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CONGRUENT REGULATION: DESIGNING THE OPTIMAL UTILITY REGIME Harriet Gray 16 June 2020 Student number: 3151406 College of Law Australian National University A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University © Copyright by Harriet Gray 2020 All Rights Reserved
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  • CONGRUENT REGULATION:

    DESIGNING THE OPTIMAL UTILITY REGIME

    Harriet Gray

    16 June 2020

    Student number: 3151406

    College of Law

    Australian National University

    A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of

    The Australian National University

    © Copyright by Harriet Gray 2020

    All Rights Reserved

  • i

    THESIS STATEMENT

    This thesis comprises only my original work except where acknowledgment

    has been made in the text of other material used.

    This thesis is less than 100,000 words (excluding footnotes, tables, figures,

    and appendices).

    Harriet Gray

    16 June 2020

  • ii

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For their advice:

    Stephen Bottomley, Peta Spender and Alex Bruce

    For their guidance on the initial proposal: Anne Plympton and Philip Williams

    For their participation: Geoff Andrews, Ron Ben-David, Warren Bennett, Paul Bilyk, Nick Brodribb, Brian Cassidy, Rob Chilov, Cristina Cifuentes, Drew Clarke, Teresa Corbin, Garth Crawford, Andrew Deitz, Rhondda Dickson, Joe Dimasi, Roman Domanski, Steve Edwell, John Feil, Ray Finkelstein, John Fullerton, Ian Greer, Eric Groom, Michelle Groves, Peter Harris, Chris Harvey, Matt Healy, Shanthi Herd, Greg Houston, Gordon Jardine, Sean Kelly, Stephen King, Tim Kuypers, David Marchant, Mick McCormack, Peter McIntyre, Justin Oliver, Cameron O’Reilly, Simon Ormsby, George Passmore, Mark Pearson, John Pierce, Anthony Pitt, Dave Poddar, Mark Pollock, Carmel Price, Tim Reardon, Andrew Reeves, Tim Rothwell, Graeme Samuel, Andrew Sheridan, Rod Shogren, Rod Sims, Tony Slatyer, Rajat Sood, David Stanford, Rick Stankiewicz, Geoff Swier, John Tamblyn, Sarah Udy, Simon Uthmeyer, Ivan Varughese, Tony Warren, Ed Willett, Don Woodrow, Luke Woodward and Richard York

    The views expressed by the author in this thesis do not necessarily reflect those of the persons listed above. The views expressed by the persons listed above and cited in this thesis do not necessarily reflect those of the organisations with which they are engaged.

  • iii

    ABSTRACT

    Picture a policy maker tasked with designing a regime to

    regulate a utility. What design principles will produce an

    optimal regime? This thesis develops the concept of

    congruent regulation where all the components of a regime

    work together. The thesis does not adjudicate on whether

    Australian governments were right to follow the international

    trend away from government monopoly provision of utilities

    towards private ownership, open competition and independent

    regulation of the bottleneck infrastructure. Instead, this thesis

    points out contradictions in the design of individual

    components of utility regimes: If market power justifies

    economic regulation of the bottleneck infrastructure, why are

    the components that are usually designed by lawyers such as

    the regulatory process, appeal mechanism and institutional

    structure not also tailored to market power? Can a

    government’s complex objectives really be achieved through

    the economists’ approach of designing price signals to deliver

    economic efficiency with non-economic objectives addressed

    through external instruments? In asking whether it is possible

    to develop principles for the design of a utility regime as a

    whole, this thesis develops a deceptively simple proposition:

    Regime objectives and market characteristics should drive the

    design of all the regime components subject to legacy issues.

    In practice, this principle can cause heated debates as lawyers

    and economists are challenged to give up cherished beliefs on

    regulatory design. And yet the alternative is perennial surprise

    when an incongruent regime does not deliver the intended

    results.

  • iv

    CONTENTS

    Page

    Introduction .……………………………………………………………… 1

    Part I Chapter 1 The research question: How to answer it? 15

    Chapter 2 Australian case study regimes .………….. 37

    Chapter 3 Designing a utility regime …….................. 84

    Chapter 4 Economic regulation in practice ………… 110

    Part II Chapter 5 Objectives: Price methodology …………... 158

    Chapter 6 Market power: Regulatory process …....... 221

    Chapter 7 Public and private ownership .….………… 262

    Chapter 8 Cross-business ownership: Ring-fencing and coordination ………….………………..

    280

    Chapter 9 Buyer characteristics: Consumer choice .. 303

    Chapter 10 Transitional issues …………... …………... 344

    Part III Chapter 11 Congruent regulation ……………………... 373

    Conclusion ………………………………………………………………. 399

    Appendices

    A Interview methodology .………..…………………………... 401

    B Australian regimes: Overview ...…………....……...…….... 410

    C Australian regimes: Cases ....……………....……...…….... 461

    Shortened forms .………………………………………………………… 502

    Bibliography .……………………………………………………….…..... 510

  • 1

    INTRODUCTION

    Source: http://www.lhc.ac.uk

    The picture above is of the Large Hadron Collider (LHC) – a machine that

    runs for 27km in a circular tunnel beneath the Swiss/French border at

    Geneva.1 As a result of collisions of particles, it is possible that the LHC

    could create mini ‘wormholes’ and so allow a form of time travel.2 If time

    travel is feasible, it is likely to revolutionise economies across the world. It

    would be a ‘public utility’3 – at least, for those countries that could afford it (the

    27km LHC cost AU$6.27 billion to build).4 Just like the Roman censor Appius

    Claudius Caecus when faced with unmet demand for water and the need for

    a road to defeat the Samnites5 or Lieutenant Menzies when tasked with

    developing the New South Wales ‘Coal Harbour and Hunter’s River’,6 a

    government would have to decide: What intervention (regulation) is needed to

    achieve the desired outcomes for time travel? Time travel provides the

    scenario for a Gedankenexperiment (thought experiment)7 to address the

    question: Is there an optimal design for a utility regime?

    1 http://www.lhc.ac.uk (accessed 18 August 2016). 2 Although only subatomic particles would be small enough to travel through the

    mini ‘wormholes’: Roger Highfield, ‘Time Travellers from the Future ‘Could be Here in Weeks’’, The Telegraph (6 February 2008) www.telegraph.co.uk.

    3 Public utility is defined in chapter 1. 4 Geneva Correspondents, ‘What is the Large Hadron Collider?’, The Australian

    (4 July 2012) www.theaustralian.com.au. The LHC was completed in 2008. The cost was 6.03 billion Swiss francs (AU$6.27 billion dollars, using the conversion rate as at the date of the article).

    5 Gregory S. Aldrete, Daily Life in the Roman City: Rome, Pompeii, and Ostia (Greenwood Press, 2004) digital loc 294; Mary Beard, SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome (Profile Books, 2015) digital loc 1796.

    6 Governor King to Lieutenant Menzies, 14 March 1804, Historical Records of New South Wales Vol 5: King 1803-1805 (Southwood Press, 1979) 361.

    7 James Robert Brown and Yiftach Fehige, ‘Thought Experiments’ in Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2016 Edition)

  • Introduction

    2

    But perhaps the question asked by this thesis is too broad? The thesis limits

    the scope of the question by defining ‘public utility’ and ‘optimal economic

    regulatory regime’ (also referred to as a ‘utility regime’ in this thesis).

    Adapting Sleeman’s work from 1953,8 the thesis stipulates four characteristics

    of a ‘public utility’. First, a public utility is a supplier of a service

    (e.g. telecommunications) rather than a good (e.g. bread or ale9) – or, at

    least, a service is an integral component of the supply chain10 (e.g. delivery of

    electricity or natural gas). Secondly, the public utility is regarded as

    ‘essential’ – end-users require a constant and reliable service (e.g. water).

    Thirdly, the supply chain or, at least, the service component, is a natural

    monopoly (e.g. a single airport can serve the market at lower cost than a

    combination of two or more airports). Usually, this is due to a large part of the

    cost being fixed (e.g. the cost of a rail track is not dependent on the level of

    usage). However, the natural monopoly component could arise, not from

    capital investment, but from other characteristics such as the need to provide

    a ubiquitous service including in remote areas where volumes are low and

    populations dispersed (e.g. postal delivery). The third characteristic

    contributes to the fourth. From the point of view of the consumer, the service

    component is non-transferable (e.g. if the coal port operator raises the price,

    the user cannot easily store the service, postpone their demand to another

    point in time, or transfer their demand to a substitutable service).

    In contrast to ‘public utility’, the thesis expansively defines ‘regulation’ as

    government action that is intended to influence the way people behave.11

    http://plato.stanford.edu/cgi-bin/encyclopedia/archinfo.cgi?entry=thought-experiment (accessed 18 August 2016).

