Complex Territories, Complex Circulations_The 'Pacification' of the Complexo Do Alemão in Rio de...

8/16/2019 Complex Territories, Complex Circulations_The 'Pacification' of the Complexo Do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro

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Complex territories, complex circulationsTe ‘pacication’ o the Complexo do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro

Daniel N. Silva, Adriana Facina and Adriana Carvalho LopesUniversity o Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO) / Federal University o Riode Janeiro (UFRJ) / Federal Rural University o Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ)

Te space o circulation is a privileged object or police.(Michel Foucault, Security, erritory, Population )

Te Complexo do Alemão, a group o 12 avelasin Rio de Janeiro, attracted the

attention o Brazilian and International corporate media when the police andthe army ‘pacied’ the avelas in 2010. Part o a broader political and economicproject to make Rio de Janeiro ‘sa e’ or large-scale events, pacication consistso seizing back territories rom the control o drug dealers by installing perma-nent police units. Tis paper ocuses on how different discourses on the ‘paci-cation’ o the Alemão simultaneously entextualized and projected trajectories oreception, interpellation and agency. It also delineates different and competingcommunicable maps (Briggs 2007) o these trajectories o signs. While lookingat ethnographic evidence rom local reception o mediatized signs and people’s

own communicable maps, it draws attention to major gaps in communicableconstructions o pacication, thus attempting to accentuate some complexitieso Rio’s mainstream pragmatics o circulation.

Keywords: circulation, entextualization, communicability, violence, police,pragmatics, metapragmatics

. Introduction

I we accept the linguistic anthropological principle that all speech involves me-ta-speech, or that all pragmatics presupposes meta-pragmatics, then it is the casethat comprehending any pragmatic phenomenon requires a simultaneous uptake

Pragmatics and Society : ( ), – . . /ps. . . sil - / - - © John Benjamins Publishing Company


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Daniel N. Silva, Adriana Facina and Adriana Carvalho Lopes

o the metapragmatic surround (see Silverstein 1993). For instance, Gricean im-plicatures – a pragmatic phenomenon – unction only to the extent that speakers

are supposed to adhere to the Cooperation Principle, a metapragmatic axiom thatis ultimately lodged in human rationality (Grice 1989: 30). Te circulation o dis-courses spreads out across this hybrid pragmatic-metapragmatic terrain.

In this paper, we intend to move beyond the individualistic-intentionalmetapragmatic model o communication by entertaining the hypothesis thatmeaning emerges as it circulates across different sites, temporalities and scaleso social li e. o borrow Briggs’ (2007a, 2007b) metadiscursive notion o com-municability, texts simultaneously project (pragmatically) and model (metaprag-

matically) trajectories o uptake, agency, and affect in their quasi-microbialin ectiousness in society. Rather than being simply intentional, this process is it-erative (Derrida 1977) and there ore social. We shall look particularly at differentand o en competing communicable models that have emerged regarding recentmodernizing efforts to make Rio de Janeiro “sa e” or the 2014 World Cup and the2016 Olympics. We will draw our attention to the multiple recontextualizationso pacicação, or ‘pacication’, a set o police practices aimed to “seize back” thecontrol o spaces that are both the headquarters o drug actions and home tothousands o honest workers.

As the Introduction to the current Special Issue claims (Silva, this volume),Western ideologies o language and communication – some o which are embed-ded in power ul pragmatic theories – portray communication as the linear owo in ormation rom one care ully bounded intentional individual to another. Inwhat ollows, the subjects involved in our eldwork in the Complexo do Alemão (a group o avelas that is home to some 100,000 people, located in the region olowest Human Development Index in Rio de Janeiro) will be seen as being im-pacted by massive Western individualistic ideologies o language and society – an

impact they do not have the resources to sustain. Tus, the Complexo do Alemão has been a prototypical battleeld in Rio de Janeiro’s efforts to become modernand “sa e” or large-scale events.

Tis paper is based on the authors’ collective eldwork in the Complexo do Alemão. Since January 2012, we have worked together with the Instituto Raízesem Movimento, a local NGO that osters initiatives in the elds o revenue gen-eration, community participation, and human rights. Instituto Raízes em Mo- vimento promotes several events in which residents, researchers, human rightsactivists, and State agents gather to discuss ‘pacication’, in rastructure, publicpolicies, health care, gender, sexuality, and race relations. Te eldwork comprisesparticipant observation in the events, interviews with residents and activists, andclose involvement with the NGO members in applying or unds and planningactivities. We have also been conversing with people beyond the Alemão – the


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Complex territories, complex circulations

police, other avela residents, journalists, State officials, urban planners, and so-cial scientists – in order to query different ramings o urban and security changes

in the city.o understand the complex circulations o discourses across the ‘pacication’

o theComplexo do Alemão, this paper rst places the territory within the recentchanges in urbanization and security measures in Rio de Janeiro. Next, it movesto the rather conicting circulations o signs about the ‘pacication’ o the Com- plexo do Alemão as a highly publicized event in the Brazilian and internationalmedia. We then revisit Charles Briggs’ notion o communicability, a textual andethnographic concept that will help us understand the overlapping and multi-di-

rectional trajectories o signs regarding both the event itsel and the changes itbrought to the avela. We nish by claiming that recontextualizations that accrueto circulations go beyond power and manipulation; while traveling through mul-tiple dimensions o social li e, they ultimately enact affect.

. A complex territory

Te Complexo do Alemão is a group o 12 avelas in the North o the municipalityo Rio de Janeiro.1 It was named a er one o its main avelas, Morro do Alemão (lit.‘Hill o the German’). Alemão was the nickname o the Polish immigrant LeonardKaczmarkiewicz, who came to Rio in 1920 and purchased lands that, upon theindustrialization o nearby areas, were occupied by landless worker and migrantsquatters who constructed their own houses – in a process called autoconstrução(‘autoconstruction’; Holston 2008) –, giving rise to the present-day community o Morro do Alemão.

