEECHESFNICIAS
Nicias'remarksn thematterof expenditurend theuseof publicandprivatemoney re heexactopposite f Alcibiades'.nowingheavaricendpenuryf theAthenians6.8.1,6.19.2,6.24.1),whowillhaveo pay f theyapproveheprojected
campaign,icias n hisfirst
peech ppealso their
parsimonyy tellinghem hat
peoplewhoarecarefulwith heirownpropertyasAlcibiadess not)willalso ookoutforthe interests ndpropertyf thestate 6.9.2).Niciashopes,notherwords,thathiscountrymenillvotedown heexpeditionecauset willcostthemmoney.As a furthernducemento theAtheniansottogotoSicilyherecommendshat hepublicunds ccumulatedfterheplague nd hepeace f 421bespent thome ortheirown benefit 6.12.1).The restof hisadvice nthisspeech s negative; ecounselsonlywhatnot to do. UnlikeAlcibiades,he does not mentionrewards f honourand
9 H. C.Avery,ThemesnThucydides'ccountof the Sicilian xpedition',Hermes101(1973),
8-11.
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superior standing, and promises no personal enrichment. Refusing to speak againsthis conviction for self-serving reasons, he advises the assemblymen not to risk what
they have (ard'irdpxovra, rot,roEWOLOtsr,
6.9.3) for the sake of things unseen and
lyingin the future, and warns them
against fallingin fatal love with distant
gain(38v•pwras rJv dlnrVw7wv,6.13.1). He caps this advice with the maxim 'greedachieves least, foresight most', a pointed reference to Alcibiades' Em7LOV/~[a6.13.1,
6.15.2-4).In his second speech Nicias again raises the stakes by requesting a fleet whose
component of infantry troops is not merely ordinary (bav•Aos,6.21.2), but large
enough to deal with the enemy cavalry.If this force is to be adequatefor its task, which
is to win the war at the first assault, it must consist of an adequate number of
Athenian, as opposed to allied or mercenary, forces (ao7rt7S
8Ltavolas, acrLOEv
7TapaaKEV- OdypEq,
6.21.1-2~oLdXPE? 8vvd/LEL,
.10.2),10and it must havelargeamounts of money (6.22). He ends his second speech with an assurance of safety and
securitywhichhe makesdependonwisecounsel,goodluck,and,aboveall,a safe,thatis to saya large,army 6.23.3,6.24.1).
THE RESPONSETONICIASIN THE ASSEMBLYAND IN THE HARBOUR
The assemblymenaccept only what they want to hear fromNicias, whichis the
qualified promise of safety in Sicily. They accept it because it makes the expeditionpossible.The assemblymengnorecompletely he conditionswithwhichNiciashad
hedged his assurance; their ears register only what they want to hear: great safety
(rroAA)i oqJAEdLar&at, 6.24.2). The rest of Nicias' advice they reject with strikingvariations on Nicias' vivid phrase, in fatal love with what is out of reach (8varEpwTas
Trjvd7Trrv•Wv),
which is still ringing in their ears and echoing in their minds: the love
of sailing out possessed all of them('pwsoE'VE••TE0rTOLgad EK7TAEVcraL,.24.3).
While the older men hope for success or at least to save the armada, the younger havea longing for the sights and vistas of a distant land
(7TdOw0EWS• KaL 'Ewp'as 7qiS
drror-aqs,6.24.3). Nicias has warned them againstFrtOvl•[a,
but the assemblymendesire the voyage anyway (v E'rt7vyFov 70o rTAo03, .24.2). Their desire is so
excessive (&yav mrrtOvl[a,.24.2) that the opponents of the expedition, rejecting yetanother of Nicias'admonitions,not to be ashamedof seemingto be cowardsbyvoting againstit (6.13.1),do exactlythe opposite:they remainsilentfrom fear of
seemingcowards 6.24.4).Although he Athenians ndotherGreeks ntheharbourhave nthemainfollowed
Alcibiades' allto spendandinvest n theexpedition,heyhavealsofollowed ome ofNicias' recommendations. he armada s a sufficiently quippedenterprise, nd is
the opposite of ordinary (E'r' d4LoXPEWv taLvoLav,6.31.1 - rapaa•KEv'OLdXPEW,
6.21.2; 7rapaaKEv- `adAx,6.31.3 ~ aiAov arpatuis, 6.21.1).11As far as the spec-
0 ThataVrdOEvmeans fromAthens tself'(as opposedto 'from he allies'or elsewhere)sdemonstrated y 6.25.2:
-roeor1tWVTWrvd'rO'EvKa EK Kpg-r7qS;.26.2:Es -rob7svkdXovE7ZE/OV7ZOVat aoTO
aEVaKaTaOyOUSE7TOLOV70, .22:rOv E Ka a;EvTE UCTrov 'actuallyrom
Attica tself',so Dover n HCT adloc. Cf.6.22:Xpm'ka-raT-r60Ev,nd thescholiast Hude)on6.21.2:EKroJ 77tkE-'povd7OUV.
A remarkable eatureof the narrative eporting he fleet'sdepartures its visual
aspect.Thechapters epresent spectacle, satOlympia, r a scene,as inthetheatre,
in whichtheciviliansare the spectators nd themilitary he actors.Thespectacle sfullof actionand movement: hegathering f the crowd romthecityin theharbour,the motionsof the variouscompetitors,he hustleandbustle of embarkation,he
mixingof the wine followedby the pouringof libations, he ships puttingto seaand beginning the race. Ignoring Nicias
6.24.4, -oCrvXiav7,yEv)the Athenians do not rest. The vividness of the spectacle is
increasedbytheuse of visualwordssuchas beauty,brilliance, oldandsilver,andofsome emotionally charged, semi-poetic words (&dAoqvp'0~s
:K7Tov7qOEv,difiogs).12
Quite striking s thepictureof thepeoplewhoinspecteachparticulartem andtakecourage at the sight of it
(T7orAi00os E•KaCrTTWvv "Wdpwv,.31.1). The visual and
theacousticarecombinedn thereligious eremony ttheendof the scenewhentheherald's rumpetsilencesthe lamentations nd other noisesof the crowd,and the
departingwarriors, oined by the civilians,say theirprayersand sing the paean(6.32.2).
