CONGRUENT REGULATION:
DESIGNING THE OPTIMAL UTILITY REGIME
Harriet Gray
16 June 2020
Student number: 3151406
College of Law
Australian National University
A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of
The Australian National University
© Copyright by Harriet Gray 2020
All Rights Reserved
i
THESIS STATEMENT
This thesis comprises only my original work except where acknowledgment
has been made in the text of other material used.
This thesis is less than 100,000 words (excluding footnotes, tables, figures,
and appendices).
Harriet Gray
16 June 2020
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For their advice:
Stephen Bottomley, Peta Spender and Alex Bruce
For their guidance on the initial proposal: Anne Plympton and Philip Williams
For their participation: Geoff Andrews, Ron Ben-David, Warren Bennett, Paul Bilyk, Nick Brodribb, Brian Cassidy, Rob Chilov, Cristina Cifuentes, Drew Clarke, Teresa Corbin, Garth Crawford, Andrew Deitz, Rhondda Dickson, Joe Dimasi, Roman Domanski, Steve Edwell, John Feil, Ray Finkelstein, John Fullerton, Ian Greer, Eric Groom, Michelle Groves, Peter Harris, Chris Harvey, Matt Healy, Shanthi Herd, Greg Houston, Gordon Jardine, Sean Kelly, Stephen King, Tim Kuypers, David Marchant, Mick McCormack, Peter McIntyre, Justin Oliver, Cameron O’Reilly, Simon Ormsby, George Passmore, Mark Pearson, John Pierce, Anthony Pitt, Dave Poddar, Mark Pollock, Carmel Price, Tim Reardon, Andrew Reeves, Tim Rothwell, Graeme Samuel, Andrew Sheridan, Rod Shogren, Rod Sims, Tony Slatyer, Rajat Sood, David Stanford, Rick Stankiewicz, Geoff Swier, John Tamblyn, Sarah Udy, Simon Uthmeyer, Ivan Varughese, Tony Warren, Ed Willett, Don Woodrow, Luke Woodward and Richard York
The views expressed by the author in this thesis do not necessarily reflect those of the persons listed above. The views expressed by the persons listed above and cited in this thesis do not necessarily reflect those of the organisations with which they are engaged.
iii
ABSTRACT
Picture a policy maker tasked with designing a regime to
regulate a utility. What design principles will produce an
optimal regime? This thesis develops the concept of
congruent regulation where all the components of a regime
work together. The thesis does not adjudicate on whether
Australian governments were right to follow the international
trend away from government monopoly provision of utilities
towards private ownership, open competition and independent
regulation of the bottleneck infrastructure. Instead, this thesis
points out contradictions in the design of individual
components of utility regimes: If market power justifies
economic regulation of the bottleneck infrastructure, why are
the components that are usually designed by lawyers such as
the regulatory process, appeal mechanism and institutional
structure not also tailored to market power? Can a
government’s complex objectives really be achieved through
the economists’ approach of designing price signals to deliver
economic efficiency with non-economic objectives addressed
through external instruments? In asking whether it is possible
to develop principles for the design of a utility regime as a
whole, this thesis develops a deceptively simple proposition:
Regime objectives and market characteristics should drive the
design of all the regime components subject to legacy issues.
In practice, this principle can cause heated debates as lawyers
and economists are challenged to give up cherished beliefs on
regulatory design. And yet the alternative is perennial surprise
when an incongruent regime does not deliver the intended
results.
iv
CONTENTS
Page
Introduction .……………………………………………………………… 1
Part I Chapter 1 The research question: How to answer it? 15
Chapter 2 Australian case study regimes .………….. 37
Chapter 3 Designing a utility regime …….................. 84
Chapter 4 Economic regulation in practice ………… 110
Part II Chapter 5 Objectives: Price methodology …………... 158
Chapter 6 Market power: Regulatory process …....... 221
Chapter 7 Public and private ownership .….………… 262
Chapter 8 Cross-business ownership: Ring-fencing and coordination ………….………………..
280
Chapter 9 Buyer characteristics: Consumer choice .. 303
Chapter 10 Transitional issues …………... …………... 344
Part III Chapter 11 Congruent regulation ……………………... 373
Conclusion ………………………………………………………………. 399
Appendices
A Interview methodology .………..…………………………... 401
B Australian regimes: Overview ...…………....……...…….... 410
C Australian regimes: Cases ....……………....……...…….... 461
Shortened forms .………………………………………………………… 502
Bibliography .……………………………………………………….…..... 510
1
INTRODUCTION
Source: http://www.lhc.ac.uk
The picture above is of the Large Hadron Collider (LHC) – a machine that
runs for 27km in a circular tunnel beneath the Swiss/French border at
Geneva.1 As a result of collisions of particles, it is possible that the LHC
could create mini ‘wormholes’ and so allow a form of time travel.2 If time
travel is feasible, it is likely to revolutionise economies across the world. It
would be a ‘public utility’3 – at least, for those countries that could afford it (the
27km LHC cost AU$6.27 billion to build).4 Just like the Roman censor Appius
Claudius Caecus when faced with unmet demand for water and the need for
a road to defeat the Samnites5 or Lieutenant Menzies when tasked with
developing the New South Wales ‘Coal Harbour and Hunter’s River’,6 a
government would have to decide: What intervention (regulation) is needed to
achieve the desired outcomes for time travel? Time travel provides the
scenario for a Gedankenexperiment (thought experiment)7 to address the
question: Is there an optimal design for a utility regime?
1 http://www.lhc.ac.uk (accessed 18 August 2016). 2 Although only subatomic particles would be small enough to travel through the
mini ‘wormholes’: Roger Highfield, ‘Time Travellers from the Future ‘Could be Here in Weeks’’, The Telegraph (6 February 2008) www.telegraph.co.uk.
3 Public utility is defined in chapter 1. 4 Geneva Correspondents, ‘What is the Large Hadron Collider?’, The Australian
(4 July 2012) www.theaustralian.com.au. The LHC was completed in 2008. The cost was 6.03 billion Swiss francs (AU$6.27 billion dollars, using the conversion rate as at the date of the article).
5 Gregory S. Aldrete, Daily Life in the Roman City: Rome, Pompeii, and Ostia (Greenwood Press, 2004) digital loc 294; Mary Beard, SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome (Profile Books, 2015) digital loc 1796.
6 Governor King to Lieutenant Menzies, 14 March 1804, Historical Records of New South Wales Vol 5: King 1803-1805 (Southwood Press, 1979) 361.
7 James Robert Brown and Yiftach Fehige, ‘Thought Experiments’ in Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2016 Edition)
Introduction
2
But perhaps the question asked by this thesis is too broad? The thesis limits
the scope of the question by defining ‘public utility’ and ‘optimal economic
regulatory regime’ (also referred to as a ‘utility regime’ in this thesis).
Adapting Sleeman’s work from 1953,8 the thesis stipulates four characteristics
of a ‘public utility’. First, a public utility is a supplier of a service
(e.g. telecommunications) rather than a good (e.g. bread or ale9) – or, at
least, a service is an integral component of the supply chain10 (e.g. delivery of
electricity or natural gas). Secondly, the public utility is regarded as
‘essential’ – end-users require a constant and reliable service (e.g. water).