    8 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953). See chapter 1 of the thesis.

    9 From the middle ages, England had long-standing legal provisions controlling the price of bread, wine and ale: Ian Mortimer, The Time Traveller’s Guide to Medieval England (Random House, 2009) digital loc 1877. In Australia, in 1985, float glass, beer, cigarettes, tea, instant coffee and concrete roof tiles were declared, along with telecommunications and postal services, under the Prices Surveillance Act 1983 (Cth): Prices Surveillance Authority, Annual Report of the Prices Surveillance Authority 1984–1985 (AGPS, 1985).

    10 ‘Supply chain’, along with the interchangeable term, ‘production chain’, is defined in chapter 1.

    11 As discussed in chapter 1, the thesis adopts Windholz and Hodge’s approach to defining regulation. Although regulation can be undertaken by any part of society, for the purpose of this thesis, the question is being asked from the perspective of government (although government may elect to reply upon

  • Introduction

    3

    Regulation can thus range from legal rules to moral persuasion or reliance

    upon ‘self-regulation’. However, the focus of the thesis is limited to

    ‘economic’ regulation’ where the government intervenes in market decisions,

    such as price, output, rate of return, market entry or exit, and competition.

    This excludes broad areas of regulation applying to public utilities such as

    corporate law, taxation, occupational health and safety and industrial relations

    – although the thesis examines the design of economic regulatory regimes to

    achieve objectives other than economic efficiency such as equity and

    environmental protection. An ‘optimal’ regime for the economic regulation of

    a utility is defined in this thesis as one which is effective in achieving the

    stated objectives, and efficient in terms of maximising the benefits to the

    community, taking into account the costs.

    Is it necessary to narrow further the scope of the thesis? One person

    interviewed for the thesis in fact commented, in respect of the proposed

    research topic on designing an optimal utility regime:12 I actually think that it’s not answerable – although that doesn't mean that it's

    not worthwhile, particularly for the qualitative elements.

    One option would be to confine the thesis to a particular component of a utility

    regime such as Ottow’s work on good agency principles for market and

    competition authorities.13 In fact, the thesis could focus on one

    subcomponent such as the Australian Productivity Commission report on

    auditing a regulator’s performance.14 However, this would miss the

    opportunity to explore one of the most interesting insights to come out of the

    regimes studied in this thesis – the interaction between the components of a

    utility regime.

    The thesis could be limited to a particular country such as Australia.

    However, varying geographic, economic and social characteristics do not

    instruments such as self-regulation). Eric Windholz and Graeme A. Hodge, ‘Conceptualising Social and Economic Regulation: Implications for Modern Regulators and Regulatory Activity’ (2012) 38(2) Monash University Law Review 212.

    12 Interview, 2012. The role of interviews as part of the research methodology is described later in this introduction and in chapter 1 and appendix A.

    13 Annetje Ottow, Market & Competition Authorities: Good Agency Principles (Oxford University Press, 2015).

    14 Productivity Commission, Regulator Audit Framework (2014).

  • Introduction

    4

    obviate the practical need to articulate common principles for designing utility

    regimes. The question arises each time the World Bank provides guidance

    on the development of infrastructure,15 the European Union (EU) issues a directive to member nations prescribing requirements for national utility

    regimes,16 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Energy

    Regulators’ Network discusses regional cooperation,17 or the Australian

    Commonwealth, States and Territories negotiate an intergovernmental

    agreement setting out agreed principles for utility regulation.18

    Yet one possible complication is that each utility industry has unique market

    characteristics. As an interviewee commented:19 Post is a very different business to a lot of the other utilities. I know every

    utility probably says ‘oh we're very different’, but 95 per cent of our cost

    base on reserved services is operations and maintenance and 5 per cent is

    capital.

    Do these unique characteristics make it impossible to develop cross-industry

    principles for utility regime design?

    In the 1990s, Gunningham and Grabosky addressed a similar challenge in

    the context of environmental regulation. The types of policies that will work

    for issues such as ozone depletion, greenhouse effect, toxic waste or land

    clearing will vary. However, despite the context-specific nature of each issue,

    Gunningham and Grabosky developed abstract principles to guide the choice

    of regulatory instruments (which they describe as ‘smart regulation’).20

    15 See, e.g., Ashley C. Brown, Jon Stern, Bernard Tenenbaum and Defne

    Gencer, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), Handbook for Evaluating Infrastructure Regulatory Systems (2006).

    16 E.g. Directive 2002/19/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 7 March 2002 on access to, and interconnection of, electronic communications networks and associated facilities (Access Directive).

    17 E.g. Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Joint Ministerial Statement of the 29th ASEAN Ministers on Energy Meeting (AMEM) (Jerudong, Brunei Darussalam, 20 September 2011).

    18 E.g. Competition Principles Agreement (11 April 1995, as amended to 13 April 2007). As discussed in chapter 2 of the thesis, revisions to the Agreement were canvassed in the Competition Policy Review (Ian Harper, Peter Anderson, Su McCluskey and Michael O’Bryan) that concluded in 2015: Competition Policy Review, Final Report (March 2015).

    19 Interview, 2012. 20 Neil Gunningham and Peter Grabosky with Darren Sinclair, Smart Regulation:

    Designing Environmental Policy (Oxford University Press, 1998).

  • Introduction

    5

    This thesis similarly asks whether it is possible to develop principles for the

    design of utility regimes despite the unique characteristics of each country or

    industry. However, in contrast to ‘smart regulation’, this thesis is not

    restricted to the different instruments that may be used for utility regulation

    (for example, the choice between competition for the market, competition law,

    moral persuasion, price monitoring, negotiate-arbitrate, and upfront price

    regulation). A narrow focus on the regulatory tool would miss the interaction

    between the components. It also fails to address the reality faced by policy

    makers – our time travel policy maker cannot simply determine the regulatory

    instrument then turn off their office light and head home.

    This thesis argues that, despite the unique characteristics of each country

    and industry, it is possible to draw out twelve questions that a policy maker

    (whether it be our time travel policy maker or Edward Cardwell, who

    developed the United Kingdom’s (UK) Railway and Canal Traffic Regulation

    of 1854)21 must ask themselves when designing a utility regime.22 In

    summary, these regime components are:

    1. Objectives: What are the government’s objectives for the industry?

    2. Market structure: Should the service component and/or related markets

    across the supply chain be open to competition? Will a business that

    operates in one part of the supply chain be allowed to operate in other

    parts of that chain (vertical integration) or to operate competing

    businesses (horizontal integration)?

    3. Ownership: What parts of the supply chain should be publicly or privately

    owned?

    4. Identifying what should be regulated: What part of the supply chain should

    be subject to economic regulation?

    5. Regulatory tool: What tool or instrument(s) should be used to regulate the

    utility service? For example, competition for the market, competition law,

    21 The Act imposed on the companies the obligation to provide reasonable

    facilities and avoid undue preference: An Act for the better regulation of the Traffic on Railways and Canals (1854) 17 & 18 Vict. C.31. See Timothy Leunig and Nicholas Crafts, Did Early Utility Regulation Work? An Investigation of British Railway Regulation Prior to the First World War (The Public Services Program Discussion Paper Series No. 0804, August 2008).

    22 See chapter 3.

  • Introduction

    6

    moral persuasion, price monitoring, negotiate-arbitrate, and/or upfront

    price regulation?

    6. Price methodology: What methodology should be used to regulate the

    price for the utility service?

    7. Non-price terms: How should the non-price terms (upon which the

    regulated service is supplied) be regulated?

    8. Non-economic objectives: How should non-economic objectives be

    addressed?

    9. Making new markets work: What other provisions are required to facilitate

    the operation of the markets that are open to competition? For example,

    facilitation of consumer engagement in the new markets; or enforcement

    mechanisms to prevent people from exceeding the allocation that they

    purchase on the market (such as water in the Murray-Darling Basin).

    10. Regulatory process: What process and approach should the economic

    regulator follow when making decisions? Should there be an appeal

    mechanism for the economic regulator’s decisions? How should the

    regime be kept up-to-date?

    11. Institutional structure: What policy making and regulatory institutions are

    required?

    12. Legacy and transitional issues: Are there any legacy and transitional

    issues that will constrain the design of the preceding components?

    These regime components were developed by reviewing eight Australian

    case study regimes:23

    1. telecommunications (1997)

    2. postal services (1994)

    3. airports (1996)

    4. electricity (1996)

    5. natural gas (1997)

    6. interstate rail (2002)

    7. Hunter Valley coal supply chain (2011)

    8. irrigation services in the Murray-Darling Basin (2007).