Some 100,000 people live in Complexo do Alemão, one o the most popu-

lous shantytowns in Rio de Janeiro. Over the past two decades, violence and drugtrafficking have been pervasive in the community. In 2007, a tur war betweenrival drug actions and the police led to a deadly military raid. In the same year,a news article in O Globo, Rio’s leading newspaper, was captioned “Complexo doAlemão, the Carioca Gaza Strip.” In terms o O Globo’s semiotics, the Middle Eastand the ‘Carioca Gaza Strip’ (as the avela was called, using the amiliar moniker

. Te number o avelas changes depending on the source. We based our number onOliveira’s (2011) eldwork on the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC) in Alemão. Te ave-las are: Morro da Baiana, Morro do Alemão, Itararé/Alvorada, Morro do Adeus, Morro daEsperança, Matinha, Morro dos Mineiros, Nova Brasília, Palmeiras, Fazendinha, Grota, andReservatório de Ramos.


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or all things Rio:carioca) were iconically and indexically related to each other. 2 Iconically, both ‘strips’, Gaza and Carioca, resembled one another as being near

the ow o wealth: respectively affluent Israel and the road leading rom Rio Inter-national Airport to the city’s wealthy areas; indexically, both ‘strips’ ound them-selves to be in the very epicenter o violence. Academic studies, media accounts,and police reports, in spite o their evidently different pragmatic modes o usingsigns and non-identical metapragmatic ideological purposes, have all convergedin considering the Complexo do Alemão one o the most violent places in Brazil(Barbassa 2010; Oliveira 2011; Barcellos 2013). Te Complexo do Alemão is alsoknown or being the headquarters o the Comando Vermelho or ‘Red Commando’,

one o Rio’s most established armed drug actions.Te community has not been exposed only to risks associated with violence.Te long-standing absence o housing policies or the poor had led to unplannedoccupation o land and the consequent emergence o dangers to the population.Rio’s rainy seasons are accompanied by the risks o mudslides on hills coveredwith irregularly built houses. Autoconstructed houses don’t have proper ventila-tion and usually have no sewage systems, which, added to inadequate treatmento garbage, creates the risk o proli erating diseases. Educational, health, and cul-tural policies are ew and ar between, i not completely inexistent, and presagethe perils o under-development. Official data rom Brazil’s latest census placethe Alemão’s administrative region lowest o all the 32 regions in the city (0.709)on the Human Development Index (IBGE 2010). Te same census estimates that32% o the region’s inhabitants are jobless. O the 40.8% o the people who de-clared they do have a job, almost all work in the service sector and hold positions

or which educational requirements are low, working conditions are bad, andwages are worse.

Economic growth, however, has brought some changes to the scenario o pre-

cariousness, and made discourses circulate in even more complex directions. In2007, then President Lula da Silva announced the creation o a giant nationalprogram o investments in in rastructure and human development, known as theGrowth Acceleration Program, or PAC. “I am convinced that in this year we willturn our big cities into construction sites,” said Lula in 2008 on the weekly radioshow Break ast with the President . And indeed, in 2008, the Complexo do Alemão became a construction site or the PAC, with a program that initially investedUS$ 250,000 in the Alemão and promised to build a cable car, linking ve o the

. In Peirce’s classication o signs with respect to their objects, an ‘icon’ is a sign that resem-bles its object, whereas an ‘index’ is a sign that is affected by its object. A diagram in physics,

or instance, is an icon o the movement o car; a ootprint on the sand is caused by a oot andthere ore stands as an index o the oot (Peirce 1932).


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Complexo’s communities, along with other social in rastructures, like schools, justice units, health clinics, and houses. Economic growth had already given Bra-

zil the opportunity to arrange the 2014 World Cup, and Rio the chance to host thenal match; in addition, in 2009 Rio de Janeiro won the bid or the 2016 Olym-pics. Tese modernizing prospects demanded the city to be prepared not only interms o in rastructure, but also, principally, in terms o security. Te so-called‘Carioca Gaza Strip’ seemed to need more than just improvements on the ormercount. As we suggest in what ollows, in the pragmatics o discourse circulationthe only option o the State authorities or handling the headquarters o the Co-mando Vermelho, in the absence o the Rule o Law, was the urgent creation o a

‘Police State’ (Foucault 1978).In 2008, Rio’s Municipal De ense Secretary deployed the rst Paci ying PoliceUnit (UPP) in Morro Santa Marta, a avela located on a hill above the Bota ogoneighborhood, in an affluent southern region o Rio. Te UPPs differ in theirmethods rom most traditional (sporadic, but deadly) police raids in that they aresupposed to “seize back the territories” (UPP 2011) by installing permanent po-lice units. Te UPP project considers as its main goal the removal o the weaponsused in the retail commerce o drugs, rather than eradicating the commerce perse. José Mariano Beltrame, the Rio de Janeiro State Secretary o De ense, had hisspeech on the occasion entextualized by Te Guardian as ollows:

“We cannot guarantee that we will put an end to drug trafficking nor do we havethe pretension o doing so,” said Beltrame. “[Te idea is] to break the paradigmo territories that are controlled by traffickers with weapons o war. Our concreteobjective is [to ensure] that a citizen can come and go [in a avela] as he pleases,that public or private services can get in there whenever they want.”

(Phillips 2010, brackets in the original)

Pragmatically, Beltrame’s words rein orce the UPPs’ main purpose o “seizingback” the avela and taking the guns out o the reach o the dealers. Te metaprag-matics around his discourse, however, do more. First off, the very act that theinternational media are interested in security measures in Rio attests to the citybeing in the global eye. Ten, Te Guardian ’s news correspondent om Phillipsextracts Beltrame’s speech rom the context and lls in some o its gaps. He addsthe verb ‘to ensure’ to Beltrame’s discourse, thereby ensuring that Beltrame’s pur-pose, as expressed in the latter’s words and his own will circulate in accordancewith the public opinion that the people’s right to circulation is something that hasto be assured. Later on, we will have more to say about how this (meta)pragmaticso circulation is undone by the locals. First, however, our discourse must addressthe deployment o the UPP in the Alemão.