Thirdly, the supply chain or, at least, the service component, is a natural
monopoly (e.g. a single airport can serve the market at lower cost than a
combination of two or more airports). Usually, this is due to a large part of the
cost being fixed (e.g. the cost of a rail track is not dependent on the level of
usage). However, the natural monopoly component could arise, not from
capital investment, but from other characteristics such as the need to provide
a ubiquitous service including in remote areas where volumes are low and
populations dispersed (e.g. postal delivery). The third characteristic
contributes to the fourth. From the point of view of the consumer, the service
component is non-transferable (e.g. if the coal port operator raises the price,
the user cannot easily store the service, postpone their demand to another
point in time, or transfer their demand to a substitutable service).
In contrast to ‘public utility’, the thesis expansively defines ‘regulation’ as
government action that is intended to influence the way people behave.11
http://plato.stanford.edu/cgi-bin/encyclopedia/archinfo.cgi?entry=thought-experiment (accessed 18 August 2016).
8 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953). See chapter 1 of the thesis.
9 From the middle ages, England had long-standing legal provisions controlling the price of bread, wine and ale: Ian Mortimer, The Time Traveller’s Guide to Medieval England (Random House, 2009) digital loc 1877. In Australia, in 1985, float glass, beer, cigarettes, tea, instant coffee and concrete roof tiles were declared, along with telecommunications and postal services, under the Prices Surveillance Act 1983 (Cth): Prices Surveillance Authority, Annual Report of the Prices Surveillance Authority 1984–1985 (AGPS, 1985).
10 ‘Supply chain’, along with the interchangeable term, ‘production chain’, is defined in chapter 1.
11 As discussed in chapter 1, the thesis adopts Windholz and Hodge’s approach to defining regulation. Although regulation can be undertaken by any part of society, for the purpose of this thesis, the question is being asked from the perspective of government (although government may elect to reply upon
Introduction
3
Regulation can thus range from legal rules to moral persuasion or reliance
upon ‘self-regulation’. However, the focus of the thesis is limited to
‘economic’ regulation’ where the government intervenes in market decisions,
such as price, output, rate of return, market entry or exit, and competition.
This excludes broad areas of regulation applying to public utilities such as
corporate law, taxation, occupational health and safety and industrial relations
– although the thesis examines the design of economic regulatory regimes to
achieve objectives other than economic efficiency such as equity and
environmental protection. An ‘optimal’ regime for the economic regulation of
a utility is defined in this thesis as one which is effective in achieving the
stated objectives, and efficient in terms of maximising the benefits to the
community, taking into account the costs.
Is it necessary to narrow further the scope of the thesis? One person
interviewed for the thesis in fact commented, in respect of the proposed
research topic on designing an optimal utility regime:12 I actually think that it’s not answerable – although that doesn't mean that it's
not worthwhile, particularly for the qualitative elements.
One option would be to confine the thesis to a particular component of a utility
regime such as Ottow’s work on good agency principles for market and
competition authorities.13 In fact, the thesis could focus on one
subcomponent such as the Australian Productivity Commission report on
auditing a regulator’s performance.14 However, this would miss the
opportunity to explore one of the most interesting insights to come out of the
regimes studied in this thesis – the interaction between the components of a
utility regime.
The thesis could be limited to a particular country such as Australia.
However, varying geographic, economic and social characteristics do not
instruments such as self-regulation). Eric Windholz and Graeme A. Hodge, ‘Conceptualising Social and Economic Regulation: Implications for Modern Regulators and Regulatory Activity’ (2012) 38(2) Monash University Law Review 212.
12 Interview, 2012. The role of interviews as part of the research methodology is described later in this introduction and in chapter 1 and appendix A.
13 Annetje Ottow, Market & Competition Authorities: Good Agency Principles (Oxford University Press, 2015).
14 Productivity Commission, Regulator Audit Framework (2014).
Introduction
4
obviate the practical need to articulate common principles for designing utility
regimes. The question arises each time the World Bank provides guidance
on the development of infrastructure,15 the European Union (EU) issues a directive to member nations prescribing requirements for national utility
regimes,16 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Energy
Regulators’ Network discusses regional cooperation,17 or the Australian
Commonwealth, States and Territories negotiate an intergovernmental
agreement setting out agreed principles for utility regulation.18
Yet one possible complication is that each utility industry has unique market
characteristics. As an interviewee commented:19 Post is a very different business to a lot of the other utilities. I know every
utility probably says ‘oh we're very different’, but 95 per cent of our cost
base on reserved services is operations and maintenance and 5 per cent is
capital.
Do these unique characteristics make it impossible to develop cross-industry
principles for utility regime design?
In the 1990s, Gunningham and Grabosky addressed a similar challenge in
the context of environmental regulation. The types of policies that will work
for issues such as ozone depletion, greenhouse effect, toxic waste or land
clearing will vary. However, despite the context-specific nature of each issue,
Gunningham and Grabosky developed abstract principles to guide the choice
of regulatory instruments (which they describe as ‘smart regulation’).20
15 See, e.g., Ashley C. Brown, Jon Stern, Bernard Tenenbaum and Defne
Gencer, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), Handbook for Evaluating Infrastructure Regulatory Systems (2006).
16 E.g. Directive 2002/19/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 7 March 2002 on access to, and interconnection of, electronic communications networks and associated facilities (Access Directive).
17 E.g. Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Joint Ministerial Statement of the 29th ASEAN Ministers on Energy Meeting (AMEM) (Jerudong, Brunei Darussalam, 20 September 2011).
18 E.g. Competition Principles Agreement (11 April 1995, as amended to 13 April 2007). As discussed in chapter 2 of the thesis, revisions to the Agreement were canvassed in the Competition Policy Review (Ian Harper, Peter Anderson, Su McCluskey and Michael O’Bryan) that concluded in 2015: Competition Policy Review, Final Report (March 2015).
19 Interview, 2012. 20 Neil Gunningham and Peter Grabosky with Darren Sinclair, Smart Regulation:
Designing Environmental Policy (Oxford University Press, 1998).
Introduction
5
This thesis similarly asks whether it is possible to develop principles for the
design of utility regimes despite the unique characteristics of each country or
industry. However, in contrast to ‘smart regulation’, this thesis is not
restricted to the different instruments that may be used for utility regulation
(for example, the choice between competition for the market, competition law,
moral persuasion, price monitoring, negotiate-arbitrate, and upfront price
regulation). A narrow focus on the regulatory tool would miss the interaction
between the components. It also fails to address the reality faced by policy
makers – our time travel policy maker cannot simply determine the regulatory
instrument then turn off their office light and head home.
This thesis argues that, despite the unique characteristics of each country
and industry, it is possible to draw out twelve questions that a policy maker
(whether it be our time travel policy maker or Edward Cardwell, who
developed the United Kingdom’s (UK) Railway and Canal Traffic Regulation
of 1854)21 must ask themselves when designing a utility regime.22 In
summary, these regime components are:
1. Objectives: What are the government’s objectives for the industry?
2. Market structure: Should the service component and/or related markets
across the supply chain be open to competition? Will a business that
operates in one part of the supply chain be allowed to operate in other
parts of that chain (vertical integration) or to operate competing
businesses (horizontal integration)?
3. Ownership: What parts of the supply chain should be publicly or privately
owned?
4. Identifying what should be regulated: What part of the supply chain should
be subject to economic regulation?