The visual impressionsare intensifiedby the elaborate ormalstructureof thewhole.Relativelyhortandsimpleclauses 6.30.1,6.31.1,6.31.4)alternatewithlongerand morecomplexperiods(6.30.2,6.31.2)impartingan extraordinaryhythmand
sonority o thenarrative,hemainbodyof whichconsistsof two enormousperiodsofunparalleled weight and power. The first, beginning with 7t pLEvaVTLKdO (6.31.3),formsa diminuendoxpressed y participiallauses;hesecond,beginningwithELdp
7ts,~AoylaraTo
(6.31.5), to the contraryis a crescendoconsistingof a series ofsubordinate lausescompressednto a vastconditional eriod.13
TheAthenians eact o thespeeches f the twodemagoguesn twodifferent enuesand by two differentmeansof senseperception: earingandsight.In the assemblytheyreact o what heyhaveustheard;nthePiraeus o what heyseeunfolding eforetheireyes. In both places theirperceptionsare colouredby the statementsof the
speakershat havemadethe strongestmpression n theirminds.Thucydides eportsthe assemblymen'segativeresponse o Niciaswith wordsdescribingheiremotionsand subjective houghts:the Atheniansdesire, ove, long, hope, and fear.In theharbour hey see the sightmainlyas refractedhrough he eyes of Alcibiades. t isAlcibiadeswho has moulded heir houghts o hisown wishes n his speech,andit is
the imagesthathe has calledup that float before heireyes.Heretoo, as in chapter
"2The use of OdiBcoss especially effective;used only hereby Thucydides,it conveys in Homerthe paralysis caused by amazement and surprise:II.4.79, Od. 3.372.
"30. Regenbogen, 'Drei Thukydidesinterpretationen', n H. Herter (ed.), Thukydides Darm-
stadt, 1968), 10-17, with a full analysis of the formal structureof the periods in 6.31.
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areamazed. heir ubjectivessessmentf theexpedition'sowersexpressedram-matically:hecrowd ascome o seewhat n theirmindss a sufficientnd ncredible
enterprise,W '7TdcLOXpOXEWVaL rrtaLrov&6voavoiV0uav)6.31.2).Withheydp nthefollowinglausebeginsheexplanation hy hepeoplebelievehearmadao besufficientnd incredible.he other ongperiod xplaininghy he fleet s morea
displayof powerand wealth han an invasionorce,beginning ithEL'ydp rsTAoylaaTro6.31.5),s alsoa subjectivessessment,ojudgeromts conditionalorm
chaptersvails imself f thedramatist'sechniquef creatingharactershoexpress
their houghtsn a dialogue,nda choruswhich espondso theprotagonistsiththematicndverbalchoes rom heir peeches.Thesubjective,mpressionisticuality f thedeparturecene xplainsomevery
odd eaturesn it.Theres first hestrangeomparisonf theexpeditionf 430underthecommandf PericlesndHagnonwith heSicilian6.31.2-3).Morenumbersre
given or the formerhan or the latter: 00ships, ,000hoplites,00knights,nd
significantlyertainingo the fleet:100Athenianhipsand a dailywageof onedrachmaorthesailors, umbershata greatmanypeoplewereikelyo know romtheir
pastservicen the
navy.No
hoplites,nights,ndalliesarementionedorthe
armada,o that hecomparisonf the twoexpeditionss incompletendtherefore
quitevague.Thereason or hevaguenesspparentlysNicias'nsistencen a purelyAthenianorce(aU TArr•"Ews,.31.1);his s nowpredominantn the minds f theonlookerswhoalsorememberedhe size andcompositionf thelarge xpeditionunderPericles.'5nanycase,o thecrowdhe wo orces ppearobeequal.Nordoesthecrowd now heamount f money eavingAthens. hey urmisehat t is greatfromwhathey ee, .e. he argeumsavishedndecoratinghe leet,and romwhat
given,nordotheywonderwhat xactlymakes ora 'sufficient'ilitaryorce. inallythere s thevery urioustatement,utas acontrasto theexpeditionf 430, hat hearmada s 'ornamentedndelaboratelyittedout in bothits navalandinfantrycontingents'.ut heexpeditionf 430alsowasmadeupof shipsand nfantry,ndsinceSicilys an sland,tshould ardlyenecessaryopoint ut hepresencef ships.In allof thisThucydideseems o bedelvingnto hepsychologyf themasses: ithNicias'demandorextraordinarilyowerfuleaand and orcesingingntheir ars,the Athenians eem to
imagine,omewhat
naively,hat this beauteousbut
conventionalorcecomposed f landand seacontingentss somehow he extra-
ordinaryoublexpeditiony andand ea hatNiciashadwarned asnecessary.The realitybehind he impressionism,owever,s that,carried wayby the
optimisticromisesf personalain rom master hetoricianndanOlympicictorto boot, theAthenianshavebecome hewillingdupesof Alcibiades.
14 Ibid.,12.
'5 Perhapsbecause Alcibiades had alluded to his policy; so Dover (n. 10), 254-5.
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The discussionabove shows that the departurechapters(6.30-2) contain moreverbalechoes fromAlcibiades' peechthan they do fromNicias'. The themesthat
Alcibiadesstrikes n his speechalso predominate.Withthe frequencyof the cor-respondences ereThucydidess evidentlydrivinghome the point,albeitobliquely,that the Sicilianexpeditionwas conceived,organized,equipped,and sent on its
waymainly n thespiritandimageof Alcibiades,ts chiefadvocateand thevictor nthe debate. t wasAlcibiades' iew of theSicilians,not Nicias',thatprevailedn the
assembly.16This judgementmay be extended to apply to the armada as well: it
representedheperceptions, ims,values,andambitionsof Alcibiades.There s yet another ink betweenAlcibiades'peech, pecificallyhefirstpartof it
(6.16),and the armada: he prominence f visualand auralwordsandexpressions.