    23 See chapter 2.

  • Introduction

    7

    The strength of the case studies is that they cross multiple industries. The

    weakness is that the case study regimes are not necessarily a

    comprehensive guide to the components that should be contained in a utility

    regime. To understand the effectiveness (or otherwise) of the case study

    regimes in practice, 61 interviews were conducted with participants across the

    regimes, and all of the appeal decisions and government-initiated policy

    reviews that occurred in respect of the regimes, were analysed.24

    Having identified twelve components of a utility regime, have we given our

    time travel policy maker sufficient assistance to fill out that blank sheet of

    paper titled ‘Time Travel White Paper’ or ‘Government media release:

    Mapping the time travel industry of the future’? Unfortunately, our policy

    maker is unlikely to be particularly appreciative. Assuming that there are

    twelve regime components, and that for each component, there are (at least)

    two options, this would produce 4,096 different regime designs. An analogy

    is a children’s ‘flip the pages’ book which combines different parts of animals,

    and which produces 4,096 different pictures to analyse. How is our time

    travel policy maker to consider all of the pictures, and conclude that the

    design on page 3,604 is optimal?

    The thesis argues that, conceptually, these twelve regime components

    provide a formula (an optimisation equation) for what should be contained in a

    utility regime.25 An ‘optimisation’ problem is commonly expressed as a

    mathematical equation.26 For example, the operator of the Australian national

    electricity market uses a highly complex algorithm to determine the optimal

    dispatch of electrical power given physical and economic constraints.27 A

    policy maker, in designing a regime for the regulation of a public utility, faces

    an analogous task: How should regime components 2 to 11 be designed

    (given the legacy constraints in component 12) to deliver the objectives in

    component 1?

    24 See appendices B & C. 25 See chapters 1 and 3. 26 Gordon Mills, Optimisation in Economic Analysis (Allen & Unwin, 1984). 27 Australian Energy Market Operator, An Introduction to Australia’s National

    Energy Market (July 2010); Australian Energy Market Operator, Dispatch Constraint Violation Penalty Factors (Document No. 140-0011, 1 July 2010).

  • Introduction

    8

    This thesis develops the concept of ‘congruent regulation’, drawing upon

    Grabosky’s concept of ‘counterproductive regulation’28 and Feaver and

    Sheehy’s concept of ‘coherent regulation’.29 The components of a utility

    regime are interrelated. One interviewee likened utility regulation to a Rubik’s

    Cube – if you change one square then you have to change the other

    squares.30 A ‘congruent’ or ‘harmonious’ utility regime is one where all the

    components work together to deliver the regime objectives.

    This raises the question: Can we find an existing theory that informs the

    design of each utility regime component to reduce the risk of regulatory

    failure?31 The theory that appears to come closest to performing this function

    was developed by Biggar in 2012. Biggar argues that utility regulation should

    seek to protect the sunk investment of the customers of the monopoly firm.32

    To extend this theory to time travel, a firm may be reluctant to invest in a

    factory that relies on a time travel service because of the risk that, after the

    sunk investment has been made in the factory, the time travel natural

    monopoly service provider will increase the price. This theory shapes, not

    only the price methodology, but also other regime components such as the

    dispute resolution mechanism and the regulatory institutions. If the

    underlying theory is correct, then it should deliver what this thesis calls a

    ‘congruent regime’ where the components work together.

    The limitation of this approach is that it does not necessarily reflect the

    circumstances faced by the policy maker.33 As one interviewee put it:34 It all stems from the natural monopoly, efficiency and encouraging

    competition. But I think the argument about protecting the sunk investment

    of consumers is a bit simplistic. There’s an example of buying a house

    28 P.N. Grabosky, ‘Counterproductive Regulation’ (1995) 23 International Journal

    of the Sociology of Law 347. 29 Benedict Sheehy and Donald Feaver, ‘Designing Effective Regulation: A

    Normative Theory’ (2015) 38(1) University of New South Wales Law Journal 392.

    30 Interview, 2012. 31 The concept of ‘regulatory failure’ and values assumed in this thesis are

    discussed in chapter 1. 32 Darryl Biggar, The Economics of Public Utility Regulation: A New Approach

    (LuLu, 2012). 33 See chapter 5 of the thesis. 34 Interview, 2012.

  • Introduction

    9

    alongside a train track. But it’s really the notion of protecting 23 million

    consumers who need electricity, telecommunications, transport and so on.

    Instead, this thesis asks whether it is possible to identify factors that impact

    on the operation of each regime component. If the design of each component

    is then tailored to this factor, could this produce a ‘congruent regime’ where

    the components work together?

    This thesis argues that a ‘harmonious’ or ‘congruent’ regime can be

    developed by tailoring the design of each regime component to two key

    factors: the regime objectives and market characteristics. Regime objectives

    may encompass both economic efficiency and other objectives such as

    fairness and environmental protection. Market characteristics cover supply-

    side (e.g. whether the market is open to competition, whether the supplier is

    vertically or horizontally integrated, and whether the supplier is publicly or

    privately owned) and demand-side (e.g. whether the customer is a firm or

    household; and whether the customer has countervailing bargaining power).

    Part I of the thesis (chapters 1 to 4) provides the foundation for the thesis.

    Chapter 1 begins by introducing the time travel scenario which is used,

    throughout the thesis, to test the abstract principles for utility regime design

    which are drawn from the case study regimes. Chapter 1 then defines the

    research question, and explores alternative methodologies that could be used

    to answer the question. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the case study

    regimes. The chapter examines the evolution of the regimes since

    Federation from government owned monopolies towards ‘regulatory

    capitalism’.35

    From the case study regimes in chapter 2, chapter 3 draws out the twelve

    components of a utility regime. The contribution by economists to the design

    of an ‘optimal’ utility regime is discussed in chapter 3. From the 1990s, the

    dominant economic model has been to reflect the economic objective of

    efficient price/output and market characteristics by: opening the market to

    competition (component 2); at least, considering the options of vertically

    35 John Braithwaite, Regulatory Capitalism: How it Works, Ideas for Making it

    Work Better (Edward Elgar, 2008).

  • Introduction

    10

    separating the uncontestable bottleneck component of the utility supply chain

    (component 2) and transferring government owned utilities to private

    ownership (component 3); limiting price regulation to the natural monopoly

    service (component 4); tailoring the regulatory instrument to the extent of

    market power (component 5); designing the price methodology to provide

    incentives for the regulated firm to act efficiently (component 6); and

    achieving equity objectives through instruments other than the economic

    regulatory regime (component 8). This in turn should be supported through

    the model of an independent regulator (components 10 and 11). Chapter 4

    uses the electricity case study to introduce the problems that can arise when

    applying this approach in practice.

    Part II (chapters 5 to 10) of the thesis draws on the Australian case study

    regimes to explore six problems with the economic model of utility regulation

    outlined in chapter 3:

    1. Can a government’s objectives be achieved through price signals

    combined with external instruments governing non-economic objectives?

    Is the perfect price methodology really just around the corner?

    2. One appeal mechanism, two different outcomes: Why is a standard

    regulatory process used regardless of whether the regulated entity is a

    utility with a multi-billion market capitalisation or a refugee applicant?

    3. Why is the identical regulatory regime applied to government owned and

    privately owned utilities?

    4. Supplier characteristics: How should the cross-business ownership model

    impact on the design of non-price access terms (ring-fencing in the case

    of a vertically integrated utility, and coordination mechanisms in the case

    of vertical separation)?

    5. Buyer characteristics: How do buyer characteristics impact on new

    markets, and what is required to make newly liberalised markets work?

    6. How do legacy and transitional issues impact on the design of other

    regime components?

    To explain these six examples in more detail: Chapter 5 discusses how

    objectives should impact on the design of the price methodology used to

    regulate the bottleneck component of the utility supply chain. Despite the

    economic theory that the number of instruments should equal the number of

  • Introduction

    11

    desired values, chapter 5 argues that, where essential services are supplied

    to Australian households, the regulatory methodology should be tailored to

    deliver outcomes that are regarded as fair as well as economically efficient.

    Chapters 6 to 8 examine how the characteristics of the seller (market power,

    private or public ownership and cross-business ownership) should impact on

    utility regime design. As outlined in chapter 3, there is broad consensus that

    the regulatory instrument (the extent of government intervention) should be

    tailored to reflect market power. Chapter 6 examines whether this approach

    also needs to be extended to the components that are usually left to lawyers

    to design: the regulatory process, appeal mechanism and institutional

    structure. In summary, chapter 6 argues that the standard administrative

    decision making and review model produces different results depending on

    market power. The same legislative provision can result in an open,

    facilitative process (where the access provider has relatively low market

    power) or a highly adversarial process (where the access provider has

    relatively high market power with no strong natural contradictor). Chapter 6

    explores options on how the economists’ approach could be extended to the

    design of regime components 10 (regulatory process) and 11 (institutional

    structure).