5. Regulatory tool: What tool or instrument(s) should be used to regulate the
utility service? For example, competition for the market, competition law,
21 The Act imposed on the companies the obligation to provide reasonable
facilities and avoid undue preference: An Act for the better regulation of the Traffic on Railways and Canals (1854) 17 & 18 Vict. C.31. See Timothy Leunig and Nicholas Crafts, Did Early Utility Regulation Work? An Investigation of British Railway Regulation Prior to the First World War (The Public Services Program Discussion Paper Series No. 0804, August 2008).
22 See chapter 3.
Introduction
6
moral persuasion, price monitoring, negotiate-arbitrate, and/or upfront
price regulation?
6. Price methodology: What methodology should be used to regulate the
price for the utility service?
7. Non-price terms: How should the non-price terms (upon which the
regulated service is supplied) be regulated?
8. Non-economic objectives: How should non-economic objectives be
addressed?
9. Making new markets work: What other provisions are required to facilitate
the operation of the markets that are open to competition? For example,
facilitation of consumer engagement in the new markets; or enforcement
mechanisms to prevent people from exceeding the allocation that they
purchase on the market (such as water in the Murray-Darling Basin).
10. Regulatory process: What process and approach should the economic
regulator follow when making decisions? Should there be an appeal
mechanism for the economic regulator’s decisions? How should the
regime be kept up-to-date?
11. Institutional structure: What policy making and regulatory institutions are
required?
12. Legacy and transitional issues: Are there any legacy and transitional
issues that will constrain the design of the preceding components?
These regime components were developed by reviewing eight Australian
case study regimes:23
1. telecommunications (1997)
2. postal services (1994)
3. airports (1996)
4. electricity (1996)
5. natural gas (1997)
6. interstate rail (2002)
7. Hunter Valley coal supply chain (2011)
8. irrigation services in the Murray-Darling Basin (2007).
23 See chapter 2.
Introduction
7
The strength of the case studies is that they cross multiple industries. The
weakness is that the case study regimes are not necessarily a
comprehensive guide to the components that should be contained in a utility
regime. To understand the effectiveness (or otherwise) of the case study
regimes in practice, 61 interviews were conducted with participants across the
regimes, and all of the appeal decisions and government-initiated policy
reviews that occurred in respect of the regimes, were analysed.24
Having identified twelve components of a utility regime, have we given our
time travel policy maker sufficient assistance to fill out that blank sheet of
paper titled ‘Time Travel White Paper’ or ‘Government media release:
Mapping the time travel industry of the future’? Unfortunately, our policy
maker is unlikely to be particularly appreciative. Assuming that there are
twelve regime components, and that for each component, there are (at least)
two options, this would produce 4,096 different regime designs. An analogy
is a children’s ‘flip the pages’ book which combines different parts of animals,
and which produces 4,096 different pictures to analyse. How is our time
travel policy maker to consider all of the pictures, and conclude that the
design on page 3,604 is optimal?
The thesis argues that, conceptually, these twelve regime components
provide a formula (an optimisation equation) for what should be contained in a
utility regime.25 An ‘optimisation’ problem is commonly expressed as a
mathematical equation.26 For example, the operator of the Australian national
electricity market uses a highly complex algorithm to determine the optimal
dispatch of electrical power given physical and economic constraints.27 A
policy maker, in designing a regime for the regulation of a public utility, faces
an analogous task: How should regime components 2 to 11 be designed
(given the legacy constraints in component 12) to deliver the objectives in
component 1?
24 See appendices B & C. 25 See chapters 1 and 3. 26 Gordon Mills, Optimisation in Economic Analysis (Allen & Unwin, 1984). 27 Australian Energy Market Operator, An Introduction to Australia’s National
Energy Market (July 2010); Australian Energy Market Operator, Dispatch Constraint Violation Penalty Factors (Document No. 140-0011, 1 July 2010).
Introduction
8
This thesis develops the concept of ‘congruent regulation’, drawing upon
Grabosky’s concept of ‘counterproductive regulation’28 and Feaver and
Sheehy’s concept of ‘coherent regulation’.29 The components of a utility
regime are interrelated. One interviewee likened utility regulation to a Rubik’s
Cube – if you change one square then you have to change the other
squares.30 A ‘congruent’ or ‘harmonious’ utility regime is one where all the
components work together to deliver the regime objectives.
This raises the question: Can we find an existing theory that informs the
design of each utility regime component to reduce the risk of regulatory
failure?31 The theory that appears to come closest to performing this function
was developed by Biggar in 2012. Biggar argues that utility regulation should
seek to protect the sunk investment of the customers of the monopoly firm.32
To extend this theory to time travel, a firm may be reluctant to invest in a
factory that relies on a time travel service because of the risk that, after the
sunk investment has been made in the factory, the time travel natural
monopoly service provider will increase the price. This theory shapes, not
only the price methodology, but also other regime components such as the
dispute resolution mechanism and the regulatory institutions. If the
underlying theory is correct, then it should deliver what this thesis calls a
‘congruent regime’ where the components work together.
The limitation of this approach is that it does not necessarily reflect the
circumstances faced by the policy maker.33 As one interviewee put it:34 It all stems from the natural monopoly, efficiency and encouraging
competition. But I think the argument about protecting the sunk investment
of consumers is a bit simplistic. There’s an example of buying a house
28 P.N. Grabosky, ‘Counterproductive Regulation’ (1995) 23 International Journal
of the Sociology of Law 347. 29 Benedict Sheehy and Donald Feaver, ‘Designing Effective Regulation: A
Normative Theory’ (2015) 38(1) University of New South Wales Law Journal 392.
30 Interview, 2012. 31 The concept of ‘regulatory failure’ and values assumed in this thesis are
discussed in chapter 1. 32 Darryl Biggar, The Economics of Public Utility Regulation: A New Approach
(LuLu, 2012). 33 See chapter 5 of the thesis. 34 Interview, 2012.
Introduction
9
alongside a train track. But it’s really the notion of protecting 23 million
consumers who need electricity, telecommunications, transport and so on.
Instead, this thesis asks whether it is possible to identify factors that impact
on the operation of each regime component. If the design of each component
is then tailored to this factor, could this produce a ‘congruent regime’ where
the components work together?
This thesis argues that a ‘harmonious’ or ‘congruent’ regime can be
developed by tailoring the design of each regime component to two key
factors: the regime objectives and market characteristics. Regime objectives
may encompass both economic efficiency and other objectives such as
fairness and environmental protection. Market characteristics cover supply-
side (e.g. whether the market is open to competition, whether the supplier is
vertically or horizontally integrated, and whether the supplier is publicly or
privately owned) and demand-side (e.g. whether the customer is a firm or
household; and whether the customer has countervailing bargaining power).
Part I of the thesis (chapters 1 to 4) provides the foundation for the thesis.
Chapter 1 begins by introducing the time travel scenario which is used,
throughout the thesis, to test the abstract principles for utility regime design
which are drawn from the case study regimes. Chapter 1 then defines the
research question, and explores alternative methodologies that could be used
to answer the question. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the case study
regimes. The chapter examines the evolution of the regimes since
Federation from government owned monopolies towards ‘regulatory
capitalism’.35
From the case study regimes in chapter 2, chapter 3 draws out the twelve
components of a utility regime. The contribution by economists to the design
of an ‘optimal’ utility regime is discussed in chapter 3. From the 1990s, the
dominant economic model has been to reflect the economic objective of
efficient price/output and market characteristics by: opening the market to
competition (component 2); at least, considering the options of vertically
35 John Braithwaite, Regulatory Capitalism: How it Works, Ideas for Making it
Work Better (Edward Elgar, 2008).