Alcibiades epresents imselfas othersperceive im, ustasThucydidesepresentshearmadaas thespectatorseeit.WhatAlcibiades ellstheassembly retheimpressionsthat othershaveformedof him andof hisactions.The kindof honour hat he seeksfor himselfand for his ancestorsbydefinition xists n theeyesof theworld.For himhis worthis the worth that others see in him;the wordthat he uses is s80oa,'the
opinion which othershave of one'.17 f he is 'criedabout', it is others who do
the crying.Likewise,he glamourof his personand of his theoriaare what others
observe,n thesamewaythattheyobserve hesporting vents.18 e tells theassemblywhatotherpeople hinkof thosewhostandoutbyvirtueof theirpre-eminentosition
in life, meaninghimself: ellowcitizensenvythem,theircontemporariesind themobnoxious,their equals find them still more so. However,posterityboasts about
them,andregardshemas benefactors ndas kinsmen, ven f no suchkinship xists.WiththislastphraseAlcibiadesmaybeelevatinghimself o therankof a hero, romwhom atermen willclaima descent hatdoes notexist,19but his remark lso remindsthe reader hat he spendsmoneythathe does not have(6.12.2,6.15.3),and thathecreatesan appearance f powerthatdoes not exist(6.16.2):non-existingmoneyis
spentto createnon-existing ower.In sum, Alcibiadesgives the assemblyhis own subjectiveassessmentof how
others perceivehim and his deeds;he gives them an interpretation f an inter-
pretation.His discoursedealsmainlywith externals,with appearancesather hansubstance.As Macleodobserves,Alcibiadesuses wordsthat denoteimpressions s
opposed to facts: 'he expectsresults from the merefact that Nicias is "evidently
16 Dover (n. 10), 296. Cf. Hornblower(n. 5), 66-77, who adds that Nicias also prevailsin a way,because the Athenians voted to send a much largerforce than they had envisaged. But it is worth
pointing out that Nicias argues only for a large and adequate force, using no comparatives. Inthe absence of concrete numbers and comparisons it is impossible to say how large a force theAthenians envisaged;the 100 ships and 5,000 hoplites that Nicias proposed (6.25.3) evidently did
not strike them as very large,for they approvedthem immediately(6.26.1).17 LSJ s.v.866a III.18 The utility to the state of victories in chariot races seems to have been a topic of discussion
in the fourth century.The wealthy defendant in Lysias 19.63-4 pleads that his father'svictorieshave brought honour to the state (not to his father or his other forebears, in contrast to
Alcibiades). In the view of Xenophon (again in contrast to Alcibiades) the state is not honouredif one single person breeds and enters in the racesmore teams than the rest of the Hellenes; it ishonoured if very many citizens of one state can do so, for this testifies to the state'sprosperity(Hiero 11.5). According to Plutarch, Agesilaos persuaded his sister to enter a chariot race at
Olympia, because he wanted to demonstrate that this sort of thing was no sign of excellence, but
only of havingmoney and being able to squanderit (Moralia 212b).
'9 Cf. Dover (n. 10), 248.
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successful" and that Athens "will be seen" to sail against Sicily'. Alcibiades 'deals
above all in semblances, and his attempt to show that they are something more onlyrams home this judgement'.20
THE QUALITY OF THE EXPEDITIONARY FORCE
A representation of the reflections, reactions, and emotions of a people facing a
fateful moment in their history comes under the legitimate purview of the historian.
Thucydides does something similar in his narrative of the last battle at Syracuse (see
below). But there are some strong hints that he wants to say something else, namelyto cast doubt on the quality of the Sicilian expedition.
To take some of the more obvious hints first, it inspiresno great confidence in the
enterprisewhen the
phrase goldand silver
cups,the
KwrrcpLaTrapvad KaL apyvpdL,from which the troops pour libations before the fleet sails (6.32.1), is used again of the
gold and silver cups, K7TrrpaTa pvUaGKaia pyvpdi, with which Egesta led the
Athenians to expect money that did not exist (6.46.3). Next there are the double
meanings. To the observers, the enterpriseis surpassingbelief, mTLUTro6.31.1). But
the word also means 'unreliable,not to be trusted'. The expedition is said to be famous,
7rrFpLBdqTros,ecause of its daring,T-'A•ArkL
6.31.6). But the former word may also
mean 'notorious, scandalous', while the latter can mean 'recklessness'.21 The
best-looking force, Evr7rpE7r?nrdrTq (6.31.1), may also be 'the most specious'; this is
actuallythe more common
meaning ofthe word in
Thucydides.22 ovala (6.31.4),which seems to refer to Athens' abundance of wealth, is joined with ;flpt in some
other passages, where it means 'licence', or 'arrogance'.23With these meanings the
expedition becomes an unreliableenterprisethat is notorious for its recklessness and
arrogant in its aim, and a fleet whose appearanceof beauty is deceptive. There is in
any case, as any number of historical examples can show, no logical connection
between the handsome appearanceof a militaryformation and its fighting power and
battle efficiency, any more than thereis between the brilliance of Alcibiades'deeds and
the power of Athens.24 His boast, moreover, that his doings make Athenian power
appear greaterthan it
actually is,is a
dangerousand often fatal
proposition.The
intelligent and prudent doctrine, set out by the successful field commander Brasidas,holds the exact opposite: an enemy becomes dangerous only if he is strongerthan he
appears to be (4.126.4).Yet the strength of the armada, like the arguments of Alcibiades, is mostly sem-
blance, a facade. To the multitude of Greeks at the piers the departing fleet is more a
show and demonstration of power and resources than an expedition sailing against an
enemy,an impression they haveformed from its cost. Nevertheless they believe that the
21 Cf. LSJs.v.amtUros~,TEPLgrIp-roS~Aa.22 Thuc.1.37.4,1.39.2,3.38.4,3.82.2,3.82.8,4.86.6,6.8.4,8.66.1.23 Forthemeaning f E'ovalaseeClassenandSteup n. 11)adloc.who follow hescholiast;
Thuc.1.38.6,3.45.5;LSJs.v.1.2.24 See,forexample,R. K. Massie,DreadnoughtNewYork,1992),395-400onthemagnificent
appearancef theships n the VictorianRoyalNavy. ntheyearsbefore he turnof thecenturycaptainswerepreoccupiedwith thespick-and-spanmartness f theirships,withburnishing fgunsandgleaming inges.Therewasa cult of paintandbrightwork;commander'shipwas tobe as beautiful s hisperson.Ammunitionwaspaintedblue,gold,and whiteand thencouldnotbe got into the barrel.Handsomeappearancewas everything, unneryandits practicewereignored.As a result, n the bombardment f Alexandrian 1881the English hipsfired3,000
roundsattheEgyptianorts,butmadeonlytenhits.