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. Te pacication of the Alemão

In O livreiro do Alemão [‘Te bookman rom the Alemão’], Otavio Jr. (2011)narrates his growing up in the Complexo do Alemão and his project o osteringliteracy in the community. His book ends with an Epilogue, A libertação (‘Teliberation’):

I was at home thinking about the project o this book when I heard the rst shots.At rst, the noise came rom ar away, but the rising pitch revealed that the bulletswere getting closer. I could no longer concentrate on my work. It was Tursday,November 25, 2010. I was watching everything on V, and the sensation I had

was that some crazy director o programming had decided to show a 3-D versiono ropa de Elite [more or less like ‘Te Green Berets’; our insert] instead o thea ernoon soap opera. Dream? Delirium? No, the purest reality. Everything washappening outside the door o my house. Weapons, soldiers, war tanks comingup the street, everything within my eyeshot. Te news on V recommended thatno one go outside. And I listened. wo days o anguish. wo days o ear. wodays without setting oot in the street, rationing the ood in the ridge. (…) It washard to sleep. (…) It may seem an exaggeration or those who only saw the news, but I

elt that I was inside the war in Iraq or those two long days. Only someone whoendures war knows what it is. On V I also saw the Navy’s bulletproo tanksarriving at the avela. Tis was the surprise actor that both astonished and intim-idated the criminals. (Otavio Jr 2011, 76–77; our translation).

Tis narrative is indexically linked to the military occupation o the Alemão inNovember 2010. Violence shapes the very limits o narration: this book on liter-acy symbolically begins with the 2007 police raids in the avelas – an occasion onwhich 19 people were killed in the Alemão – and ends with the 2010 incursion, a

“surprising” raid, in that the Navy and the Army were asked to join orces with thepolice in the operation. A week be ore Otavio Jr. watched the invasion – not outin the streets but on V –, members o Comando Vermelho had begun to torchcars both in the suburbs and in wealthy neighborhoods such as Copacabana andIpanema. Along with the news, rumors began to circulate everywhere. Boxes oover a meter tall were le in Praça Nossa Senhora da Paz, a square in Ipanema;soon the suspicion was raised that these were bombs. Colonel Mario Sérgio Du-arte (at the time the head o the military police) narrates that among the police,rumors went the rounds that “a shipment o 600 kg o dynamite had possibly beenstolen in the South o Brazil and was headed to Rio” (Duarte (2012: 55). None othese rumors proved to be true, but they enhanced the eeling o turmoil and earin the city.


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Sociologists Rodrigues and Siqueira (2012) point out that this type o policingthe avelas isn’t actually a model or public security. It is rather an “experiment,” or

a “set o policing experiences” that would be better understood i one looks at con-crete practices instead o official documents alone. Rio’s public decree n. 42,787 oJanuary 6, 2011 – a law that is supposed to dene and regulate the UPPs, but wasonly published a er 13 units had been deployed – stipulates the three stages odeployment o an UPP. Te three steps are: “tactical intervention,” “stabilization”,and “deployment.” actical intervention is conceived “not as con rontation but asthe arresting o criminals and the removal o weapons” (ibid.: 11). Te narrativeso Otavio Jr. and Duarte, however, suggest heavy con rontations taking place be-

tween the Police and the Comando Vermelho. Te con rontations are enmeshedin complex connections with the media, public discourses, rumors, and the arts;thus, Otavio Jr.’s eeling was “was that some crazy director o programming haddecided to show a 3-D version o ropa de Elite instead o the a ernoon soap op-era.” Moreover, signs dealing with con rontation went ar beyond the ‘cease-re’imposed by decree o the UPPs, and were then recontextualized as signs o war:“I elt I was in the Iraq War,” tells the Bookman o the Alemão; “a war was ap-proaching [there ore we needed] war tanks,” narrates Colonel Duarte (2012: 67–69); and sociologist Vera Mallaguti (2011: 6) elaborates: “the pacication andoccupation o some avelas in Rio has taken place as a orm o war, supported bythe Army, thus imposing police management on the everyday li e o the poor.”

Te “tactical intervention” in the Alemão did not take place until the 28th oNovember, a Sunday morning, when most amilies could ollow the action on V.Te coverage o Rede Globo, Brazil’s leading V channel and the owner o the OGlobo newspaper, ollowed the lines o modern war reports. A Globo journalist,Priscila, rode into the scene inside one o the tanks, walking a narrow line be-tween aunting journalistic standards and exercising the power attributed to the

media in Brazil. Colonel Duarte narrates his astonishment:I was shocked when I saw Priscila (…) inside the bulletproo tank that would takeme to the top o Morro do Adeus, my command post during the battle.“What are you doing here, you sneaky rat?” I asked her, between disbelie andanguish.“I am going with you, sir”“Who told you so?”“Oh, Commander! You wouldn’t leave me out o this, would you?”

(Duarte 2012: 143; our translation)

Te news o the war in Rio spread across multiple sites, like microbes (Briggs2007a). Tis pragmatics o circulation turned the wording o the conict into iconso transnational similarity to regular battles as well as into indexes o a proximal


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war. Renata Malkes (2010), writing or O Globo, hastened to compare the occupa-tion o the Complexo do Alemão to the military interventions in the Middle East,

iterating and expanding the ormula “Alemão is the Brazilian Gaza strip” that weencountered earlier: “I the topography o the Carioca avelas resembles the Shiite villages in the South o Lebanon, the overpopulation and disorder compare themto the Gaza Strip” (Malkes 2010). Te journalist also interviewed Hanan Grinberg,a military analyst rom Israel, and recirculated his words in a wider context:

Islamic militants such as the Hamas used to break into the houses o civilians insearch o shelter. Many amily members ended up dying in this situation. (…) Forthe Army, it is hard to distinguish between civilians and armed criminals.

(Malkes 2010)

Trough their recirculation into Malkes’ news article, Grinberg’s words place theComando Vermelho and the Alemão dwellers in an iconic resemblance to Hamasand the Palestinians.