    Whilst the question of privatisation is already covered by extensive research,

    chapter 7 asks whether ownership should change the design of other regime

    components (in particular, the price methodology, regulatory process and

    institutions). The chapter challenges the current Australian ‘one size fits all’

    model for publicly and privately owned utilities.

    Chapter 8 focuses on how the cross-business ownership model should

    impact on other regime components. As with public ownership, the question

    of whether utilities should be vertically integrated or separated has already

    been the subject of extensive prior literature with the debate focusing on the

    impact on economic efficiency of supply chain coordination versus promoting

    competition. However, once the policy maker has made the call on cross-

    business ownership, what does this mean for the remainder of the regime?

    For example, if the policy maker decides that the telecommunications

    incumbent should remain vertically integrated, is it incongruent to introduce

    ring-fencing provisions to prevent cross-subsidisation and transfer of

  • Introduction

    12

    information? Would it be a mistake to design the regime to promote access

    regulation as opposed to interconnectivity by other vertically integrated

    providers? Similarly, if vertical separation is the chosen model, should

    provisions also be included to facilitate coordination, and what lessons can be

    drawn from the Hunter Valley coal chain on how to achieve this?

    Chapter 9 focuses on how buyer characteristics should impact on utility

    regime design. Where services are provided to households and small

    businesses, utility regimes commonly include provisions to protect

    disadvantaged consumers. However, chapter 9 argues that utility regimes

    need to go further in tailoring regime components to buyer characteristics.

    The outcomes achieved in liberalised utility markets depend on the

    willingness of customers to compare what is on offer and switch providers.

    While the utility regimes developed in Australia in the 1990s focused on

    disadvantaged consumers, the regimes generally did not address the

    increased complexity and risk faced by all consumers. Chapter 9 discusses

    the design of provisions to facilitate consumer engagement in utility markets.

    Chapter 10 examines how legacy and transitional issues (component 12)

    should impact on the design of other regime components. Chapter 10

    discusses three problems that arose in practice under the Australian case

    study regimes: path dependency, and its impact on Murray-Darling Basin

    reforms; the failure to anticipate in the price methodology that the utility may

    cease to be a utility for some but not all consumers; and the failure to ensure

    that the costs and benefits of reform were shared equitably across society.

    While the concepts of path dependency and disruption due to new technology

    are well established, legacy and transitional issues continue to remain at the

    back of legislative reform packages for utilities, drafted in the dying moments

    of the policy process. Chapter 10 draws on the case study regimes to

    examine how legacy and transitional issues should be reflected in the regime

    as a whole.

    From Part II (chapters 5 to 10) of the thesis, Part III (chapter 11) asks whether

    it is possible to develop principles for designing the optimal utility regime. The

    chapter discusses the concept of ‘congruent regulation’ where the regime

    components must work in harmony to achieve the government’s objectives.

    The chapter argues that regime objectives and market characteristics should

  • Introduction

    13

    drive the design of all the regime components subject to legacy issues. This

    requires lawyers to accept that the standard consultation and appeal model

    benefits only the regulated entity and the advisory sector where there is

    relatively high market power and no natural contradictor. It requires

    economists to accept that the standard price methodology is unwieldy and

    politically unstainable where the methodology loses sight of the government’s

    multiple objectives. It requires: policy makers to fully think through the

    implications of cross-business ownership and legacy and transitional issues;

    regulators to recognise the real differences in the way public and private

    utilities operate; and economic consultants to think about whether the person

    who manages their household finances really wants to spend their weekend

    shopping around for the best electricity deal.

    However, there are limitations to the extent to which this research question

    can be answered. First, it is not possible, within one thesis, to examine in full

    the impact of objectives and market characteristics on every regime

    component. However, chapter 11 argues that the detailed analysis of the six

    issues covered in chapters 5 to 10 shows how the operation of one

    component of a utility regime can be undermined by the design of another

    component within the regime unless each component is tailored to the regime

    objectives and market characteristics.

    Second, the thesis does not determinatively conclude what a government’s

    objectives should be (regime component 1) or how a government should

    design supplier or buyer characteristics (market structure and ownership

    (regime components 2 & 3)) for a specific industry. As discussed in

    chapters 2 and 3, there is an international trend towards the use of

    competition (by removing statutory barriers) to promote economic efficiency

    and thus social welfare, and privatisation of previously government owned

    utilities. However, the point of chapter 11 is to examine how a government’s

    choices over objectives and market characteristics should flow through to the

    design of components 4 to 11 (subject to the usual transitional headache

    provided by the legacy and transitional issues raised by component 12).

    Many of the issues discussed in this thesis will be familiar to those who

    followed the debate in Australia in 2012 over rising energy prices. The

    genesis for commencing this thesis was a series of decisions made by the

  • Introduction

    14

    Australian Competition Tribunal in which regulated entities generally

    succeeded in appealing energy but not telecommunications decisions. As

    Australian household electricity prices increased by 35 per cent in real terms

    between 2007 and 2011,36 the Australian populace started to query the

    regulation of electricity networks (which account for up to 50 per cent of a

    typical customer’s electricity bill) along with rising wholesale electricity prices

    and retailer margins.37 A series of policy reviews conducted in 2012

    recognised the interaction between energy regime components, and the need

    for a holistic approach with the interests of Australian consumers as the

    touchstone.38

    The approach taken in this thesis is comparable to Train (an economist)

    examining, in 1991, how to regulate natural monopolies so as to induce them

    to produce and price optimally.39 The difference is that this thesis argues that

    the objectives are broader than economically efficient price/output. A utility

    regime can thus be defeated by Train’s narrow focus on economic efficiency.

    A utility regime is also more than just the price methodology. A utility regime

    can fail if the economist’s market analysis is not extended to all regime

    components including those that are usually left to the domain of lawyers

    such as the regulatory process and culture, appeal mechanisms and

    institutional structures. In essence, this thesis argues that a policy maker, in

    designing a time travel utility regime, is guaranteed to mess up the Rubik’s

    Cube if they rely only on the economic model that has dominated since the

    1990s.

    36 Australian Energy Regulator, Economic Regulation of Transmission and

    Distribution Network Service Providers: AER’s Proposed changes to the National Electricity Rules (September 2011) 4.

    37 Australian Energy Regulator, Economic Regulation of Transmission and Distribution Network Service Providers: AER’s Proposed changes to the National Electricity Rules (September 2011) 6.

    38 George Yarrow, Michael Egan and John Tamblyn, Review of the Limited Merits Review Regime: Stage Two Report (30 September 2012); Australian Government, Department of Resources, Energy and Tourism, Energy White Paper 2012: Australia’s Energy Transformation (October 2012); and Australian Energy Market Commission, Rule Determination: National Electricity Amendment (Economic Regulation of Network Service Providers) Rule 2012 and National Gas Amendment (Price and Revenue Regulation of Gas Services) Rule 2012 (29 November 2012).

    39 Kenneth E. Train, Optimal Regulation: The Economic Theory of Natural Monopoly (MIT Press, 1991).

  • 15

    PART I

    CHAPTER 1

    THE RESEARCH QUESTION: HOW TO ANSWER IT?

    1.1 Introduction

    Top left – London Time Travel Station Top right – LHC machine Bottom left – Time travel capsule Bottom right – Protest against time travel, Sydney – Georgia Glen, 2016

    Circular time travel tunnels have now been constructed underground by Firm

    Incumbent in the centres of New York, Berlin, London and Beijing. A

    customer (after purchasing a ticket) enters a capsule (similar in concept to a

    one-person railway carriage) which is then propelled, at an extraordinarily

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    16

    high speed (11,000 circuits per second) in beams of hadrons guided by

    massive superconducting magnets.1 When the beams are made to cross

    paths, the capsule arrives at the same starting location but at a different point

    in time nominated by the customer (the physical constraint being that the LHC

    must have existed at that point in time). A time travel station has also been

    proposed for Sydney, Australia – although many people are calling for a

    moratorium as occurred for coal seam gas fracking.2 Concerns include: the

    hazardous impact on human health; the unknown impact on the universe of

    changing the past in a way that alters the present (the butterfly effect and

    grandfather paradox);3 gaps in the criminal law;4 the challenges posed to

    industries such as gambling and insurance; and equity (universal access to

    the service). Despite these concerns, there have been many spin-off

    innovations ranging from time travel souvenirs to the new Apple Iphone TT

    which uses the beams of hadrons in the LHC to transmit signals to cell towers

    back in time. In addition, a new supplier, Firm New Entrant, has developed

    an improved version of the capsule which reduces the health risks. Firm New

    Entrant is seeking to use Firm Incumbent’s existing LHC machines rather

    than roll out duplicate tunnels – although Firm Incumbent has embarked on

    copyright proceedings against Firm New Entrant. While you (the time travel

    policy maker) are still trying to figure out how to use your electricity smart

    meter and to switch your lights on by clapping your hands, the younger

    generation is fully conversant with terms such as ATLAS, ALICE, CMS, LHCb

    and WLCG.5 What is your government going to do about this new industry?