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expeditions equally amous or itsamazingdaringandsplendid ppearances for ts
superiority ver he Sicilians6.31.6).25 ut this belief hasalreadybeenunderminedn
the verysamechapter.The Sicilianexpeditionmayhavebeen the costliestandmost
splendido sailoutof 'asingleGreek ity',but insize, hepointthatreallymatters,heforce sailing from this single city was not even as large as that of 430, as the
comparisonn 6.31.2-3 shows. tcertainly onsisted f bothshipsand nfantry, utsodid theexpeditionof 430 whichsailedon a shorter ampaignwithnearerobjectives.The statemayhavegone to greatexpense n payinga wageof one drachma o the
sailors,but this was apparentlyhe goingrate,and certainlywas no more thanthe
money givenby Egesta.26 heshipswereprovided t theexpenseof thestate,butthe
state always providedthe hulls and theirgear.27On this occasion,moreover, hetrierarchsreceivedempty ships from the state (i.e. shipswithoutcrews),the only
instanceof thisinThucydides.28hile hehopliteswereselected romsuperiormusterrolls,the 700 marineswere hetes(6.43).But in othercircumstancesf greaturgency
hoplites from the cataloguecould be compelled o serveas marines(8.24.2).The
appearance ere s picked ighters,herealitya sizeablenumber f an inferiorypeof
hopliteon board heships.29In the debatein the assemblya kind of biddingcontest takes place in which
AlcibiadesunderbidsNicias.It is Niciaswho asks for a strongdomestic orceof shipsand of hoplites romAthens tself,av'rdOEv6.21.2,6.22,6.23.1,6.25.2),and it is he
who namesnumbers.Alcibiades, n the otherhand,nevermentionsnumbers.nstead
he appeals o thecupidityandrapacity f the Athenianswith his ideaof investmentforprofit,andportrayshe Siciliansand the Peloponnesianss paper igersbydelib-
eratelyunderestimatinghestrength f the formerandminimizinghe threat rom he
latter 6.17.8).Thevariousassertionsn hisspeechhavebeendescribed sexaggeratedor not entirely rustworthy,30ut the outrightmisrepresentationsndcontradictions
among them are so manyand so blatant that they amount to fraudulence n the
aggregate. omehavebeenoverlooked, s forinstancehiscontradictorylaimsabout
the Sicilianhoplites;he saysin virtually he same breath hat no Sicilianbothers o
providehimselfwithhoplite equipment nd thatthe Siciliansdo not haveas many
25 Cf. Hornblowern. 5), 148:'thesplendourand arrogance f Athenianresources t the
beginning f Book6 is brought utbyvague uperlativesatherhantheprecise numerationfdetail,which sThucydides'morenormalmethod'.
26Thuc.6.8.1;Dover n. 10),28,293.27 Jordann.6),41-6.28 When the needarose, he Athenians ouldresort o conscriptiono providenavalcrews;
Thucydides as several nstances f wholesale onscription,ordann.6),225-6.V.Gabrielsen,Financinghe AthenianFleet(Baltimore,1994),106-8 underestimateshe frequency f con-
scription ven houghhelistsa hostof passagesna footnote p. 248).29 Dover n. 10),310concludesromThuc.8.24.2 hat hemarineswerenormallyhetes.But n
thatcaseThucydideseednot have pecifiedhat hemarines n thisoccasionwere hetes.Thereis otherevidencenThucydidesndelsewherehowing hatthemarineswerenormally oplites,e.g.Thuc.3.95.2~ 3.98.4.Cf.Jordann. 6), 195-200.
30 ForexamplebyKohl(n. 1),102;Classen ndSteup n. 11),48;H. D. Westlake,nividualsnThucydidesCambridge, 968),221;Kagan(n. 5), 182. Dover(n. 10) recognizesAlcibiades'untruthsfor what they are, e.g. his calling Argosand Mantineia the most powerfulPelo-ponnesian tates' 248),hisclaim o successful iplomacy249),hisdescriptionsf theSpartansasdiscouragedfter he battleof Mantineia, f the Sicilians sa 'disorganizedabble'250),andof AthensandSparta senemiesnthePersianwars 252-3),butminimizes omeothers; eethenext note. Hornblower n. 5), 57, 63, is more to the point;he speaksof Alcibiades' tinselphrases', is'egoismandmisleading ptimism, nd thespeciousnessndfloridexpressionf his
speech'.