Furthermore, the “hardship” that the (Israeli?) army, according to Grinberghad in differentiating between civilians and criminals would be iterated in theAlemão composer Raphael Calazans’ narrative to which we return in our conclu-sion. Iterability, according to Derrida (1977) repeats signs, but at the same timeimplies a break with past contexts; below we shall listen to the polyphonic voiceso O Globo and Calazans as they construe different, and indeed competing, com-municable models o military blindness.

A month later, Farah and Azevedo (2010) would recirculate (by actually li -ing them out o Wikileaks) the words o US Consul General Dennis Hearne, a or-mer political adviser to the commanding US general in A ghanistan. Accordingto Hearne, “the Favela Pacication Program deploys counter-insurgency strate-gies similar to Iraq and A ghanistan.” Te authors sealed the newspaper’s ‘politics

o truth’ by adding, to Hearne’s stretch o discourse: “O Globo will be one out oseven newspapers in the world to publish exclusive content rom the ‘Cablegate’”(Farah & Azevedo 2010). Not only the economy o sports in Rio had becometransnational, but also its “war” against armed drug dealers.

Whereas or the Alemão residents, the deployment o the UPP either “wasthe change rom one owner [the dealers] to another [the police]” (as noted byChristina, a 23-year old rom the Grota avela), or “the rearrangement o orces inthe avela” (according to Alemão activist Alan Brum Pinheiro), in the media andstate epic narratives, the military occupation represented an icon o nationality.O Globo labeled the images o black men being expelled rom the Alemão to thenearby Vila Cruzeiro as “expulsion o criminals,” and (in its pragmatics o circula-tion) had them pictured together with images o policemen arriving carrying theBrazilian ag, accompany its headline: “Te Redemption o Alemão”.


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Overall, a metapragmatics o consent ramed the hegemonic, communicablemodels o pacication. According to Duarte (2012: 133), the “neurotransmitters

o our collective brain awoke the synapses o national union,” casting his ‘politicso truth’ in some inexact biomedical syntax. His book is an attempt at toutingthe consensual opinion held by the police, the military, anthropologists, jour-nalists, and the Governor that war was unavoidable. For O Globo, even Christthe Redeemer agreed with this ‘declaration’ o war: its cartoonist Chico Carusoportrayed Jesus as wearing a BOPE, the Special Operations Battalion, uni orm.Malaguti ironically comments that she didn’t “hear any Christians complaining,let alone the evangelical politicians” (2011: 8). wo years later, in her rst con-

cert in Rio, even Lady Gaga would wear a black t-shirt with the lettering ‘UPP’stamped on in white.In principle, as Calazans notes (pers. comm.), “having the police around is

better than having no police.” However, beyond agreeing to his commonsensicalidea that “some police are necessary,” we may ask why the affluent and tourist ar-eas “require a less repressive aesthetics o policing” (Duarte 2012: 18), while poorareas are supposed to have the police as the basic, i not only, orm o rule. Te

undamental question that Malaguti addresses to hersel and to the public opin-ion is: Why, instead o a democratic State presence, “where citizens can enjoytheir potential or a joy ul sociability with different others in constructing collec-tive networks o support and care” (2011: 5–6), was the managing the circulationo people and their well-being in the avelas trans erred to the police? Why did theState’s efforts to modernize the avelas consist in deploying not the Rule o Law,but a Rule o Police?

Foucault (1978) traces the genealogy o the new system o governing humanlives, the ‘Police State’, back to the end o the sixteenth century; the term itsel he

ound in the utopian political treatise La monarchie aristodémocratique , by Louis

urquet de Mayerne (1611). Te police were conceived o as a plastic institu-tion, one that “gives ornament, orm, and splendor to the city” (Mayerne, cited inFoucault 1978: 409). For Mayerne and his contemporaries, the police were both the(plastic) “art o governing” and the exercise o policing itsel (Foucault 1978: 414).

Tis police model consisted o ruling people’s activity’s by preventing idle-ness. Policing was a ‘plastic’ art (or activity) inasmuch as it would shape men, bygiving them an education or occupation, and making them circulate along thelines set out by the state. And one o the main concerns o police was precisely cir-culation . By ‘circulation’, Foucault meant not only the space o circulation o goodsand people, rom roads to rivers, but also the “set o regulations, constraints, andlimits, or the acilities and encouragements that will allow the circulation o menand things in the kingdom and possibly beyond its borders” (1978: 420). Interest-ingly, the police ought to regulate circulation and there ore assure the possibility


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o ‘communication’: “Te coexistence and communication o men with each oth-er is ultimately the domain that must be covered by the Polizeiwissenschaf [police

science] and the institution o police” (Foucault 1978: 420).Tis anthropological model o police is an early orm o the modern biopo-

litical power: Policing as such is “the set o interventions and means that ensurethat living, better than just coexisting, will be effectively use ul to the constitutionand development o the state’s orces” (Foucault 1978: 421). Although Foucaultclaims that this orm o police has a different meaning rom today (ibid.: 408), heclaims elsewhere that the Polizeistaat is “administrative modernity par excellence”(ibid.: 416). As anachronistic as it may seem, this ‘Police State’ is at the very ba-

sis o the ‘pacication’ in Rio. Our eldwork has ound evidence that the police(or police-like regulations) are shaping people’s living, rom public transportation(e.g. the Alemão cable car stations play classical music, which is different rom thesituation in wealthier areas, where one hears no music in the metro), to people’sconduct (the police told one o our team members that she was not allowed toboard the cable car with an ice cream, whereas one nds no such law en orce-ment on the metro), to circulation (Foucault’s and his French police’s imperative‘Circulez !’ is reected in the ‘circulando! ’, ‘circulating!’ o the Rio police jargon – aregular command at the same time telling people not to gather in public areas andreminding them that idleness is not welcome).