Introduction
10
separating the uncontestable bottleneck component of the utility supply chain
(component 2) and transferring government owned utilities to private
ownership (component 3); limiting price regulation to the natural monopoly
service (component 4); tailoring the regulatory instrument to the extent of
market power (component 5); designing the price methodology to provide
incentives for the regulated firm to act efficiently (component 6); and
achieving equity objectives through instruments other than the economic
regulatory regime (component 8). This in turn should be supported through
the model of an independent regulator (components 10 and 11). Chapter 4
uses the electricity case study to introduce the problems that can arise when
applying this approach in practice.
Part II (chapters 5 to 10) of the thesis draws on the Australian case study
regimes to explore six problems with the economic model of utility regulation
outlined in chapter 3:
1. Can a government’s objectives be achieved through price signals
combined with external instruments governing non-economic objectives?
Is the perfect price methodology really just around the corner?
2. One appeal mechanism, two different outcomes: Why is a standard
regulatory process used regardless of whether the regulated entity is a
utility with a multi-billion market capitalisation or a refugee applicant?
3. Why is the identical regulatory regime applied to government owned and
privately owned utilities?
4. Supplier characteristics: How should the cross-business ownership model
impact on the design of non-price access terms (ring-fencing in the case
of a vertically integrated utility, and coordination mechanisms in the case
of vertical separation)?
5. Buyer characteristics: How do buyer characteristics impact on new
markets, and what is required to make newly liberalised markets work?
6. How do legacy and transitional issues impact on the design of other
regime components?
To explain these six examples in more detail: Chapter 5 discusses how
objectives should impact on the design of the price methodology used to
regulate the bottleneck component of the utility supply chain. Despite the
economic theory that the number of instruments should equal the number of
Introduction
11
desired values, chapter 5 argues that, where essential services are supplied
to Australian households, the regulatory methodology should be tailored to
deliver outcomes that are regarded as fair as well as economically efficient.
Chapters 6 to 8 examine how the characteristics of the seller (market power,
private or public ownership and cross-business ownership) should impact on
utility regime design. As outlined in chapter 3, there is broad consensus that
the regulatory instrument (the extent of government intervention) should be
tailored to reflect market power. Chapter 6 examines whether this approach
also needs to be extended to the components that are usually left to lawyers
to design: the regulatory process, appeal mechanism and institutional
structure. In summary, chapter 6 argues that the standard administrative
decision making and review model produces different results depending on
market power. The same legislative provision can result in an open,
facilitative process (where the access provider has relatively low market
power) or a highly adversarial process (where the access provider has
relatively high market power with no strong natural contradictor). Chapter 6
explores options on how the economists’ approach could be extended to the
design of regime components 10 (regulatory process) and 11 (institutional
structure).
Whilst the question of privatisation is already covered by extensive research,
chapter 7 asks whether ownership should change the design of other regime
components (in particular, the price methodology, regulatory process and
institutions). The chapter challenges the current Australian ‘one size fits all’
model for publicly and privately owned utilities.
Chapter 8 focuses on how the cross-business ownership model should
impact on other regime components. As with public ownership, the question
of whether utilities should be vertically integrated or separated has already
been the subject of extensive prior literature with the debate focusing on the
impact on economic efficiency of supply chain coordination versus promoting
competition. However, once the policy maker has made the call on cross-
business ownership, what does this mean for the remainder of the regime?
For example, if the policy maker decides that the telecommunications
incumbent should remain vertically integrated, is it incongruent to introduce
ring-fencing provisions to prevent cross-subsidisation and transfer of
Introduction
12
information? Would it be a mistake to design the regime to promote access
regulation as opposed to interconnectivity by other vertically integrated
providers? Similarly, if vertical separation is the chosen model, should
provisions also be included to facilitate coordination, and what lessons can be
drawn from the Hunter Valley coal chain on how to achieve this?
Chapter 9 focuses on how buyer characteristics should impact on utility
regime design. Where services are provided to households and small
businesses, utility regimes commonly include provisions to protect
disadvantaged consumers. However, chapter 9 argues that utility regimes
need to go further in tailoring regime components to buyer characteristics.
The outcomes achieved in liberalised utility markets depend on the
willingness of customers to compare what is on offer and switch providers.
While the utility regimes developed in Australia in the 1990s focused on
disadvantaged consumers, the regimes generally did not address the
increased complexity and risk faced by all consumers. Chapter 9 discusses
the design of provisions to facilitate consumer engagement in utility markets.
Chapter 10 examines how legacy and transitional issues (component 12)
should impact on the design of other regime components. Chapter 10
discusses three problems that arose in practice under the Australian case
study regimes: path dependency, and its impact on Murray-Darling Basin
reforms; the failure to anticipate in the price methodology that the utility may
cease to be a utility for some but not all consumers; and the failure to ensure
that the costs and benefits of reform were shared equitably across society.
While the concepts of path dependency and disruption due to new technology
are well established, legacy and transitional issues continue to remain at the
back of legislative reform packages for utilities, drafted in the dying moments
of the policy process. Chapter 10 draws on the case study regimes to
examine how legacy and transitional issues should be reflected in the regime
as a whole.
From Part II (chapters 5 to 10) of the thesis, Part III (chapter 11) asks whether
it is possible to develop principles for designing the optimal utility regime. The
chapter discusses the concept of ‘congruent regulation’ where the regime
components must work in harmony to achieve the government’s objectives.
The chapter argues that regime objectives and market characteristics should
Introduction
13
drive the design of all the regime components subject to legacy issues. This
requires lawyers to accept that the standard consultation and appeal model
benefits only the regulated entity and the advisory sector where there is
relatively high market power and no natural contradictor. It requires
economists to accept that the standard price methodology is unwieldy and
politically unstainable where the methodology loses sight of the government’s
multiple objectives. It requires: policy makers to fully think through the
implications of cross-business ownership and legacy and transitional issues;
regulators to recognise the real differences in the way public and private
utilities operate; and economic consultants to think about whether the person
who manages their household finances really wants to spend their weekend
shopping around for the best electricity deal.
However, there are limitations to the extent to which this research question
can be answered. First, it is not possible, within one thesis, to examine in full
the impact of objectives and market characteristics on every regime
component. However, chapter 11 argues that the detailed analysis of the six
issues covered in chapters 5 to 10 shows how the operation of one
component of a utility regime can be undermined by the design of another
component within the regime unless each component is tailored to the regime
objectives and market characteristics.
Second, the thesis does not determinatively conclude what a government’s
objectives should be (regime component 1) or how a government should
design supplier or buyer characteristics (market structure and ownership
(regime components 2 & 3)) for a specific industry. As discussed in
chapters 2 and 3, there is an international trend towards the use of
competition (by removing statutory barriers) to promote economic efficiency
and thus social welfare, and privatisation of previously government owned
utilities. However, the point of chapter 11 is to examine how a government’s
choices over objectives and market characteristics should flow through to the
design of components 4 to 11 (subject to the usual transitional headache
provided by the legacy and transitional issues raised by component 12).