    1 The time travel scenario is fictional but draws upon material from the LHC

    (Large Hadron Collider) Resource Portal: http://www.stfc.ac.uk/research/particle-physics-and-particle-astrophysics/large-hadron-collider/lhc-large-hadron-collider-resource-portal/.

    2 Australia, Parliament, Senate Select Committee on Unconventional Gas Mining, Interim Report (May 2016).

    3 Nicholas J.J. Smith, ‘Time Travel’ in Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2016 Edition) http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2016/entries/time-travel (accessed 26 August 2016).

    4 In one notorious case in New York, a person went back in time with the intent of killing their self.

    5 The beams inside the LHC are made to collide at four locations around the accelerator ring, corresponding to the positions of four particle detectors –ATLAS,CMS, ALICE and LHCb. WLCG refers to the Worldwide LHC Computing Grid which provides computing resources for the storage, distribution and analysis of the data generated by the LHC. See https://home.cern/science/accelerators/large-hadron-collider (accessed 3 June 2019).

    https://home.cern/about/how-detector-workshttps://home.cern/about/experiments/atlashttps://home.cern/about/experiments/cmshttps://home.cern/about/experiments/alicehttps://home.cern/about/experiments/lhcb

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    17

    This thesis focuses on one particular aspect confronting the time travel policy

    maker: the optimal design of an economic regulatory regime for the public

    utility. Two preliminary questions are addressed in this chapter: the meaning

    of the terms ‘public utility’ and ‘optimal utility regime’ which determine the

    scope of the research question (section 1.2); and the methodology used to

    answer the question (section 1.3).

    1.2 Research question: Scope

    What is a ‘public utility’?

    The concept of ‘public utility’ (also shortened to ‘utility’) derives from the

    ‘common carrier’ doctrine developed in English common law from 1300.6 The

    doctrine imposes a duty on a common carrier to serve all at a reasonable

    rate, and strict liability for the care of goods entrusted to it.7 The common

    carrier doctrine was subsequently used by the United States (US) Supreme

    Court in 1876 in Munn v Illinois as a basis for distinguishing between a bare

    private interest, and private property ‘affected with a public interest’.8 The

    Court concluded that, where private property is devoted to a public use, a

    State law regulating prices (in this case, the rates charged by grain elevators)

    did not contravene the prohibition in the US Constitution on States depriving a

    person of property without due process.9 By the early 1900s, such

    6 The terms ‘public utility’ and ‘common carrier’ are treated synonymously in

    Richard A. Posner, Economic Analysis of Law (Wolters Kluwer, 8th ed., 2011) 459.

    7 William A. Mogel and John P. Gregg, ‘Appropriateness of Imposing Common Carrier Status on Interstate Natural Gas Pipelines’ (2004) 25 Energy Law Journal 21 at 32. For example, the Supreme Court of California has held that a Disney roller coaster is a common carrier: see Mark A. Franklin, ‘California’s Extension of Common Carrier Liability to Roller Coasters and Similar Devices: An Examination of Gomez v. Superior Court of Los Angeles’ (Fall 2006) 34(1) Western State University Law Review 29.

    8 Munn v Illinois 94 US 113 (1876) at 126. 9 See Walter Clark, ‘The Right of the Public to Regulate the Charges of Common

    Carriers and of All Others Discharging Public, or Quasi-Public Duties’ (1897) 31 American Law Review 685. The basis for identifying businesses ‘clothed with a public interest’ was further discussed by the US Supreme Court in a 1923 decision (Chas. Wolff Packing Co v Court of Industrial Relations of State 262 US 522 (1923), 534). The Court identified three categories of businesses including businesses which had become public due to their ‘peculiarly close relation’ to the public (such as in Munn v Illinois). This was due to the ‘indispensable nature of the service’ and the ‘exorbitant charges’ to which the public might be subjected without regulation (in particular, the Court referred to

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    18

    businesses were commonly described as ‘public service corporations’10 or

    ‘public utilities’.11

    The US Supreme Court’s use of the ‘due process’ clause to invalidate

    legislation regulating business was eventually overturned in the 1930s.12

    However, the term ‘public utility’ was adopted by other countries and has

    remained in use.13 In Australia, for example, in the 1890s constitutional

    debates, the South Australian delegate, in comparing Australian with US

    colony investment in railways, referred to ‘those great state utilities’.14 The

    term continues to be used across the world e.g. Australia’s ‘Utility Regulators

    Forum’;15 the US National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners;16

    Egypt’s Electric Utility and Consumer Protection Regulatory Agency;17 Latvia’s

    the regulation of rates ‘to avoid monopoly’). The other two categories were: businesses carried on under a public grant of privileges which imposes a duty to provide a service to a member of the public; and certain ‘exceptional’ occupations where the public interest has been ‘recognized from earliest times’ (such as keepers of inns).

    10 See, for example, N. Matthews Jr. and W.G. Thompson, ‘Public Service Company Rates and the Fourteenth Amendment’ (1901-1902) 15 Harvard Law Review 249. In 1907, the US State of New York created a ‘Public Service Commission’ to regulate businesses ‘engaged in serving the public’ (including rail, electricity, gas and telephone services): State of New York, Public Service Commission, Second District, First Annual Report (1908) and Fourth Annual Report (1911) 7-9 at http://www.archive.org (accessed 26 October 2011).

    11 See, for example, Christopher G. Tiedeman, ‘Government Ownership of Public Utilities’ (1902-1903) 16 Harvard Law Review 476; and William H. Baily, ‘The Control of Public Utilities’ (1904) 12 The American Lawyer 444. The State of New Jersey established a ‘Board of Public Utilities’ in 1911: Institute of Public Utilities Regulatory Research and Education, Michigan State University, Public Service Commission Origins and Evolution (August 2011) at http://ipu.msu.edu (accessed 26 October 2011).

    12 In the 1930s, the US Supreme Court reinterpreted the ‘due process’ clause so that the validity of a price control no longer depended on whether the business was ‘affected with a public interest’. See Keith M. Howe and Eugene F. Rasmussen, Public Utility Economics and Finance (Prentice-Hall, 1982) chapter 3.

    13 By the 1930s, the term ‘public utility’ was also in common usage in Britain: Marshall E. Dimock, British Public Utilities and National Development (George Allen & Unwin, 1933) 22.

    14 J.H. Gordon, Australasian Federal Convention (Third Session, Melbourne, 22 February 1898).

    15 The Forum was established in 1997 by Commonwealth, State and Territory regulators with responsibility for utility regulation: http://www.accc.gov.au/content/index.phtml/itemId/3894 (accessed 22 January 2013).

    16 https://www.naruc.org/ (accessed 3 June 2019). 17 http://www.egyptera.org/en/ (accessed 26 August 2016).

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    19

    Public Utilities Commission;18 Jamaica’s Office of Utilities Regulation;19

    Singapore’s Public Utilities Board;20 and Ghana’s Public Utilities Regulatory

    Commission.21

    While the term ‘public utility’ is legal in origin, it applies to a combination of

    economic and social facts.22 For the purpose of this thesis, the most relevant

    definition of ‘public utility’ was developed by Sleeman, a British economist, in

    1953.23 Sleeman commences by defining a public utility as a supplier of a

    service rather than a good. Although water and gas (and, as the Australian

    Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has also contended,

    electricity)24 are physical commodities, the service component is integral to

    the end-user25 – consumers require a ‘constant and reliable service’ laid on to

    their ‘house or factory’.26 Sleeman also defines the service as a basic service

    ‘on which the life of the country depends’.27

    18 http://erranet.org/AboutUs/Members/Profiles/Latvia (accessed 26 August

    2016). 19 http://www.our.org.jm/ourweb/ (accessed 26 August 2016). 20 https://www.pub.gov.sg/ (accessed 26 August 2016). 21 http://www.purc.com.gh/ (accessed 26 August 2016). 22 Irston R. Barnes, The Economics of Public Utility Regulation (F.S. Crofts & Co,

    1942) 1. 23 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 3-4 and

    chapter II. 24 Electricity Supply Assoc of Australia Ltd v Australian Competition and

    Consumer Commission [2001] FCA 1296 (12 September 2001). The applicant contended that a supplier under an electricity supply contract was not liable for damage resulting from a power surge or power brown-out caused by acts beyond the reasonable control of the supplier. In contrast, the ACCC argued that electricity supply contracts with consumers were subject to the implied conditions under the former Trade Practices Act 1974 which required goods to be of merchantable quality and reasonably fit for the purpose for which they are known to be acquired.