. Competing communicable constructions

Debra Spitulnik (1997) presents an insight ul ethnography o mass media activityin Zambia, and explains how the mass media create “re erence points” or thecirculation o linguistic orms and discourses. Corporate media in Brazil – espe-

cially Rede Globo, the most power ul media enterprise in the country – have beenactive in creating these re erence points with regard to changes in the economicsituation and increased security measures in Rio, a prototypical Brazilian city,in addition to being the Globo headquarters. In the pacication o the Alemão,O Globo went rom the construction o narratives that requested the public toadhere to the pragmatics o an Iraq-style war, to publishing ongoing news and

V coverage on the success o the PAC and UPPs, to the creation o its main soapopera in 2013, Salve Jorge, a transnational narrative taking place in Istanbul andthe Complexo do Alemão. With the support o the urkish government – whichdonated 1,000 kg o meat to the Complexo do Alemão, “causing a strange, longline on donation day,” as Calazans told us –, Salve Jorgeis per ormed by Brazilianartists who move rom the Globo studios in Barra da ijuca, an upper middle classneighborhood, to the sprawling alleyways o the Alemão, and to the bridges and


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historic sites o Istanbul, on a journey between indexical realism, caricature, andpolitical construction and affects.

As long as the media ‘re erence points’ are not static, but travel as ast as do theeconomic and security changes, interpellating multiple sites o discourse circula-tion has shaped our understanding o how mass media and other discourses – “asongoing, high-status, public communication orms” (Spitulnik 1997: 162) – per-

orm, to borrow Austin’s term (1962), the very re erents they claim to represent.Ethnography has taught us to complexi y the ‘social magic’ o the mediated andother corporate or hegemonic discourses on political change in the Alemão andin Rio. As Butler (1997) reminds us, the multiple recontextualizations o a per-

ormative speech act allow or gaps between different instances o use, spaces thatultimately enable resignication or social change (see Goldstein, this issue). Inthis section, we intend to interact more closely with local narratives, themselveshybrid and multiple.

Interaction in discourse (by speaking and listening) requires a great deal oethnographic and discursive vigilance. Briggs’ concept o ‘cartographies o com-municability’ has inspired our mapping o the reception o , resistance to, and con-testation with respect to, highly commodied media orms. Needless to say, suchlocal narratives are given little or no space in mainstream accounts.

Briggs (2007b: 332) puns on the notion o ‘communicability’ not only as ability“to communicate readily and be understood transparently”, but also as the “mi-crobes’ capacity to spread”, as in ‘communicable’ diseases. Like ‘communicable’ viruses, discourses in ectiously disseminate modes o listening, reading, and posi-tioning onesel vis-à-vis the politics o trust and truth that texts project. Te idea ocommunicability depends largely on what Silverstein (1993) has called the ‘prag-matic-metapragmatic nexus’. Even earlier, Silverstein (1979) had observed that theutterance o every sign is at once an instance o use and a regimentation o such

use. For instance, a speaker’s conventional use o the pronouns tu/vous in Frenchor você/o senhor/a senhora in Portuguese simultaneously indexes ‘knowledge,’‘de erence,’ ‘respect,’ and ‘adequacy’:tu and você are used to address an interlocutorwho is o the same, or close in, age or occupies the same hierarchical level, whereasvous or o senhor /a senhora are used when speaking to someone who is unknown,older, or hierarchically superior. In other words, the speaker is both projecting anideological mode o reception (a trajectory) and retrospectively regimenting or re-iterating the social eld rom which the norms o use stem and to which they re-turn as conrmation, sedimentation, or change (in an overlapping trajectory). 3 As

. For reasons o space, this comment on the linguistic-ideological reinvention o society is just a brie sketch. (For a more care ul discussion, see Silverstein 1979; Schieffelin et al. 1998;Bauman & Briggs 2003; Blommaert 2005; Reinhardt, this issue).


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long as communicability is pragmatic, “texts project specic, unique cartographieso their own locations in the movement o discourse” (Briggs 2007b: 332; emphasis

added). Inso ar as communicability is metapragmatic, the stories that texts tell“are stories about stories,” revolving around themselves “to tell stories o their ownorigins,” thereby modeling or regimenting their own trajectory (Briggs 2007b: 324).

Te notion o communicability is an appropriate metaphor or imagininghow text are received. Communicable cartographies, writes Briggs (2007: 556),“create positions that con er different degrees o access, agency, and power, recruitpeople to occupy them, and invite them to construct practices o sel -making intheir terms.” Although communicable maps are conceived as modes o interpella-

tion, based on “material and institutional inequalities,” the response to such mapscan subvert the very logic that drew the maps’ boundaries in the rst place. Inour eldwork, local responses to hegemonic ways o positioning the Alemão res-idents are pervasive. As Briggs claims, while receiving a text, “people can acceptthe communicable cartography it projects (…) treat it critically or parodically, orinvoke alternative cartographies” (2007b: 556).

. Circles o memory

In a ocus group organized at Instituto Raízes em Movimento, some elderly peoplegathered to collectively think about ‘memory’ by telling narratives o their ownarrival in the avela. Maria, a 65-year-old resident rom Itararé, told us that on herway to the meeting, a riend o hers who had heard that the event would be lmedwondered whether Maria would appear on V Globo. Maria replied that i shehad been told that Globo sponsored the meeting, she wouldn’t have come. “I don’tlike the way the soap opera shows the Alemão, and I came here because I knewthat it’s not or V,” Maria told us. Like any story, Maria’s narrative is embeddedin a social context, as represented by the boundaries imposed on the dissonant voices rom Instituto Raízes em Movimento, which is known in the community

or its le -wing engagement. As Bakhtin (1952: 92) has argued, “[e]very utterancemust be regarded primarily as a response to the preceding utterances o the givensphere.” While we cannot extend Maria’s point o view to the whole avela, hercomment is nevertheless an index o discontent, in the given sphere o dissonanceand discontent with the role o television broadcasting and its economic interestsin the community.