Many of the issues discussed in this thesis will be familiar to those who
followed the debate in Australia in 2012 over rising energy prices. The
genesis for commencing this thesis was a series of decisions made by the
Introduction
14
Australian Competition Tribunal in which regulated entities generally
succeeded in appealing energy but not telecommunications decisions. As
Australian household electricity prices increased by 35 per cent in real terms
between 2007 and 2011,36 the Australian populace started to query the
regulation of electricity networks (which account for up to 50 per cent of a
typical customer’s electricity bill) along with rising wholesale electricity prices
and retailer margins.37 A series of policy reviews conducted in 2012
recognised the interaction between energy regime components, and the need
for a holistic approach with the interests of Australian consumers as the
touchstone.38
The approach taken in this thesis is comparable to Train (an economist)
examining, in 1991, how to regulate natural monopolies so as to induce them
to produce and price optimally.39 The difference is that this thesis argues that
the objectives are broader than economically efficient price/output. A utility
regime can thus be defeated by Train’s narrow focus on economic efficiency.
A utility regime is also more than just the price methodology. A utility regime
can fail if the economist’s market analysis is not extended to all regime
components including those that are usually left to the domain of lawyers
such as the regulatory process and culture, appeal mechanisms and
institutional structures. In essence, this thesis argues that a policy maker, in
designing a time travel utility regime, is guaranteed to mess up the Rubik’s
Cube if they rely only on the economic model that has dominated since the
1990s.
36 Australian Energy Regulator, Economic Regulation of Transmission and
Distribution Network Service Providers: AER’s Proposed changes to the National Electricity Rules (September 2011) 4.
37 Australian Energy Regulator, Economic Regulation of Transmission and Distribution Network Service Providers: AER’s Proposed changes to the National Electricity Rules (September 2011) 6.
38 George Yarrow, Michael Egan and John Tamblyn, Review of the Limited Merits Review Regime: Stage Two Report (30 September 2012); Australian Government, Department of Resources, Energy and Tourism, Energy White Paper 2012: Australia’s Energy Transformation (October 2012); and Australian Energy Market Commission, Rule Determination: National Electricity Amendment (Economic Regulation of Network Service Providers) Rule 2012 and National Gas Amendment (Price and Revenue Regulation of Gas Services) Rule 2012 (29 November 2012).
39 Kenneth E. Train, Optimal Regulation: The Economic Theory of Natural Monopoly (MIT Press, 1991).
15
PART I
CHAPTER 1
THE RESEARCH QUESTION: HOW TO ANSWER IT?
1.1 Introduction
Top left – London Time Travel Station Top right – LHC machine Bottom left – Time travel capsule Bottom right – Protest against time travel, Sydney – Georgia Glen, 2016
Circular time travel tunnels have now been constructed underground by Firm
Incumbent in the centres of New York, Berlin, London and Beijing. A
customer (after purchasing a ticket) enters a capsule (similar in concept to a
one-person railway carriage) which is then propelled, at an extraordinarily
Chapter 1: Research question
16
high speed (11,000 circuits per second) in beams of hadrons guided by
massive superconducting magnets.1 When the beams are made to cross
paths, the capsule arrives at the same starting location but at a different point
in time nominated by the customer (the physical constraint being that the LHC
must have existed at that point in time). A time travel station has also been
proposed for Sydney, Australia – although many people are calling for a
moratorium as occurred for coal seam gas fracking.2 Concerns include: the
hazardous impact on human health; the unknown impact on the universe of
changing the past in a way that alters the present (the butterfly effect and
grandfather paradox);3 gaps in the criminal law;4 the challenges posed to
industries such as gambling and insurance; and equity (universal access to
the service). Despite these concerns, there have been many spin-off
innovations ranging from time travel souvenirs to the new Apple Iphone TT
which uses the beams of hadrons in the LHC to transmit signals to cell towers
back in time. In addition, a new supplier, Firm New Entrant, has developed
an improved version of the capsule which reduces the health risks. Firm New
Entrant is seeking to use Firm Incumbent’s existing LHC machines rather
than roll out duplicate tunnels – although Firm Incumbent has embarked on
copyright proceedings against Firm New Entrant. While you (the time travel
policy maker) are still trying to figure out how to use your electricity smart
meter and to switch your lights on by clapping your hands, the younger
generation is fully conversant with terms such as ATLAS, ALICE, CMS, LHCb
and WLCG.5 What is your government going to do about this new industry?
1 The time travel scenario is fictional but draws upon material from the LHC
(Large Hadron Collider) Resource Portal: http://www.stfc.ac.uk/research/particle-physics-and-particle-astrophysics/large-hadron-collider/lhc-large-hadron-collider-resource-portal/.
2 Australia, Parliament, Senate Select Committee on Unconventional Gas Mining, Interim Report (May 2016).
3 Nicholas J.J. Smith, ‘Time Travel’ in Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2016 Edition) http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2016/entries/time-travel (accessed 26 August 2016).
4 In one notorious case in New York, a person went back in time with the intent of killing their self.
5 The beams inside the LHC are made to collide at four locations around the accelerator ring, corresponding to the positions of four particle detectors –ATLAS,CMS, ALICE and LHCb. WLCG refers to the Worldwide LHC Computing Grid which provides computing resources for the storage, distribution and analysis of the data generated by the LHC. See https://home.cern/science/accelerators/large-hadron-collider (accessed 3 June 2019).
https://home.cern/about/how-detector-workshttps://home.cern/about/experiments/atlashttps://home.cern/about/experiments/cmshttps://home.cern/about/experiments/alicehttps://home.cern/about/experiments/lhcb
Chapter 1: Research question
17
This thesis focuses on one particular aspect confronting the time travel policy
maker: the optimal design of an economic regulatory regime for the public
utility. Two preliminary questions are addressed in this chapter: the meaning
of the terms ‘public utility’ and ‘optimal utility regime’ which determine the
scope of the research question (section 1.2); and the methodology used to
answer the question (section 1.3).
1.2 Research question: Scope
What is a ‘public utility’?
The concept of ‘public utility’ (also shortened to ‘utility’) derives from the
‘common carrier’ doctrine developed in English common law from 1300.6 The
doctrine imposes a duty on a common carrier to serve all at a reasonable
rate, and strict liability for the care of goods entrusted to it.7 The common
carrier doctrine was subsequently used by the United States (US) Supreme
Court in 1876 in Munn v Illinois as a basis for distinguishing between a bare
private interest, and private property ‘affected with a public interest’.8 The
Court concluded that, where private property is devoted to a public use, a
State law regulating prices (in this case, the rates charged by grain elevators)
did not contravene the prohibition in the US Constitution on States depriving a
person of property without due process.9 By the early 1900s, such
6 The terms ‘public utility’ and ‘common carrier’ are treated synonymously in
Richard A. Posner, Economic Analysis of Law (Wolters Kluwer, 8th ed., 2011) 459.
7 William A. Mogel and John P. Gregg, ‘Appropriateness of Imposing Common Carrier Status on Interstate Natural Gas Pipelines’ (2004) 25 Energy Law Journal 21 at 32. For example, the Supreme Court of California has held that a Disney roller coaster is a common carrier: see Mark A. Franklin, ‘California’s Extension of Common Carrier Liability to Roller Coasters and Similar Devices: An Examination of Gomez v. Superior Court of Los Angeles’ (Fall 2006) 34(1) Western State University Law Review 29.