    25 An end-user is the ultimate consumer of the good or service. The concept is explained in the Explanatory Memorandum for the Trade Practices Amendment (Telecommunications) Bill 1996 (Cth) (under the heading ‘Proposed section 152AB - Object of this Part'):

    The term ‘end-users' recognises that telecommunications networks and services are used both by customers with a direct contractual relationship with a carrier or service provider and other end-users of carriage or content services (such as the members of a customer's household).

    The Australian Competition Tribunal, in relation to pay television, considered that ‘end-users’ included (or potentially included): subscribers and other viewers in their households; and businesses where people congregate (such as hotels): Re Seven Network Limited (No 4) [2004] ACompT 11 (23 December 2004) at [120].

    26 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 8. 27 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 9.

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    20

    This leads to Sleeman’s second characteristic of a public utility.28 A large

    capital investment is required to supply a regular and reliable service. The

    first and second characteristics lead to the third.29 From the point of view of

    the consumer, the service is non-transferable. If the service supplier raises

    the price, a consumer cannot easily store the service, postpone their demand

    to another point in time, or transfer their demand to another supplier.

    From these three characteristics (nature of the service, the importance of

    fixed capital and non-transferability of demand), Sleeman identified a fourth

    characteristic, natural monopoly.30 The market31 for time travel would be a

    natural monopoly if a single firm can serve that market at lower cost than a

    combination of two or more firms (that is, the long run average cost curve falls

    continuously over a large range of output).32 Since there is this element of

    natural monopoly, a fifth characteristic is that public utilities must be subject to

    government regulation to prevent monopoly exploitation.33

    However, these five characteristics require qualification. Sleeman’s first

    characteristic (nature of the service) in fact incorporates two tests. First, a

    public utility is a supplier of a service – or, at least, a service is an integral

    component of the supply chain. Secondly, the public utility is considered to

    be ‘essential’. For example, time travel could not be declared under

    Australia’s national access regime in Part IIIA of the Competition and

    Consumer Act 2010 (Cth) (CC Act) unless, among other things, it is a

    ‘service’ and it is provided by means of a facility that is ‘of national

    28 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 3-4 and 9-

    11. Where the public utility involves the delivery of a good, the production of the good may also have high fixed costs (e.g. electricity power stations or natural gas exploration and production).

    29 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 4 and 11-13.

    30 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 4 and 13-14.

    31 Economists use the term ‘natural monopoly’ to describe the characteristics of a firm in contrast to ‘perfect competition’ which describes the characteristics of a market. In the real world, policy makers just roll their eyes when economists make this pedantic distinction.

    32 Joshua Gans, Stephen King, Robin Stonecash and N. Gregory Mankiw, Principles of Economics (Cengage Learning, 4th ed., 2009) 318-319.

    33 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 4.

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    21

    significance’.34 The notion of an ‘essential service’ is discussed in more detail

    in chapter 5.

    The concept of a service being part of a supply chain also requires

    elaboration. As outlined in chapter 2, since the 1990s, Australian

    governments have, in respect of markets traditionally served by statutory

    monopolies, generally sought to introduce competition where possible, and to

    regulate access to the ‘bottlenecks’ (services supplied by facilities that exhibit

    natural monopoly characteristics and to which businesses require access in

    order to compete in upstream or downstream markets).35 For example,

    vertically integrated36 government owned electricity utilities were separated

    into network businesses (the poles and wires) and generation and retail.37 In

    certain Australian States and Territories, the electricity retail market is

    regarded as effectively competitive – an end-user can transfer to another

    electricity retailer.38 However, does this mean that electricity retail has ceased

    to be regarded as a public utility? Chapter 5 argues that the whole of the

    chain is still regarded as something ‘on which the life of the country

    depends’.39 For the purpose of this thesis, the term ‘public utilities’ includes

    businesses that operate in a competitive market but which form part of a

    supply chain that incorporates Sleeman’s natural monopoly service provider.40

    34 CC Act s 44CA(1)(c). The history and operation of Part IIIA of the CC Act is

    described in chapter 2 of this thesis. 35 Independent Committee of Inquiry, National Competition Policy (AGPS, 1993)

    239. 36 A service provider is ‘vertically integrated’ where it also competes in a market

    in which the service is a production input. Another relevant concept used in this thesis is ‘horizontal integration’ (where a firm takes over a competitor in the same market): see the Explanatory Memorandum to the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer Safeguards) Bill 2010 (Cth).

    37 An overview of electricity regulation in Australia is set out in chapter 2 of this thesis.

    38 In 2016, the Australian Energy Market Commission found that retail competition remains effective for electricity markets in South East Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia. Electricity retail competition is less effective in the Australian Capital Territory and effective competition is yet to emerge in Tasmania and regional Queensland. Australian Energy Market Commission, Retail Competition Review (Final report, 30 June 2016).

    39 This is evidenced by the obligations imposed by Australian governments on energy retailers to protect disadvantaged consumers: National Energy Retail Law set out in the schedule to the National Energy Retail Law (South Australia) Act 2011 (SA).

    40 A supply chain is the set of business functions involved in fulfilling a customer’s request. See Sunil Chopra and Peter Meindl, Supply Chain Management: Strategy, Planning, and Operation (Prentice Hall, 4th ed., 2010) 2.

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    22

    Two additional terms also need to be explained: ‘infrastructure’ and ‘supply

    chain’. In response to the changing role of government, public policy dialogue

    in Australia has shifted from ‘public utilities’ to ‘economic infrastructure’.41

    ‘Infrastructure’ has been defined as the structural elements of the economy

    that provide basic services to industry and households.42 Such facilities are

    often categorised as either economic or social.43 ‘Economic infrastructure’

    usually forms part of a network,44 and is an input to production processes

    (such as roads, ports, railways, airports, electricity and gas supply, water and

    sewerage services and telecommunications services – and possibly also time

    travel).45 ‘Social infrastructure’ (such as schools, hospitals, prisons and public

    housing) is directed at providing community services.46 (In practice,47

    quantitative studies of Australia’s ‘economic infrastructure’ often include both

    the physical service delivery network and the related businesses.)48 The shift

    41 E.g. Infrastructure Australia was created in 2008. 42 Alison Smith, Economic Infrastructure in Australia (Research Paper No. 4, The

    Treasury, 1992) 3. 43 Productivity Commission, Annual Review of Regulatory Burdens on Business:

    Social and Economic Infrastructure Services (Research Report, August 2009). The distinction between economic and social infrastructure is blurred. Social infrastructure (such as education) can affect economic efficiency whilst economic infrastructure (such as universal access to a telecommunications service) may deliver social objectives: Economic Planning Advisory Council, Economic Infrastructure in Australia (June 1988) 7. In Australia, as at 1995, about 70 per cent of infrastructure was classified as economic and the remaining 30 per cent as social: Private Infrastructure Task Force, Economic Planning Advisory Commission, Interim Report (May 1995) 27.

    44 Michael Klein, Competition in Network Industries (Policy Research Working Paper No 1591, The World Bank, Private Sector Development Department, 1996).

    45 Private Infrastructure Task Force, Economic Planning Advisory Commission, Final Report (September 1995) 5.

    46 Alison Smith, Economic Infrastructure in Australia (Research Paper No. 4, The Treasury, 1992) 3.

    47 See, for example, Productivity Commission, Trends in Australian Infrastructure Prices 1990-91 to 2000-01 (Performance Monitoring, May 2002). In these cases, the terms ‘economic infrastructure’ and ‘public utility’ appear to be synonymous. However, in this thesis (unless otherwise indicated) the term ‘infrastructure’ is used to refer only to the service delivery network (Sleeman’s natural monopoly service provider).