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In the same group, we learned about the ormation o the Chapa Azul (‘BlueList’)4 movement among young residents who gathered to demand their civic

rights during the Brazilian dictatorship period [1964–1985]:

Sergio We were all young, 13 to 14 years old, when the Chapa Azul was creat-ed. Te people rom Chapa Azul were against one Orico, rom Morrodo Alemão, who exploited people’s access to electricity. He had a wire

rom Light,5 and he would exploit the whole avela, together with hisbrother. He also took advantage o water distribution. He had a pumpand sold water to a ew people. Ten the Chapa Azul was ormed as theopposition to those who were exploiting the community [‘ comunidade’], just so everyone in the community could have water and light. ChapaAzul ended up gathering some 60 people, who requested water romCEDAE,6 and electricity rom Light. A er the end o the dictatorshipand the return o the political exiles, Leonel Brizola won the election orgovernor and we got water.

[He lists the name o some members; people in the group add other names]Sergio And it was a lot o people, and we got water right into our homes. And

then/

Marize /But then did you get water everyday? Were there any problems withthe distribution?Sergio Yeah, but the very act that we had some water was wonder ulMarize No, no I didn’t mean/Sergio /Just to conclude what happened. We ended up get-

ting water and light into our homes, but be ore that (…), although wewere young and there was no school, there were these university stu-dents rom other areas. Te dictators persecuted them, but they cameto teach us. Even though we were young, and weak and hungry, these

people helped us learn.Marize Oh, they came here.Sergio Yes, they came, they were persecuted, some were jailed, and others were

killed.Marize Were they part o an institution, or they came on their own?Sergio Tey came on their own, as volunteers. Tey taught us how to think,

how to organize ourselves. From their teaching we ormed Chapa Azul,and we could ght or water, or electricity.

. A take-off on the name o the avela (Morro Azul).

. An electricity provider.

. A water company.


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Sergio and other participants had been asked to respond to the question, “How wasthe in rastructure when you arrived here?” o use Silverstein’s terms (1993: 38),

Sergio is projecting the “indexical here-and-now” – or better, the “here-and-then,” namely water and electricity distribution in the past – into a communicablemodel that maps out the ght or human rights, and the asymmetry o orces inthe avela, Brazil’s ormer military dictatorship, the critical acquisition o literacy,and community work (a point we shall return to below).

Tis interaction was between individuals rom different backgrounds, as wasthe very ormation o Chapa Azul and the orging o the term ‘comunidade’ orcommunity, which we will also discuss below. Te above excerpt, entextualized

here as an interactional text, un olds in Sergio’s dialogue with Marize, a researcherrom Fiocruz Research Foundation. His metapragmatic delineation o how thetext should be received is briey put on hold by the rst question that Marizeasks – “did you get water everyday?” – which seems to convey a middle classin erence that Sergio immediately rejects: “the very act that we had some wa-ter was wonder ul.” Marize then tries to project the propositional content o herquestion (e.g. she didn’t mean to imply that there was not enough water) in an-other direction, whereupon Sergio jumps straight to his conclusion, elaboratingon the intercultural exchange with the university students. Marize’s subsequentinteractional moves serve to help him describe the young university students who

ostered critical literacy in the Alemão.

. Collective work and community

A sense o collective work or community emanates rom Sergio’s communicablemap. By ghting against people who were taking advantage o the community,Chapa Azul aimed to make sure “everyone in the comunidade could have waterand electricity.” We ound ethnographic evidence that the idea o ‘community’,though brought to the avelas rom the outside, is at play in the residents’ everydaypractices o solidarity and social agency. Anthropologist Carlos Santos (1981) tellsan interesting origin story o the early circulation o comunidade among the in-habitants o Brás de Pina, Morro Azul, and Catumbi. In studying local resistanceto the state removal o squatters in the 1960s, Santos maps the collective mobili-zation o avela residents and their internal conicts. In Morro Azul, located ona hill above the upper middle class Flamengo neighborhood, the resistance was

led by an authoritarian priest, who orged the concept o an articial community,trying to uni y something that was heterogeneous rom the outset; in this case,the very idea o comunidade was an abstract concept. Yet, despite the conictsand ragmentations that opposed inhabitants rom areas with better or worse


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in rastructure, in moments o crisis everyone worked together. Te idea o co-munidade , Santos concludes, could only exist within critical episodes. When the

crisis was over, everyday li e in the avela would revert to the dream o possessingproperty in the same way as the elites.

We nd a similar internal conict among the avela residents in Sergio’s ac-count (Orico’s exploitation o water and electricity). Te idea o community em-bodied in Chapa Azul also arose at a critical moment (the need to de eat Oricoand to resist the negligence o dictatorship). Nevertheless, the notion o comu-nidade , at least as we entextualize it here, is more than something that occursin conictive and critical episodes; it is intercultural. Notwithstanding potential

ideological differences among the university students, the authoritarian priest,and the authors o the present study, the concept o comunidade can arise romordinary and heterogeneous practices, some o which are very individualistic, andthen be ramed into more egalitarian terms.

In another ocus group at the Instituto, younger residents gathered to watchthe documentary lm Depois rola o mocotó[‘Ten we’ll eat bone marrow’], madeby Debora Herszenhut and Jefferson Oliveira (2012). Te movie portrays the prac-tice o “bater a laje” or building a new level on top o a house as a roo op terraceor room. In the movie, while male neighbors blend cement with sand and waterto make concrete, emale neighbors mix the ingredients o mocotó or bone mar-row. Te laje construction is recontextualized as a ‘party’, where neighbors ‘raise’ ahouse and cook in solidarity. Upon seeing the image, Fabiana and Mauricio posi-tioned themselves vis-à-vis this ideological construction as ollows:

Debora Te laje is extremely important or li e in the avela. I was born in theFavela da Rocinha. Tere the laje is a space o economic value. You canbuild yoursel another oor and rent it. You can also throw a party, sun-

bathe.Mauricio It’s a space or community [espaço comunitário].Fabiana It’s a space or community. Te laje is a space or community, where you

can y a kite, you can gossip with your neighbor.Mauricio When you put people in apartments, you make bubbles.Fabiana RightMauricio You conne people inside bubbles and give no access to that communal

place, to that community involvement.