8 Munn v Illinois 94 US 113 (1876) at 126. 9 See Walter Clark, ‘The Right of the Public to Regulate the Charges of Common
Carriers and of All Others Discharging Public, or Quasi-Public Duties’ (1897) 31 American Law Review 685. The basis for identifying businesses ‘clothed with a public interest’ was further discussed by the US Supreme Court in a 1923 decision (Chas. Wolff Packing Co v Court of Industrial Relations of State 262 US 522 (1923), 534). The Court identified three categories of businesses including businesses which had become public due to their ‘peculiarly close relation’ to the public (such as in Munn v Illinois). This was due to the ‘indispensable nature of the service’ and the ‘exorbitant charges’ to which the public might be subjected without regulation (in particular, the Court referred to
Chapter 1: Research question
18
businesses were commonly described as ‘public service corporations’10 or
‘public utilities’.11
The US Supreme Court’s use of the ‘due process’ clause to invalidate
legislation regulating business was eventually overturned in the 1930s.12
However, the term ‘public utility’ was adopted by other countries and has
remained in use.13 In Australia, for example, in the 1890s constitutional
debates, the South Australian delegate, in comparing Australian with US
colony investment in railways, referred to ‘those great state utilities’.14 The
term continues to be used across the world e.g. Australia’s ‘Utility Regulators
Forum’;15 the US National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners;16
Egypt’s Electric Utility and Consumer Protection Regulatory Agency;17 Latvia’s
the regulation of rates ‘to avoid monopoly’). The other two categories were: businesses carried on under a public grant of privileges which imposes a duty to provide a service to a member of the public; and certain ‘exceptional’ occupations where the public interest has been ‘recognized from earliest times’ (such as keepers of inns).
10 See, for example, N. Matthews Jr. and W.G. Thompson, ‘Public Service Company Rates and the Fourteenth Amendment’ (1901-1902) 15 Harvard Law Review 249. In 1907, the US State of New York created a ‘Public Service Commission’ to regulate businesses ‘engaged in serving the public’ (including rail, electricity, gas and telephone services): State of New York, Public Service Commission, Second District, First Annual Report (1908) and Fourth Annual Report (1911) 7-9 at http://www.archive.org (accessed 26 October 2011).
11 See, for example, Christopher G. Tiedeman, ‘Government Ownership of Public Utilities’ (1902-1903) 16 Harvard Law Review 476; and William H. Baily, ‘The Control of Public Utilities’ (1904) 12 The American Lawyer 444. The State of New Jersey established a ‘Board of Public Utilities’ in 1911: Institute of Public Utilities Regulatory Research and Education, Michigan State University, Public Service Commission Origins and Evolution (August 2011) at http://ipu.msu.edu (accessed 26 October 2011).
12 In the 1930s, the US Supreme Court reinterpreted the ‘due process’ clause so that the validity of a price control no longer depended on whether the business was ‘affected with a public interest’. See Keith M. Howe and Eugene F. Rasmussen, Public Utility Economics and Finance (Prentice-Hall, 1982) chapter 3.
13 By the 1930s, the term ‘public utility’ was also in common usage in Britain: Marshall E. Dimock, British Public Utilities and National Development (George Allen & Unwin, 1933) 22.
14 J.H. Gordon, Australasian Federal Convention (Third Session, Melbourne, 22 February 1898).
15 The Forum was established in 1997 by Commonwealth, State and Territory regulators with responsibility for utility regulation: http://www.accc.gov.au/content/index.phtml/itemId/3894 (accessed 22 January 2013).
16 https://www.naruc.org/ (accessed 3 June 2019). 17 http://www.egyptera.org/en/ (accessed 26 August 2016).
Chapter 1: Research question
19
Public Utilities Commission;18 Jamaica’s Office of Utilities Regulation;19
Singapore’s Public Utilities Board;20 and Ghana’s Public Utilities Regulatory
Commission.21
While the term ‘public utility’ is legal in origin, it applies to a combination of
economic and social facts.22 For the purpose of this thesis, the most relevant
definition of ‘public utility’ was developed by Sleeman, a British economist, in
1953.23 Sleeman commences by defining a public utility as a supplier of a
service rather than a good. Although water and gas (and, as the Australian
Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) has also contended,
electricity)24 are physical commodities, the service component is integral to
the end-user25 – consumers require a ‘constant and reliable service’ laid on to
their ‘house or factory’.26 Sleeman also defines the service as a basic service
‘on which the life of the country depends’.27
18 http://erranet.org/AboutUs/Members/Profiles/Latvia (accessed 26 August
2016). 19 http://www.our.org.jm/ourweb/ (accessed 26 August 2016). 20 https://www.pub.gov.sg/ (accessed 26 August 2016). 21 http://www.purc.com.gh/ (accessed 26 August 2016). 22 Irston R. Barnes, The Economics of Public Utility Regulation (F.S. Crofts & Co,
1942) 1. 23 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 3-4 and
chapter II. 24 Electricity Supply Assoc of Australia Ltd v Australian Competition and
Consumer Commission [2001] FCA 1296 (12 September 2001). The applicant contended that a supplier under an electricity supply contract was not liable for damage resulting from a power surge or power brown-out caused by acts beyond the reasonable control of the supplier. In contrast, the ACCC argued that electricity supply contracts with consumers were subject to the implied conditions under the former Trade Practices Act 1974 which required goods to be of merchantable quality and reasonably fit for the purpose for which they are known to be acquired.
25 An end-user is the ultimate consumer of the good or service. The concept is explained in the Explanatory Memorandum for the Trade Practices Amendment (Telecommunications) Bill 1996 (Cth) (under the heading ‘Proposed section 152AB - Object of this Part'):
The term ‘end-users' recognises that telecommunications networks and services are used both by customers with a direct contractual relationship with a carrier or service provider and other end-users of carriage or content services (such as the members of a customer's household).
The Australian Competition Tribunal, in relation to pay television, considered that ‘end-users’ included (or potentially included): subscribers and other viewers in their households; and businesses where people congregate (such as hotels): Re Seven Network Limited (No 4) [2004] ACompT 11 (23 December 2004) at [120].
26 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 8. 27 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 9.
Chapter 1: Research question
20
This leads to Sleeman’s second characteristic of a public utility.28 A large
capital investment is required to supply a regular and reliable service. The
first and second characteristics lead to the third.29 From the point of view of
the consumer, the service is non-transferable. If the service supplier raises
the price, a consumer cannot easily store the service, postpone their demand
to another point in time, or transfer their demand to another supplier.
From these three characteristics (nature of the service, the importance of
fixed capital and non-transferability of demand), Sleeman identified a fourth
characteristic, natural monopoly.30 The market31 for time travel would be a
natural monopoly if a single firm can serve that market at lower cost than a
combination of two or more firms (that is, the long run average cost curve falls
continuously over a large range of output).32 Since there is this element of
natural monopoly, a fifth characteristic is that public utilities must be subject to
government regulation to prevent monopoly exploitation.33
However, these five characteristics require qualification. Sleeman’s first
characteristic (nature of the service) in fact incorporates two tests. First, a
public utility is a supplier of a service – or, at least, a service is an integral
component of the supply chain. Secondly, the public utility is considered to
be ‘essential’. For example, time travel could not be declared under
Australia’s national access regime in Part IIIA of the Competition and
Consumer Act 2010 (Cth) (CC Act) unless, among other things, it is a
‘service’ and it is provided by means of a facility that is ‘of national
28 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 3-4 and 9-
11. Where the public utility involves the delivery of a good, the production of the good may also have high fixed costs (e.g. electricity power stations or natural gas exploration and production).