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hoplitesastheyboastof (6.17.3,17.5).Thismeans hattheyhadsome,and some snot
none.31Twoof Alcibiades'misleadingassertions ead him into anotheregregiousself-contradiction.f, as he says,the Peloponnesianswerediscouraged6.16.6)and
neverso hopeless 6.17.8),
and the Siciliansdisorganized
mob(6.17.3-5),they
could
hardly oin forces n an attack on Athens.Yet this is preciselyhe prospect hat he
paints o theassemblyn order o frightenhe Athenians ntolaunching pre-emptiveattackagainstSicily(6.18.1-3).32 The Siciliansmay or maynot have been a mixed
rabble; uthis assertionhattheyare ncapable f commonactionagainstan external
aggressor6.17.3) s beliedbytheCongress f Gela,which n effectejectedan Athen-
ian army from Sicily in 424; the same assembly isteningto Alcibiadesin 415
afterwards unished hegenerals ommandingt (4.65).The essential raudulence f
his speech, in whichhe also calls the temporary ruce a periodof peace(6.18.4),
seems to suggest that the entire raisonnementof the Sicilian expedition was based onspurious acts,distortionsof reality,deception,andself-deception. heechoes from
Alcibiades' speech (V5"i•p&~vaCLLvd•oE4WnVtv
ALV~vdLacav, SuvataLS70rovoEaL-t,
laxbs calvETraL,.16.2-3)n thedescriptionf thearmadaeem o be sayinghat tsapparenttrength asalsodeceptiveJ'TTIEL6LVUaiAAovE•KatIvcaLT7•8UVaVfkLEWS,6.31.4).That this appears o be preciselywhatThucydideswants the reader o con-
clude is shownby his trueopinion,expressedlsewhere,hat one cannot udgepowerfromappearances.33lcibiades' hrewd seof thecarrot, .e.self-aggrandizement,nd
andeasilyswayedpeople o allowtheexpeditiono proceedo its destruction.A combination f theircredulity ndgreed34ad ledthe Athenians o believe he
assuranceshatEgestawould inance heexpedition, ndto ignoreNicias'warning ot
to trust such promises.The question of money was then also pre-emptedbyAlcibiades' octrineof investmentorprofit.As a result, herewasno giveand take n
the debateabout the exact amountsnecessary o fund the expedition,apartfromNicias' nsistence hat it mustsailwith as muchmoneyas possible 6.22).Despitethe
of money;only thirty alentswereavailable t Egesta 6.46).Thucydidess quiteclearthat each of the differentplans of action proposed by Nicias, Alcibiades,andLamachus 6.47-49),aimedat findingresources ormaintaininghe force: o extract
moneyfromEgestafor thewholearmy,or at least to collectthesixtytalentsEgestahad promised;o makealliesof the Sicilians,who would thenhelpwithtroopsand
provisions, nd to captureenoughSyracusan ropertywith whichto feed the army.Theseproposalseaveno doubtthatlackof moneywas the mainproblemacingthe
commanders.35fterthe recallof Alcibiades,Nicias andLamachus ontinued o dealwith thisproblem; heysailed o Egesta n searchof themoneythereand were orced
to wastetime andeffort n transportingndselling heenslavedHyccaransorwhom
31 Alcibiadesalso saysthattheGreek tatesraisedadequatenumber f hoplitesonly duringthePeloponnesianwar,and thenwithdifficulty 6.17.5).ForDover n. 10),252 this is no morethana rhetorical evice,but the remarks so outrageouslyalse hatE.Schwartz,DasGeschichts-werkdesThukydidesHildesheim, 960),334-5proposed rastic hangesnthetext.
32 Cf. Dover(n. 10),254:Alcibiades' eneralizationonedefendsoneselfagainsta superiorenemyby attackinghim first' s 'notconspicuouslyruein Greekhistory'.This is yet anotherself-contradictionf Alcibiades: aving abelled heSpartans s discouragedndhopelessandtheSicilians sdisorganizedndwithouthopliteshenowsays hat heyarestrongerhanAthens.
33 For example, Thuc. 1.10. 34Cf. above n. 5. 35Cf. Westlaken.30), 175-6.
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theyreceived120 talents 6.62.4).This sumclearlywas not enough,and moremoneyhad to be found n SicilyandrequestedromAthens 6.71.2,6.74.2).
The privatemoney,whichthose who had followedAlcibiades' xamplehad taken
along to invest in trade,not only was of no help,but actuallycontributed o thedisintegration f the force.The foreignerswho had beenrecruitednto the navyat
high payand hadhopedto makemoney n Sicilypromptlydesertedwhentheenemy
unexpectedlyofferedoppositionby sea and on land. Other sailorsboughtup theuntrainedHyccaran laves,no doubtwith the money brought romhome,and putthemon boardthe shipsas replacementsf themselveswith theconnivance f their
captains,whomtheybribed o permit hesubstitution, robablywiththesamemoney.In this way they ruinedthe battleefficiencyof the ships (7.13.2).Nicias giveshis
government fulland detailedreportof thedisintegrationf the fleet:deteriorating
ships,casualtiesamong the sailors,the desertionof the slaves,and above all thedesertionof thefleet's argest omponent,hemen from hesubjectsland-stateswho
had been forced o serve,and whowenthome as soon as theycould(7.13.2,7.57.4).Later, fter he finaldefeat n Syracuse arbour,t is thesailorswhomutinyandrefuse
to go back on board heships 7.72.4).Whilewethussee thenavy allapart, here s no similar eportof a break-up f the
army.Thehoplitesretain heirdiscipline nd continue o fightto the bitterend.This strueevenof themercenaries, ho neither urrender ordesert.Thucydides ivesonlya smallhint that n thearmy oo allmaynot havebeenright.Inthe firstbattleoutside
Syracuseomeof theforeignersoughthardso thattheymightsee theirowncountriesagain;othersfoughtto save their lives aboveall, and in the hope of more lenient
Athenian reatment f theirhomelands n thefuture 6.69.3).While heseweregoodmotives for persevering, hey do not suggesta particularly igh morale or greatenthusiasm or the cause of Athens.Still,whenthe foreignerswere calledupon tosurrendern the finalthroesof defeat,onlya few of them did so (7.82.1).Theonlyoutrightdesertion rom the ranksof the armythatwe hearof was thatof the slaveattendantsof the hoplites, he counterpartsf thedeserting laverowersn the fleet
(7.75.5,7.13.2).It isremarkablehatthemanyreversalsndhardshipshouldhavehadsuch a deleterious ffectonlyon the sailorsandnot on the landtroops, ncludinghemercenariesmong hem.But the historianeavesno doubtabout heparadoxicalnd
tragic reversal n the fortunes of the favouritemilitaryserviceof the Athenian
democracy;ulerof the sea formore hanfiftyyears,n Sicily tsstrengthproved o beitscriticalweakness.