Debora and Mauricio engaged in a cooperative conversation that interactionally“made, remade, trans ormed, re ormed” (Silverstein 1993: 38) the meanings o co-munidade in the movie they had just seen. Debora is rom Rocinha and sees someaspects o her li e experience replicated in the movie. Mauricio, who is rom the


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lower middle class neighborhood o Penha, downgrades the individualistic li e opeople living in apartments or “bubbles”, which prevents “access to community

involvement.”In his childhood, movie director Jefferson Oliveira, who was born in Grota,

joined Cinema Nosso, an NGO directed by Fernando Meirelles and Katia Lundt,the directors o the movie City o God . Jefferson acted in City o God , and laterbecame a lm director himsel . Depois rola o mocotó is at once an indexical sign oli e in the Alemão and a synecdoche o Jefferson’s long journey. His intercultural journey to the NGO and to global cinema was later recycled into a documentary.Favela residents regarded the documentary as a ‘replication’ (Urban 1996) instead

o a ‘response,’ as seems also to be the case withGlobo’sSalve Jorge.In considering the relationship between the ‘original’ and the ‘copy,’ the re-sulting text is regarded as a replication when the original discourse is “copied,”and as a response when the source text is “reacted to” (Urban 1996: 23). Beyondthe arrangement o signs in both activities, what is at stake in replication andresponse is the social relationship between originators and copiers and theirlinguistic-ideological views (Urban 1996: 27–35), both ultimately determininghow interactants evaluate the resulting discourse as replication or response. Grotaresident Marcelo sums up his opinion: “Tis movie is almost my entire li e. Ev-erything that was shown on screen I’ve lived. iles ying, people throwing stonesat my house, the lack o shelter when the laje was built. I’ve lived everything.”Marcelo considers the movie to be a replication o his li e – the very originaldiscourse being replicated. In talking to people in the Alemão, we ound out thatthey consider Salve Jorge to be a ‘response’ to the original discourse ‘li e in the

avela’. As Calazans puts it (pers.comm.):

It is so unrealistic the way the avela is portrayed on V. Te soap opera showspeople dancing to unk music 7 on the streets, with no police around. But actually

unk has been censored since pacication. And the police beat people or abso-lutely no reason.

Calazans and other avela residents have thus devised communicable cartogra-phies that compete with mainstream ones. We will now discuss how a journalistwho worked or a major newspaper during the pacication o the Alemão re-sponded to the dominant communicable constructions o pacication.

. Funk Carioca, or Rio de Janeiro Funk, is a popular music style in Brazil. It is produced andconsumed mainly by the youth o the avelas. Different rom unk music elsewhere in the world,Funk Carioca is the result o intense processes o appropriation, trans ormation and national-ization o the rhythms o Black-Soul Culture, one o the most transnational youth expressionso the A rican Diaspora.


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. Te ‘redemption’ o the Alemão

As we saw in the preceding section, mainstream media have sold their depictiono ‘pacication’ in the Alemão as the actual replication o its very reality. Whenthe army and the police invaded the community, inhabitants were portrayed as“applauding” the operation and happy that they would no longer be in the handso drug dealers. “Freedom, reedom, spread your wings over us all” are the sambalyrics that O Globo cited rom an anonymous note that a reporter supposedlyreceived rom a local (G1 2010). In the note, an anonymous dweller thanks “theheroes who came to ree us.” Te V news presented a acsimile o the olded

note, in a politically shaped voice that travels rom Vila Cruzeiro (“ ComunidadeVila Cruzeiro” signs the note) to the whole nation (“ this nation blessed by God ”).While presenting the note as the thing in itsel , O Globo resorts to a metaphysicso presence (Derrida 2001 [1967]), thereby portraying its recontextualizations otext and talk as truth itsel .

We have shown this piece o news to some o the local inhabitants. Gilmar,who is rom Vila Cruzeiro, commented: “We actually hung white ags out o ourhomes. But we didn’t mean reedom. We meant ‘please, stop the killing’”. eresa, 8 who covered the ‘pacication’ or a major Brazilian newspaper, told us that shewas puzzled about the way the media depicted the occupation:

A er a day o work in the eld, I would come home and watch V. While watch-ing the news I thought I wasn’t in the same place those journalists were. But wewere together. Te media decide how to approach the subject. Tere’s no neutral-ity. I mean, you choose your ocus, right?

Being in a different place than the other journalists probably suggests having analtogether different communicable model. eresa drew our attention to how me-

diatization – that is, the entanglement o mediation and commoditization (Agha2011) – worked in this particular event. In eresa’s terms, the media is part o a“market”. During her undergraduate studies, she used to think that newspapers“were above suspicion,” but in her later li e as a pro essional, “the myth was de-stroyed.” A er working in different mass media companies and in different powercenters – like Brasília, São Paulo and Rio – eresa “changed [her] point o view.It’s an industry like any other. [She] used to place a halo around it. Te media haveto be lucrative.”

As or the headlines “society thanks the police” and “the population applauds,”she responded:

. We changed the name o some subjects in order to avoid institutional or political risks.


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I honestly didn’t see any joy. While talking to the locals, I realized they wereworried about being bothered by the police. Some people were concerned that

the police would enter their houses and steal things or mess with everything. Tepolice’s logic was not ‘you are innocent until proven guilty,’ but ‘you are guiltyuntil proven innocent.’ I saw only one person applauding the police, and he in-trigued me. I think I’ve just seen the same guy in a different context, when thatcameraman died while lming a shooting.

eresa lls in some gaps between the recontextualizations o mass mediation. Shequestions the scalar jump, rom one person applauding to the “population ap-plauding.” She urther doubts whether the applauder was really a local or some-

one “who likes attention.” It appears that the same person was crying elsewhereat a journalist’s uneral. Indeed, eresa complicated the seemingly natural owo in ormation inO Globo’s and other corporate media accounts o pacicationin the Alemão. As she told us elsewhere, “ O Globo loves the UPP.” Te legitima-tion o the police state in the avelas is there ore supported by mediatized ormsthat turn the entangled interests o the economy, o the police, and o those whowant changes in politics into a linear and transparent trajectory o “truth” and“objectivity.”