29 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 4 and 11-13.
30 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 4 and 13-14.
31 Economists use the term ‘natural monopoly’ to describe the characteristics of a firm in contrast to ‘perfect competition’ which describes the characteristics of a market. In the real world, policy makers just roll their eyes when economists make this pedantic distinction.
32 Joshua Gans, Stephen King, Robin Stonecash and N. Gregory Mankiw, Principles of Economics (Cengage Learning, 4th ed., 2009) 318-319.
33 J.F. Sleeman, British Public Utilities (Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1953) 4.
Chapter 1: Research question
21
significance’.34 The notion of an ‘essential service’ is discussed in more detail
in chapter 5.
The concept of a service being part of a supply chain also requires
elaboration. As outlined in chapter 2, since the 1990s, Australian
governments have, in respect of markets traditionally served by statutory
monopolies, generally sought to introduce competition where possible, and to
regulate access to the ‘bottlenecks’ (services supplied by facilities that exhibit
natural monopoly characteristics and to which businesses require access in
order to compete in upstream or downstream markets).35 For example,
vertically integrated36 government owned electricity utilities were separated
into network businesses (the poles and wires) and generation and retail.37 In
certain Australian States and Territories, the electricity retail market is
regarded as effectively competitive – an end-user can transfer to another
electricity retailer.38 However, does this mean that electricity retail has ceased
to be regarded as a public utility? Chapter 5 argues that the whole of the
chain is still regarded as something ‘on which the life of the country
depends’.39 For the purpose of this thesis, the term ‘public utilities’ includes
businesses that operate in a competitive market but which form part of a
supply chain that incorporates Sleeman’s natural monopoly service provider.40
34 CC Act s 44CA(1)(c). The history and operation of Part IIIA of the CC Act is
described in chapter 2 of this thesis. 35 Independent Committee of Inquiry, National Competition Policy (AGPS, 1993)
239. 36 A service provider is ‘vertically integrated’ where it also competes in a market
in which the service is a production input. Another relevant concept used in this thesis is ‘horizontal integration’ (where a firm takes over a competitor in the same market): see the Explanatory Memorandum to the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer Safeguards) Bill 2010 (Cth).
37 An overview of electricity regulation in Australia is set out in chapter 2 of this thesis.
38 In 2016, the Australian Energy Market Commission found that retail competition remains effective for electricity markets in South East Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia. Electricity retail competition is less effective in the Australian Capital Territory and effective competition is yet to emerge in Tasmania and regional Queensland. Australian Energy Market Commission, Retail Competition Review (Final report, 30 June 2016).
39 This is evidenced by the obligations imposed by Australian governments on energy retailers to protect disadvantaged consumers: National Energy Retail Law set out in the schedule to the National Energy Retail Law (South Australia) Act 2011 (SA).
40 A supply chain is the set of business functions involved in fulfilling a customer’s request. See Sunil Chopra and Peter Meindl, Supply Chain Management: Strategy, Planning, and Operation (Prentice Hall, 4th ed., 2010) 2.
Chapter 1: Research question
22
Two additional terms also need to be explained: ‘infrastructure’ and ‘supply
chain’. In response to the changing role of government, public policy dialogue
in Australia has shifted from ‘public utilities’ to ‘economic infrastructure’.41
‘Infrastructure’ has been defined as the structural elements of the economy
that provide basic services to industry and households.42 Such facilities are
often categorised as either economic or social.43 ‘Economic infrastructure’
usually forms part of a network,44 and is an input to production processes
(such as roads, ports, railways, airports, electricity and gas supply, water and
sewerage services and telecommunications services – and possibly also time
travel).45 ‘Social infrastructure’ (such as schools, hospitals, prisons and public
housing) is directed at providing community services.46 (In practice,47
quantitative studies of Australia’s ‘economic infrastructure’ often include both
the physical service delivery network and the related businesses.)48 The shift
41 E.g. Infrastructure Australia was created in 2008. 42 Alison Smith, Economic Infrastructure in Australia (Research Paper No. 4, The
Treasury, 1992) 3. 43 Productivity Commission, Annual Review of Regulatory Burdens on Business:
Social and Economic Infrastructure Services (Research Report, August 2009). The distinction between economic and social infrastructure is blurred. Social infrastructure (such as education) can affect economic efficiency whilst economic infrastructure (such as universal access to a telecommunications service) may deliver social objectives: Economic Planning Advisory Council, Economic Infrastructure in Australia (June 1988) 7. In Australia, as at 1995, about 70 per cent of infrastructure was classified as economic and the remaining 30 per cent as social: Private Infrastructure Task Force, Economic Planning Advisory Commission, Interim Report (May 1995) 27.
44 Michael Klein, Competition in Network Industries (Policy Research Working Paper No 1591, The World Bank, Private Sector Development Department, 1996).
45 Private Infrastructure Task Force, Economic Planning Advisory Commission, Final Report (September 1995) 5.
46 Alison Smith, Economic Infrastructure in Australia (Research Paper No. 4, The Treasury, 1992) 3.
47 See, for example, Productivity Commission, Trends in Australian Infrastructure Prices 1990-91 to 2000-01 (Performance Monitoring, May 2002). In these cases, the terms ‘economic infrastructure’ and ‘public utility’ appear to be synonymous. However, in this thesis (unless otherwise indicated) the term ‘infrastructure’ is used to refer only to the service delivery network (Sleeman’s natural monopoly service provider).
48 The definition of ‘related business’ depends on an understanding of the terms ‘competition’, ‘market’ and ‘market power’: • ‘Competition’ is a state of ongoing rivalry between firms – rivalry in terms
of price, service, technology and quality. • A ‘market’ is the space in which rivalry takes place. The key to market
definition is substitution. The two main dimensions of substitution are product and geographic. Market definition usually begins by selecting a product supplied by a firm in a particular geographic area and incrementally broadening the market to include the next closest substitute
Chapter 1: Research question
23
away from vertically integrated government owned utilities has in turn
increased focus on the ‘supply (or production) chain’ – the series of stages
involved in producing a product or service that is delivered to the end
customer.49
A final comment on Sleeman’s first characteristic of a public utility is that, at
some point in the future, there may no longer even be a requirement for a
service to be an integral component of the supply chain. For example,
developing technologies such as photovoltaics, batteries and cogen may lead
to stand-alone distributed electricity generation systems in place of grids such
as the interconnected Australian national electricity market.50 A country’s
Energy Utility could become responsible for installing, and maintaining, such
systems rather than operating large-scale power stations (e.g. coal-fired, gas
and nuclear powered plants) and transmitting electricity over long distances.
The second qualification to Sleeman’s definition of a ‘public utility’ concerns
the requirement that there be a large capital investment for the delivery of the
service or good. In the case of time travel, a large component of the cost of
providing a time travel service would be fixed (that is, not dependent on the
until all close substitutes for the initial product are included. There are two types of substitution: demand-side substitution (customer-switching) and supply-side substitution (supplier-switching).
• The greater the degree of competition in a market, the less ‘market power’ each market participant will possess. A ‘competitive market’ is one in which a single economic actor cannot have a substantial influence on market prices.