When he askedfor largenumbersof Athenianhoplites,which he did repeatedly,Nicias could not possiblypredict he loyaltyof the foreigners.36e was aware hat,
ItaXLIoV a;Td7J, i-dTTrALTLK6V,hich Steup in Classen and Steup (n. 11) has emended com-
pletely and in my view correctly, it is quite clear that Nicias has in mind very many Athenian
hoplites. Cf. Dover (n. 10), 259: 'a force raised at Athens, not merely a match for the enemy, but
actually superior', and 260: 'Nikias' most conspicuous fear is that the Athenians will not send
enough hoplites'. Cf. also Dover's comment in ThucydidesBook VI (Oxford, 1965), 35: 'TheAthenians have thought of the proposed force as a "match"for the enemy;Nikias reminds themthat it is not a match in the arm that will be needed for the decisive fighting.' The clearest
interpretation of the passage is that in Classen and Steup ad loc.: Nicias has been warning theAthenians in chapter 22 that Athens itself must supply most of what the expedition needs: themost troops, the most provisions, and the most money; the ad'ro`points to a silent contrast, 'for
you must not count on others'. Kohl (n. 1), 159-66 surveys the numerous interpretations and
emendations of the passage.
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unlike foreignersand mercenaries, he hoplites of Athens could be reliedupon to fight,whether they were paid or not (7.48.5), and he may reasonably have expected the
soldiers from the subjectstates and the mercenariesnot to show the same loyalty as his
countrymenin a
campaignwhose sole
objectivewas Athenian
self-aggrandizement.Although he wanted to forestall the expedition with his request for a large army of
hoplites (6.19.2, 6.24.1), Nicias evidently also believed that such a force would providehim with the securitythat he sought.
Whateverhis motives, Nicias failed to achieve either of his aims. The Athenians did
not abandon their design, and he did not get the number of soldiers that he wanted.
Nicias has been severely criticized by modern historians37 for insisting on an
extraordinarilylarge force,but he had very good reasons for it. When he made his case
in the assembly, Nicias was speaking from great experience as the commander of
invasion forces in amphibious campaigns. In these operations he commanded fleetsnumbering between sixty and eighty ships and land troops between 2,000 and 4,300men. The attacks that he led were against islands insignificant compared with Sicily
(Melos, Cythera), and against comparatively small territories a mere stone's throw
away from Athens (the east coast of the Corinthia, the region around Oropos), or at
most one-third of the way to Sicily (Mende and Scione).38When we take account of
the size and distance of Sicily,the total inadequacy of the Sicilianexpedition leaps to
the eye, whetherwe reckonwith the 5,100 hoplites assembled at Corcyra,or include the
auxiliaries and the cavalrythere, for a total of 6,430. In the matter of hoplites Nicias
can be faulted for requestingonly 5,000 of them in the assembly;his experienceshouldhave told him that many more wereneeded, although it must be said in fairnessto him
that this request was a minimum, and that he made it unwillingly,off the top of his
head, and without prior consultation with his fellow generals (6.25.2). In any case, as
regards the soldiers, Alcibiades' views also prevailed. If the Sicilians had few, if any,
hoplites, there was no need to send a particularly argeAthenian armyto the island. As
with the matter of money, there was no discussion about hard and fast numbers of
hoplites in the assembly; as a result the Athenian fighting men mobilized for Sicilywere fewerthan those in the expedition of 430.
The armada'sstrengthcould have been increasedby timely and sufficientreinforce-ments from Athens. These, however, were not forthcoming. Despite Nicias' urgent
requests for money and cavalry (6.71.2, 6.74.2, 7.7.3), and his situation reports to
Athens (7.8.1, 7.11.1), during the year between the fleet'sdepartureand Nicias' letter,Athens sent to Sicily 250 knights without their horses, 30 mounted archers and 300
talents of silver,enough for only threemonths' wages of the crewsin the 100 Athenian
ships (6.94.4). This sum was a mere trifle compared to the sums needed to pay the
Athenian crews for the rest of the year,the crews of the allied ships, and the infantry
troops, many of whom weremercenaries, o say nothing about the wages for the supply
corps personnel who had been hired for pay (6.22), and the price of the horses boughtin Sicily (6.93.4, 6.94.1, 6.96.1). The startling insufficiency of the sum becomes
even more obvious when we compare it with the 2,000 talents that Athens spent onthe siege of Potideia, and the more than 1,276 talents on that of Samos. By the
summer of 413 Syracuseitself had spent 2,000 talents on its defence and had incurred
37 For example by Westlake (n. 30), 221; Kagan (n. 5), 190-1; Dover (n. 10), 256, 461;Hornblower (n. 5), 66-7.
a hugedebtin addition.39nview of all this it is not surprisinghat Nicias had to tell
the Athenians as diplomaticallyas he could that they were not supporting he
expedition(7.14.3). This is also the judgementof Thucydideswho says that theAtheniansailedto votethe
necessarydditional
upportor their orcesoverseas nd
so blunted heedgeof their ightingpower 2.65.11).40Evenwhen heAthenians, fter
hearingNicias' etter,bestirredhemselveso helptheirdepleted rmyand fleet(7.7.1,7.11.3,7.13, 7.12.4,7.14.2), he immediate einforcementhattheysentwas a mere en
shipsand twentytalents(7.16.2).41The second armadadid bringsomemoney,and
after the defeatat EpipolaeNicias could say that he had much moremoneythan
Syracuse.As, however, e did not namethesum,it is impossibleo knowhow much
The verbalcorrespondencesetweenAlcibiades' peech n the summerof 415 andthe story of the armada's ate in Sicilycontinuein Book 7. Virtuallythe entirethematic tructure, ramatic etting,andrhetorical xpressions resent n his speechandin thedescription f thelaunchingarereplicatedn theaccountsof theseafightin Syracuseharbourand of the finaldestruction f theexpeditionaryorce.