    48 The definition of ‘related business’ depends on an understanding of the terms ‘competition’, ‘market’ and ‘market power’: • ‘Competition’ is a state of ongoing rivalry between firms – rivalry in terms

    of price, service, technology and quality. • A ‘market’ is the space in which rivalry takes place. The key to market

    definition is substitution. The two main dimensions of substitution are product and geographic. Market definition usually begins by selecting a product supplied by a firm in a particular geographic area and incrementally broadening the market to include the next closest substitute

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    23

    away from vertically integrated government owned utilities has in turn

    increased focus on the ‘supply (or production) chain’ – the series of stages

    involved in producing a product or service that is delivered to the end

    customer.49

    A final comment on Sleeman’s first characteristic of a public utility is that, at

    some point in the future, there may no longer even be a requirement for a

    service to be an integral component of the supply chain. For example,

    developing technologies such as photovoltaics, batteries and cogen may lead

    to stand-alone distributed electricity generation systems in place of grids such

    as the interconnected Australian national electricity market.50 A country’s

    Energy Utility could become responsible for installing, and maintaining, such

    systems rather than operating large-scale power stations (e.g. coal-fired, gas

    and nuclear powered plants) and transmitting electricity over long distances.

    The second qualification to Sleeman’s definition of a ‘public utility’ concerns

    the requirement that there be a large capital investment for the delivery of the

    service or good. In the case of time travel, a large component of the cost of

    providing a time travel service would be fixed (that is, not dependent on the

    until all close substitutes for the initial product are included. There are two types of substitution: demand-side substitution (customer-switching) and supply-side substitution (supplier-switching).

    • The greater the degree of competition in a market, the less ‘market power’ each market participant will possess. A ‘competitive market’ is one in which a single economic actor cannot have a substantial influence on market prices.

    • If the product produced in one market is a production input for a second market, then that second market is called a ‘related market’ (also an ‘upstream or downstream market’ or ‘dependent market’).

    See Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, Merger Guidelines (November 2008) 10 & 15-16; and Joshua Gans, Stephen King, Robin Stonecash and N. Gregory Mankiw, Principles of Economics (Cengage Learning, 4th ed., 2009) 865. For an example of the terms ‘dependent market’ and ‘related market’, see In the matter of Fortescue Metals Group Limited [2010] ACompT 2 (30 June 2010).

    49 Michael Klein, Competition in Network Industries (Policy Research Working Paper No 1591, The World Bank, Private Sector Development Department, 1996). For example, in 1997, in the context of proposed amendments to the national access regime, the Commonwealth Assistant Treasurer distinguished between monopoly services and services used by household consumers at the end of the ‘production chain’ (such as electricity): Second reading debate on the Trade Practices Amendment (Industry Access Codes) Bill 1996: Australia, Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 13 February 1997, 681 (Senator Kemp, Assistant Treasurer).

    50 Rajab Khalilpour and Anthony Vassallo, ‘Leaving the Grid: An Ambition or a Real Choice?’ (2015) 82(C) Energy Policy 207.

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Photovoltaicshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battery_(electricity)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cogenhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Power_stationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Combined_cyclehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    24

    level of usage or output).51 However, in the case of Australia Post, even

    though operating costs comprise the major part of the total cost of providing

    letter services,52 Australia Post is still regarded as a ‘utility’.53 The natural

    monopoly component arises, not from capital investment, but the provision of

    a ubiquitous service including in remote areas where volumes are low and

    populations dispersed.54 Sleeman’s second requirement of a large capital

    investment is therefore, for the purpose of this thesis, not essential to the

    definition of a utility. Rather, this thesis treats Sleeman’s fourth characteristic

    (that the production chain or, at least, the service component, be a natural

    monopoly) as the third requirement.

    Sleeman’s third characteristic (the service is non-transferable) should in fact

    be the fourth, and final, requirement. A service provider could be a natural

    monopoly but not have market power due to substitutable services (e.g. the

    choice between road or rail transport). Sleeman’s fifth characteristic (the

    application of regulation) is treated, in this thesis, as a regime component

    rather than part of the definition of a ‘public utility’.

    Adapting Sleeman’s approach, this thesis thus stipulates four characteristics

    of a ‘public utility’:

    • a public utility is a supplier of a service – or, at least (for the present time),

    a service is an integral component of the supply chain;

    • the public utility is regarded as ‘essential’;

    • the supply chain or, at least, the service component, is a natural

    monopoly; and

    • the natural monopoly component of the supply chain has market power.

    51 Joshua Gans, Stephen King, Robin Stonecash and N. Gregory Mankiw,

    Principles of Economics (Cengage Learning, 4th ed., 2009) 864. Another relevant concept used in this thesis is ‘sunk costs’ (costs that have been incurred, and cannot be recovered): John B. Taylor & Lionel Frost, Microeconomics (John Wiley & Sons, 4th ed., 2009) 406.

    52 Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, Australian Postal Corporation 2010 Price Notification: Decision (May 2010) 96.

    53 E.g. Second reading debate on the Postal and Telecommunications Amendment Bill 1983: Australia, Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 9 November 1983, 2471 (Mr Duffy, Minister for Communications).

    54 National Competition Council, Review of the Australian Postal Corporation Act: Final Report, Volume Two (February 1998) 263 & 271.

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    25

    These characteristics provide the foundation for the discussion in chapter 3

    on government objectives and market characteristics.

    What is an ‘optimal utility regime’?

    This thesis applies Windholz and Hodge’s approach to defining regulation.55

    Windholz and Hodge commence with Black’s definition of regulation as a

    process involving:56 the sustained and focused attempt to alter the behaviour of others

    according to defined standards or purposes with the intention of producing a

    broadly identified outcome or outcomes.

    However, they add the qualifier that the process is one undertaken by or

    under the auspices or authority of government. Similarly, the research

    question in this thesis is being asked from the perspective of government

    (whether a public servant, elected representative, monarch or dictator): How

    can a government achieve its desired social outcomes for public utilities?

    The significance of Black’s definition is that government action can

    encompass a variety of forms including: primary and subordinate legislation;

    administrative decisions and instruments pursuant to legislation; direct

    government expenditure including grants and subsidies; taxation including the

    imposition of taxes and the use of tax incentives; public ownership;

    information campaigns, negotiation and moral persuasion; and reliance on

    industry self-regulation.57 This thesis thus refers to ‘regulation’ as government

    action that is intended to influence the way people behave58 but recognises

    55 Eric Windholz and Graeme A. Hodge, ‘Conceptualising Social and Economic

    Regulation: Implications for Modern Regulators and Regulatory Activity’ (2012) 38(2) Monash University Law Review 212. See also Bronwen Morgan and Karen Yeung, An Introduction to Law and Regulation: Text and Materials (Cambridge University Press, 2007) 3-4.

    56 Julia Black, ‘Critical Reflections on Regulation’ (2002) 27 Australian Journal of Legal Philosophy 1, 26. See also Arie Freiberg, The Tools of Regulation (Federation Press, 2010) 2-5.

    57 In the ‘regulatory space’, there may be an existing system of ordering which exists separately from government (although that private system may be constituted by, amongst other things, laws of property or contract): Colin Scott, ‘Analysing Regulatory Space: Fragmented Resources and Institutional Design’ (Summer 2001) Public Law 329; Julia Black, ‘Decentring Regulation: Understanding the Role of Regulation and Self-Regulation in a ‘Post-Regulatory’ World’ (2001) 54 Current Legal Problems 103, 122.

    58 This definition is adapted from Office of Regulation Review, A Guide to Regulation (2nd ed., 1998) A1 and E. (The Guide has been superseded by the Australian Government, Guide to Regulation (2014)).

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    26

    that a government’s chosen form of action may be to rely on industry self-

    regulation.

    In the scenario outlined at the start of this chapter, our time travel policy

    maker is faced with a myriad of public policy issues. This thesis focusses

    only on one category of regulation, ‘economic regulation’, defined as

    government intervention in market decisions such as price, rate of return,

    output, market entry or exit, and competition.59 However, there is no bright

    dividing line. Economic regulation interacts with other forms of regulation

    (such as technical operating standards) and economic regulation may have

    both economic and non-economic objectives (including environmental

    objectives and community service obligations which are a form of ‘social

    regulation’).60 This reflects Windholz and Hodge’s argument that both social

    and economic regulation is underpinned by a mix of interconnected and

    interdependent social and economic values.61 Nevertheless, there remain

    broad areas of regulation that apply to public utilities which are not covered by

    this thesis such as corporate law, taxation and industrial relations.62

    This thesis adopts the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

    Development’s (OECD) approach for evaluating regulatory policy.63 A regime

    for the economic regulation of time travel would be optimal if it satisfies two

    criteria – it is effective in achieving the stated objectives, and it is efficient in

    terms of maximising the benefits to the community, taking into account the

    costs.64

    59 R.A. Posner, ‘Theories of Economic Regulation’ (1974) 5(2, Autumn) Bell

    Journal of Economics and Management Science 335; W. Kip Viscusi, Joseph E. Harrington, Jr. and John M. Vernon, Economics of Regulation and Antitrust (MIT Press, 4th ed., 2005) 358.