. Final remarks, or a further assignment?

A “revolutionary practice” is how Calazans rames the experience o living in aavela:

Te existence o the avela is so ‘impossible’ that living there is, in itsel , a rev-olutionary practice. In creating the avela, people subverted the capitalist rightto property. Te residents did not respect the privatization o essential rights. Ithe state doesn’t offer water, people open gatos de água [illegal, unpaid- or con-nections to running water]. And they also make music and poetry in spite o theoverwhelming burdens o daily li e. (pers. comm.)

Tis music composer, who has had the chance to join other regimes o entextu-alization such as the university (“a space I don’t like,” he con esses), recontextual-izes the very experience o living in a zone o abandonment as a “revolution.” Onthe very day we interviewed him, outside the Morro de Adeus cable car station,rst, two drug dealers on a motorcycle and then the police came to watch us. Tedealers lmed us with a cell phone, and then called someone, saying “ tá limpo”[‘they’re clean’]. Te police were less discreet than the dealers, and drove by usmany times. It took us some time to recover rom our ear and bewilderment. Ourcirculation – or rather our lack o circulation inso ar as we were standing still,


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having a meeting within the police state – conicted with the models, acceptableto both the criminals and the police, o how words and people should circulate in

times o ‘pacication’, when the orces in the avela have been rearranged.Returning to the interview, we inquired about Calazans’ art. “How can my

art spring rom the abstract?” he asked himsel and our communicable models,pointing out the very tangible experiences that in orm his work. Living in the

avela, he said, you could meet death just around the corner. Be ore UPP, duringthe occasional police raids, there were high chances that the police would shootyoung men they ound in the street, particularly i they were black. Te Rio po-lice’s ideological constructions o race – likened to those current in Israel, as we

have seen above – construe discerning between criminals and regular residentsas “impossible”. At one time, Calazans was walking down the hilly alleyways othe Alemão, when recrackers signaled to the dealers and other inhabitants that acaveirão, or heavily ortied military grade police tank, was coming up the slope.“I was dead”, he said. “When you look up, you see the reworks and the boysrunning away; when you look down, you see the caveirão approaching.” Calazanshastened to add, “living and dying in the avela are not very ar apart”. He went onto ask how his music could “spring rom thin air i I live here?”

Tis poignant narrative, like many others that we’ve been listening to andrecirculating here and elsewhere, is a li e story that complicates the intricate re-lationships that subjects maintain using signs. In portraying his lyrics and mili-tancy as stemming rom a long chain o multiple (and o en violent) limits to thecirculation o signs and people in the Alemão, Calazans offers an account that isat once a story o political commitment and a meta-story o how people attachto – or are affectedby – the other and the other’s stories.

o bring this paper to a close, we would like to emphasize the ollowing.While traveling through the multiple dimensions o social li e, meaning enacts

affect. Subjects bind to one another and to signs based on the social process oadhering to certain constructions o the circulation o discourse. Circulation,there ore, goes beyond manipulation and power; circulation ultimately tells ussomething about our undamental attachment to signs and to people.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank Elizabeth Lewis, Juliana Barbassa, and Viviane Veras ortheir insight ul comments on earlier dra s o this paper. Any remaining mistakesare our own. Tis study was partially unded by a Rio de Janeiro Research Foun-dation (FAPERJ) grant or human sciences research.


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ed. by Michael Silverstein and Greg Urban, 21–44. Chicago: University o Chicago Press.

About the authors

Daniel N. Silva is a Pro essor o Linguistics at the University o Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO). Hehas published in the elds o linguistic pragmatics and linguistic anthropology. His latest book,Pragmática da violência: o Nordeste na mídia brasileira [‘Pragmatics o Violence: the Nordeste in the Brazilian Media’], explores the relationship between language, violence, and social li e inContemporary Brazil.

Adriana Facina is Pro essor o Anthropology in the Museu Nacional at the Federal Universityo Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). She has researched urban experience and artistic creation, along withliteracy and the cultural industry in the avelas o Rio de Janeiro.(adriana. [email protected])

Adriana Carvalho Lopes is Pro essor o Linguistics in the Multidisciplinary Center o Educa-tion at the Federal Rural University o Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ). She has been doing ethnograph-ic work with the subaltern youths o Rio de Janeiro since 2004.([email protected])

http://oglobo.globo.com/rio/ocupacao-na-vila-cruzeiro-complexo-do-alemao-analista-israelense-traca-paralelo-entre-rio-2918376http://oglobo.globo.com/rio/ocupacao-na-vila-cruzeiro-complexo-do-alemao-analista-israelense-traca-paralelo-entre-rio-2918376http://oglobo.globo.com/rio/ocupacao-na-vila-cruzeiro-complexo-do-alemao-analista-israelense-traca-paralelo-entre-rio-2918376http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/apr/12/rio-de-janeiro-police-occupy-slumshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/apr/12/rio-de-janeiro-police-occupy-slumshttp://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511621031.004http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1996.6.2.161http://www.upprj.com/mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]://www.upprj.com/http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1996.6.2.161http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511621031.004http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/apr/12/rio-de-janeiro-police-occupy-slumshttp://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/apr/12/rio-de-janeiro-police-occupy-slumshttp://oglobo.globo.com/rio/ocupacao-na-vila-cruzeiro-complexo-do-alemao-analista-israelense-traca-paralelo-entre-rio-2918376http://oglobo.globo.com/rio/ocupacao-na-vila-cruzeiro-complexo-do-alemao-analista-israelense-traca-paralelo-entre-rio-2918376http://oglobo.globo.com/rio/ocupacao-na-vila-cruzeiro-complexo-do-alemao-analista-israelense-traca-paralelo-entre-rio-2918376


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Address or correspondence

Daniel N. SilvaEscola de LetrasAv. Pasteur, 436 – UrcaRio de Janeiro, RJ, Brazil22290-255

dns [email protected]
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]

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