Thenarrativesf thelaunching f the fleetand of its destruction egin na similar
manner,with the manningof the ships (6.30.1,7.65.1,7.69.1).The accidentalgeo-
graphicalactof two harbourshavinga similar ircularhapepermitsThucydidesoreproduceAlcibiades'originalmise-en-scene, spectacleas at Olympiawitha largecrowdof onlookers.Here the hoplitesof bothsides ine theshoreof theharbour owatchthe contest, n thiscase a navalbattle.As at thegames n Olympiaandat the
departurerom the Piraeus, he emphasiss on the visual: o"XAOsa-rdaav -KEV
f3AEV/IavTES.,TSVO Es (7.71.3).The themeof competition,originallyntroduced y Alcibiadeswith the recitalof
hisOlympicprizes,whichreappearsnthedeparturecene 6.31.3) ntripartiteorm, sresumedherein the same form.In 6.31.3 the threegroupsof contestantsare the
trierarchs,hoplites, and militarymen in general; n 7.70.3 they are the sailors,helmsmen,and marines.The language n both passages s similarand occasionally
39 Potidaea: Thuc. 2.70.2; Samos: R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, A Selection of GreekHistorical
40 A. W Gomme,HCT,195-6 and JHS 78(1943),72 wrote hatthis statementis not borneout by Thucydides' wnnarrativen BooksVI andVII',because theoriginal xpeditionwas
splendidly dequate o its object',and because on each occasion hat Nikiasaskedforthem,supplies and reinforcements were sent, and in good measure'. But the first expedition, while
splendid, was not adequate, as its numbers and failure show, while, as pointed out above, the
support from Athens was minimal until the second expedition arrived.
41 EL'KOUL is the reading of the all manuscripts except one (H) which adds the words KaL
EKaTrov.Valla, apparently following H, also has 120 talents. Editors print the reading of H,
evidently because, like Dover (n. 10) ad loc., they think that 'probability s in favour' of 120. This
may also have been the view of the scribe who first added KaLEKaTr•v. Diodorus, 13.8.7,apparently also thought twenty talents too little, and so increased the sum to 140. For a brief
history of the efforts to justify 120, see Classen and Steup (n. 11) ad loc.
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nearly identical:at 6.31.3 the trierarchsare vying with each other to haveships
outstanding in beauty and speed: Es LaKpd7o"TtaKprara lrpoUv tvro EVKaTcaUOVi7w9
EvTrpEvrEta7vai3s po~EEt Ka 7w raXvvav-rEv. This is echoed n 7.70.3by rroAA
EKaWTEpOtSp poevlta a7ro -rw7vvavUrwv E T- EE7rtL7rAEY~)V ro70, here was greateagernesson the partof the sailorsto sail to the attack.In the departurecenethe
hoplites compete to have the best equipment, -wov7TrEprt' aud aatUKEUWCv_t'key
KvUfEpv7q-rwv atLyWVLUtLS T7rp•A,7AovS (ytyvE70ro), the helmsmenemployed
manycountermeasuresf the nauticalart,and therewas greatcompetitionamongthem.At 6.31.4themilitarymenin general ngage n greatrivalry,wherever ach oneof them was stationed,
6vvffl• rrpspaS ais-oao V ptv yevEuOat, )TOSLEKaUTOS
7TpoUETLrxOl.his is answeredin 7.70.3: o[ E7TL3CtratLtEpdTEUvov... .•AE TrEOtalt Td
aro KaTaaUTpco/LCaTOS-clAhhs"TEXV7s9,7TaCsLSE O7rpOUET-aKTo-TOSEKaaUTOS-77rELyET ro4rpOo. vatrvEuOat,he marines were seeing to it that the fighting from the
deckswasno lessskilful hanthatof thesailors; very ingleoneof them,wherever e
was stationed,strove o be the best.A similar piritof rivalry s shownalso by the
boatswains (irpN9 rv arvlKGa qtAOVKl'av, 7.70.7); the theme of contest and com-
petition s further einforced ythe use ofdydov,
meaning riticalmomentof decisionand mentalstruggleat 7.69.2 and 7.71.1,but also retainingts meaningof athleticcontest.Clearer till s the echo of athletic ompetition onveyedbytheexpressionT
LKpLTWs•SUVEXEN
T7•Sula'AArl'7.71.3), he ong-lastingndecision f thecontest.Here
/LLAAaarks back to the&•afAAaith shipsto Aegina(6.32.2),and ultimately oAlcibiades'
c/itAAatatOlympia 6.16.2).
The acousticelementthat Thucydidesdeftlyinsinuates nto the chapterson the
launchingwiththeir argecrowds,whomthe heraldorders o silence 6.30-32.2), indsfull and loud expressionn his reportof the battle.Shipscrashtogether, hereareexhortationsnthe formof questions ndappealso combatants yname.Theroarof
battle is so greatthat orderscannotbe heard.Thereis shouting,wailing,criesof
victoryand criesof defeat. The wailingespecially 'Ao vpp0'g), nnounced ike an
operaticleitmotif in the descriptionof the launching(6.30.2), is expandedand
developed ullyat the end of the dramawith an accumulation f wordsof hearing:
,Aovpi4p
ALE-rpor (7.71.3),
AoovpCLbs,0flo (7.71.4), olCwy5, TrdvoS 7.71.6). The
prayers offered to the gods at the outset (EvXdsgsvooLtoMoELva',
6.32.2) now have
become an appeal to the gods for salvation (dvdKA•rLV
OEWcv,.71.3).As inchapter6.31,Thucydideseportshesubjectivehoughtsandemotionsof the
spectatorswatching hecombatfromshore: heyfeelmentalanguish,experience n
unparalleledear,areencouraged r dejected.At the sightof a nearvictoryor near
defeat, heiranxietyandsuspense ecome overygreat hattheyreveal heseemotionswith themovementof theirbodies(7.71.1-3).TheadmirationwhichNicias had said
that Alcibiades craves ("'vaOav~yauaOj,.12.2), and the astonishment at the daring of
the armada (rdo'ApLOd'L4Et,6.31.6), here become a sudden shock at the sight of a
terribledefeat,a shockas greatas any experienced efore(E'KrT
qS, 7.69.2,7.60.6,7.71.7),and similar o the shock that theAtheniansadministeredo the Spartansat
PylosandSphakteria:heAtheniandisaster n Sicilyhasbecome hemirrormageoftheir success at Pylos.42 hortof a miracle he Atheniansat thisjunctureare in a