    60 See chapter 5 of this thesis. 61 Eric Windholz and Graeme A. Hodge, ‘Conceptualising Social and Economic

    Regulation: Implications for Modern Regulators and Regulatory Activity’ (2012) 38(2) Monash University Law Review 212.

    62 Although this thesis recognises that there are links across these areas of regulation. For example, chapter 8 discusses corporate law as a form of ring-fencing.

    63 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD Framework for Regulatory Policy Evaluation (18 June 2014) DOI:10.1787/9789264214453-en.

    64 Council of Australian Governments, Best Practice Regulation: A Guide for Ministerial Councils and National Standard Setting Bodies (2014) 4; Australian Government, Guide to Regulation (2014) 19. Gunningham and Grabosky add equity as an additional criterion. However, if equity is seen as part of the

    http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264214453-enhttp://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264214453-en

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    27

    A possible concern is that the principles set out in this thesis will produce a

    regime that is optimal in theory but unlikely to be applied in practice. In fact,

    this thesis does take account of the ‘plurality of aspects’ in which regulation

    enters our life65 by recognising the potentially broad nature of government

    objectives and the impact of legacy constraints (e.g. on privatisation of a

    government owned utility).66 However, this thesis is predicated on a particular

    value system – that regulation occurs mainly for public, rather than private,

    interest reasons – or, at least, that private interests drive a policy maker to a

    public interest outcome.67 This issue is discussed further in chapter 2 but, in

    essence, our time travel policy maker does not define an ‘optimal’ utility

    regime as the one that most enriches their pocket. The time travel policy

    objectives (as argued in chapter 5), then an effective regime is one that achieves that objective. See Neil Gunningham and Peter Grabosky with Darren Sinclair, Smart Regulation: Designing Environmental Policy (Oxford University Press, 1998) 25.

    65 See David Levi-Faur, ‘Regulation and Regulatory Governance’ in David Levi-Faur (ed.), Handbook on the Politics of Regulation (Edward Elgar, 2011) 17.

    66 See Barry M. Mitnick, ‘Capturing ‘Capture’: Definition and Mechanisms’ in David Levi-Faur (ed.), Handbook on the Politics of Regulation (Edward Elgar, 2011) 34.

    67 The foundation to the public interest model is the belief that a competitive market (in which no individual firm or consumer has the power to control price) will maximise social welfare as each firm tries to make as much profit as possible and each consumer maximises their own utility. A government should regulate only where the market (Smith’s invisible hand) will not achieve the socially desired objective. Market failures may be categorised as: market imperfections (where a market is not competitive due to an unequal distribution of market power or information asymmetry); externalities (where the production or consumption of a good or service has an external effect that is not reflected in the price); public goods (where the good is a public good or common property); or equity (where a market will not meet social goals). The theory was later called the ‘normative analysis as a positive theory’: see Paul L. Joskow and Roger G. Noll, ‘Regulation in Theory and Practice: An Overview’ in Gary Fromm (ed.), Studies in Public Regulation (MIT Press, 1981). For surveys of the regulation literature, see Robert Horwitz, The Irony of Regulatory Reform: The Deregulation of American Telecommunications (Oxford University Press, 1989) 22-45; and Barry Mitnick, The Political Economy of Regulation: Creating, Designing and Removing Regulatory Forms (Columbia University Press, 1980).

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    28

    maker is concerned about the risk of ‘regulatory failure’68 and

    ‘counterproductive regulation’.69

    1.3 How to answer the research question?

    What methodology should be used to identify the optimal design for a utility

    regime? A useful starting point is to consider how others have approached

    similarly broad topics: How does the World Bank (in its guidance on

    infrastructure development); economists (in texts on utility regulation); and

    regulatory theorists (in texts on other broad categories of regulation) set about

    identifying principles for regime design?

    In 2006, the World Bank published fifteen ‘best-practice’ standards for

    regulatory governance against which a utility regime should be evaluated.70

    ‘Regulatory governance’ refers to the institutional and legal design of the

    regulatory system and the framework within which decisions are made, in

    contrast to ‘regulatory substance’ which refers to the content of regulation

    (e.g. the actual decisions made by the regulator about tariffs or quality of

    service standards). The standards are summarised as:71

    • legal framework;

    • legal powers;

    • property and contract rights;

    • clarity of roles in regulation and policy;

    68 See Coase’s concept of ‘government failure’ where economic policy is based

    on an abstract of a market situation rather than what will actually work in practice: Ronald H. Coase, ‘The Regulated Industries – Discussion’ (1964) 54(3) American Economic Review 192. See also Joseph E. Stiglitz, ‘Regulation and Failure’ in David Moss and John Cisternino (eds.), New Perspectives on Regulation (The Tobin Project, 2009) 11.

    69 Grabosky argues for the need to create structures and situations which enable policy makers to pre-empt the risk of regulatory initiatives that defeat themselves or inflict collateral damage (counterproductive regulation): P.N. Grabosky, ‘Counterproductive Regulation’ (1995) 23 International Journal of the Sociology of Law 347.

    70 Ashley C. Brown, Jon Stern, Bernard Tenenbaum and Defne Gencer, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), Handbook for Evaluating Infrastructure Regulatory Systems (2006) 5 & 43.

    71 Ashley C. Brown, Jon Stern, Bernard Tenenbaum and Defne Gencer, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), Handbook for Evaluating Infrastructure Regulatory Systems (2006) chapter 3. The report does not set out standards for regulatory substance as this ‘tends to be more context-specific and, consequently, is less amendable to general principles’: 49-50.

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    29

    • clarity and comprehensiveness of regulatory decisions;

    • predictability and flexibility;

    • consumer rights and obligations;

    • proportionality;72

    • regulatory independence;

    • financing of regulatory agencies;

    • regulatory accountability;

    • regulatory processes and transparency;

    • public participation;

    • appellate review of regulatory decisions; and

    • ethics.

    These standards were intended to facilitate private investment. The World

    Bank has been criticised for seeing privatisation of state enterprises as an

    end in itself and an automatic contributor to development, poverty alleviation

    and environmental protection.73 However, the pertinent point, for the purpose

    of this section 1.3, is to examine how the World Bank derived these

    standards. In summary, the benchmarks used in the questionnaires

    developed by the World Bank were derived from the ‘independent regulator

    model’.74 The World Bank concluded, after reviewing the literature and what

    occurs in practice, that this is, and should be, the de facto governance model

    across most countries.

    The economic literature on utility regulation also starts with a model, being the

    welfare theorem where economic efficiency is maximised under conditions of

    perfect competition.75 As outlined in chapter 3 of the thesis, this model has

    been used to develop highly influential principles on the objective of utility

    regulation, market structure, ownership, when to regulate, the regulatory tool,

    72 Proportionality requires that regulation be kept to the minimum needed: at 67. 73 See, for example, Brettonwoods Project, The World Bank and the Private

    Sector (Briefings, 14 June 2000). 74 The ‘independent regulator model’ is defined by the World Bank (at p. 50) as

    ‘decision making independence’ – the regulator’s decisions are made without the prior approval of any other government entity, and no entity other than a court or a pre-established appellate panel can overrule the regulator’s decisions. The institutional building blocks for decision making independence are organisational independence, financial independence and management independence.

    75 This is further discussed in chapter 3.

  • Chapter 1: Research question

    30

    the price methodology, and how to achieve equity objectives in the most

    efficient way possible.

    Outside of utility regulation, regulatory theorists have developed principles for

    other broad categories of regulation. As mentioned in the introduction, an

    insightful model is Gunningham and Grabosky’s work on how environmental

    regulation could be redesigned to perform optimally. The authors used

    industry-specific case studies across the US, Australia and, to a lesser extent,

    Western Europe and Canada, to derive lessons, of much broader application,

    on the use of multiple, rather than single, regulatory instruments (command

    and control, self-regulation, voluntarism, education and information,

    economic, and free market environmentalism).

    Case study methodology

    To develop principles for utility regulation design, this thesis follows

    Gunningham and Grabosky’s approach of using a case study methodology

    (where a specific case with clear boundaries is studied, a context is set and

    an in-depth picture of the case is given).76 A case study investigates

    contemporary phenomenon within its real life context, particularly where many

    more variables of interest exist than data points. As Yin notes, this makes a

    case study methodology particularly suited to answering ‘how’ or ‘why’

    questions.77 A good case study relies on multiple sources of evidence with

    data needing to converge in a triangulating fashion.78 It also benefits from the

    prior development of a theoretical position to guide data collection and

    analys


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