hopeless situation, Ka TOTETOrr
S2oe7VcOLS CV7TLUTOVVT'Ka
r T•7 Oj EUOGat
(7.71.7).The tragic ronypresent n this reversalof rolesfrom victors n the bay at
42 C. Macleod, 'Thucydides and tragedy', CollectedEssays (Oxford, 1983), 142-3.
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Pylos to losers in the harbourof Syracuse s striking; he wordingof the passagealso recalls he languageof Alcibiades' onfidentassertion o the assembly,Katv'vOUTE aVEA7TLU-rOiT aA oa HE7TOVV7)ULOL -S/a EyEVV .9S rv YqV iWjV
86oav 4b'peL, r78Eirarpli& (6.16.1). It almost looks as if in the desperation f the
momentNicias s appealingo thesamebrilliance f hiscaptainshathe hadcensuredin Alcibiadestwo yearsbefore-another pieceof tragic rony.The balanceof the
sentence,whichon the
surfaces a
laudation f Atheniandemocracy,lsoacquires nAlcibiadean lavouron closerscrutiny.Nicias reminds hetrierarchshatAthens, hefreeststateof all, affordsall its citizensunrestrainedreedom n theconductof their
daily life. The languageand the thoughtseem not too different romThucydides'words about on Alcibiades. Compare 7.69.2:
dVE7TtrdKTOVUTcULV ES TNV
~LvtrTavE'ovUlas with 6.15.4: T-NPLE0YEOSr'S KaTa TO
EavrTOUaoCoLarapavoLtalas97rTV
LatLTavKaL 7T9S8tavoLags (JJVKaO' EV E"KaUTOV 5V OT0yYVOtTO
E7rpaU•EV.The notion
of lawlessnesstevery tep nthedaily ife of a manpursuing isprivatenterests nottoo faraway romthenotionof a daily ifethat s subjecto nocontrolwhatsoever.
TheAaLvrp6d7r7Sf Alcibiades unsthrough hechapters f theSicilianexpeditionlike a redthreadconnecting ach of thecrucialmoments n its history. t is presenttwicein his speech o the assembly,t proclaimshegrandeur f thedepartingleet,and Niciasrepeatst at the battle n Syracuse arbour.At the end of thatbattle,aftermuch fighting,the Syracusansmaketheirlast assaultagainstthe Athenianships
Aa[Lrrpw67.71.5).Justbefore he finalcatastrophen land the word s stillringingnthemindsof theAthenianswhen heyare about o marchawayafter he defeatat sea.Those who can still walk remember he radianceand boastingwith whichtheyhad first sailed fromAthens and contrast it with theirmiserable nd: dan" ol'as
AartrppdrTqrosKatax'arov~xOS o TO rp'rov (7.75.6), whilethose beingleft behindcry out to friends and relatives (TmfPoWJULEvot,.75.4).44 Compare with this Alci-
biades' Etodr7dS EctiL,E•moTlO
EVO (6.16.1, 6.16.6) and his boast, ol8a 'aUotAatzvrpdr-Lt 7TPOEUXOV Ka'raALTrdv'ras-,rv oat ltra'rpieos, ral775'x'quavv oi
TrrEp aprovTwv, &AAAdrpaav-rwv (6.16.5). The wealth, daring, splendour,and high hopes that had been the pride of the original expedition have now become an
43Hope andhopelessnesslso forma considerablehemeconnecting ll thechapters n theSicilianexpedition;Avery(n. 9), 1-5 buildingon E M. Cornford,ThucydidesMythistoricus(London,1907),worksout theconnection;f.alsoMacleod n.42), 150.
44Cf.Averyn.9), 5.
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empty boast. As Gylippus says, the Athenians wanted to be superior (rrpoSXEtv),but, contrary to their hopes, their boasts have come to nothing, rrapa E'Amrr'a 70T
avX75qaros a aAAdpLEvot7.66.3). Of the six occurrences of Aakrrpd'-rlsn Thucy-
dides,four refer to Alcibiades and the Sicilian
expedition; (EA)AaWrp'vEuoaats used
twice and only of Alcibiades. The use of av'xryia and av'xqrlaus rarerstill. The onlyother occurrencebesides the threejust cited is Pericles'definition of it: boasting is what
lucky but stupid people do (2.62.4).45
CONCLUSION
Although it came very close to success, the invading force did not prove strong
enough to overpower the enemy at the first assault, as Nicias had rightly argued that
it should be able to do (6.23.2).46The Sicilian expedition is an early example of a bad
mistake not unknown to later history: throwing armed forces into battle piecemealand so allowing the victory to slip away.47The overwhelming power of the first and
second expeditions combined into one attacking force probablywould have achieved
the conquest of Sicily. Separately,as it turned out, they were insufficient. Thucydideswas aware of the insufficiency of the original expedition, which he exposes with
specific and systematic parallels between the debate in the assembly and the narra-
tives of the launching and the destruction of the whole force. The historian's words
suggest that he puts much of the blame for the Sicilian war on Alcibiades. But
Thucydides' purpose is greater than merely apportioning blame. Beneath his factual
reporting lies the awful truth of the tragic futility of human effort. An entire 'city onthe move', caught in a merciless conflict allowing no escape, ends its voyage in total
46 The narrativeof the fighting contains severalindications that the expedition was not strongenough: Thuc. 6.86.3, 6.100.1-2, 7.4.4, 7.7.4, 7.11.3.
47 To cite an examplefrom recenthistory, n the Battle of Midway he Japanesedividedtheir huge battle fleet several ways and threw away their chance of victory: S. E. Morison, The