• If the product produced in one market is a production input for a second market, then that second market is called a ‘related market’ (also an ‘upstream or downstream market’ or ‘dependent market’).
See Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, Merger Guidelines (November 2008) 10 & 15-16; and Joshua Gans, Stephen King, Robin Stonecash and N. Gregory Mankiw, Principles of Economics (Cengage Learning, 4th ed., 2009) 865. For an example of the terms ‘dependent market’ and ‘related market’, see In the matter of Fortescue Metals Group Limited [2010] ACompT 2 (30 June 2010).
49 Michael Klein, Competition in Network Industries (Policy Research Working Paper No 1591, The World Bank, Private Sector Development Department, 1996). For example, in 1997, in the context of proposed amendments to the national access regime, the Commonwealth Assistant Treasurer distinguished between monopoly services and services used by household consumers at the end of the ‘production chain’ (such as electricity): Second reading debate on the Trade Practices Amendment (Industry Access Codes) Bill 1996: Australia, Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 13 February 1997, 681 (Senator Kemp, Assistant Treasurer).
50 Rajab Khalilpour and Anthony Vassallo, ‘Leaving the Grid: An Ambition or a Real Choice?’ (2015) 82(C) Energy Policy 207.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Photovoltaicshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battery_(electricity)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cogenhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Power_stationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Combined_cyclehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuclear_power
Chapter 1: Research question
24
level of usage or output).51 However, in the case of Australia Post, even
though operating costs comprise the major part of the total cost of providing
letter services,52 Australia Post is still regarded as a ‘utility’.53 The natural
monopoly component arises, not from capital investment, but the provision of
a ubiquitous service including in remote areas where volumes are low and
populations dispersed.54 Sleeman’s second requirement of a large capital
investment is therefore, for the purpose of this thesis, not essential to the
definition of a utility. Rather, this thesis treats Sleeman’s fourth characteristic
(that the production chain or, at least, the service component, be a natural
monopoly) as the third requirement.
Sleeman’s third characteristic (the service is non-transferable) should in fact
be the fourth, and final, requirement. A service provider could be a natural
monopoly but not have market power due to substitutable services (e.g. the
choice between road or rail transport). Sleeman’s fifth characteristic (the
application of regulation) is treated, in this thesis, as a regime component
rather than part of the definition of a ‘public utility’.
Adapting Sleeman’s approach, this thesis thus stipulates four characteristics
of a ‘public utility’:
• a public utility is a supplier of a service – or, at least (for the present time),
a service is an integral component of the supply chain;
• the public utility is regarded as ‘essential’;
• the supply chain or, at least, the service component, is a natural
monopoly; and
• the natural monopoly component of the supply chain has market power.
51 Joshua Gans, Stephen King, Robin Stonecash and N. Gregory Mankiw,
Principles of Economics (Cengage Learning, 4th ed., 2009) 864. Another relevant concept used in this thesis is ‘sunk costs’ (costs that have been incurred, and cannot be recovered): John B. Taylor & Lionel Frost, Microeconomics (John Wiley & Sons, 4th ed., 2009) 406.
52 Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, Australian Postal Corporation 2010 Price Notification: Decision (May 2010) 96.
53 E.g. Second reading debate on the Postal and Telecommunications Amendment Bill 1983: Australia, Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 9 November 1983, 2471 (Mr Duffy, Minister for Communications).
54 National Competition Council, Review of the Australian Postal Corporation Act: Final Report, Volume Two (February 1998) 263 & 271.
Chapter 1: Research question
25
These characteristics provide the foundation for the discussion in chapter 3
on government objectives and market characteristics.
What is an ‘optimal utility regime’?
This thesis applies Windholz and Hodge’s approach to defining regulation.55
Windholz and Hodge commence with Black’s definition of regulation as a
process involving:56 the sustained and focused attempt to alter the behaviour of others
according to defined standards or purposes with the intention of producing a
broadly identified outcome or outcomes.
However, they add the qualifier that the process is one undertaken by or
under the auspices or authority of government. Similarly, the research
question in this thesis is being asked from the perspective of government
(whether a public servant, elected representative, monarch or dictator): How
can a government achieve its desired social outcomes for public utilities?
The significance of Black’s definition is that government action can
encompass a variety of forms including: primary and subordinate legislation;
administrative decisions and instruments pursuant to legislation; direct
government expenditure including grants and subsidies; taxation including the
imposition of taxes and the use of tax incentives; public ownership;
information campaigns, negotiation and moral persuasion; and reliance on
industry self-regulation.57 This thesis thus refers to ‘regulation’ as government
action that is intended to influence the way people behave58 but recognises
55 Eric Windholz and Graeme A. Hodge, ‘Conceptualising Social and Economic
Regulation: Implications for Modern Regulators and Regulatory Activity’ (2012) 38(2) Monash University Law Review 212. See also Bronwen Morgan and Karen Yeung, An Introduction to Law and Regulation: Text and Materials (Cambridge University Press, 2007) 3-4.
56 Julia Black, ‘Critical Reflections on Regulation’ (2002) 27 Australian Journal of Legal Philosophy 1, 26. See also Arie Freiberg, The Tools of Regulation (Federation Press, 2010) 2-5.
57 In the ‘regulatory space’, there may be an existing system of ordering which exists separately from government (although that private system may be constituted by, amongst other things, laws of property or contract): Colin Scott, ‘Analysing Regulatory Space: Fragmented Resources and Institutional Design’ (Summer 2001) Public Law 329; Julia Black, ‘Decentring Regulation: Understanding the Role of Regulation and Self-Regulation in a ‘Post-Regulatory’ World’ (2001) 54 Current Legal Problems 103, 122.
58 This definition is adapted from Office of Regulation Review, A Guide to Regulation (2nd ed., 1998) A1 and E. (The Guide has been superseded by the Australian Government, Guide to Regulation (2014)).
Chapter 1: Research question
26
that a government’s chosen form of action may be to rely on industry self-
regulation.
In the scenario outlined at the start of this chapter, our time travel policy
maker is faced with a myriad of public policy issues. This thesis focusses
only on one category of regulation, ‘economic regulation’, defined as
government intervention in market decisions such as price, rate of return,
output, market entry or exit, and competition.59 However, there is no bright
dividing line. Economic regulation interacts with other forms of regulation
(such as technical operating standards) and economic regulation may have
both economic and non-economic objectives (including environmental
objectives and community service obligations which are a form of ‘social
regulation’).60 This reflects Windholz and Hodge’s argument that both social
and economic regulation is underpinned by a mix of interconnected and
interdependent social and economic values.61 Nevertheless, there remain
broad areas of regulation that apply to public utilities which are not covered by
this thesis such as corporate law, taxation and industrial relations.62
This thesis adopts the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development’s (OECD) approach for evaluating regulatory policy.63 A regime
for the economic regulation of time travel would be optimal if it satisfies two
criteria – it is effective in achieving the stated objectives, and it is efficient in
terms of maximising the benefits to the community, taking into account the
costs.64
59 R.A. Posner, ‘Theories of Economic Regulation’ (1974) 5(2, Autumn) Bell
Journal of Economics and Management Science 335; W. Kip Viscusi, Joseph E. Harrington, Jr. and John M. Vernon, Economics of Regulation and Antitrust (MIT Press, 4th ed., 2005) 358.
60 See chapter 5 of this thesis. 61 Eric Windholz and Graeme A. Hodge, ‘Conceptualising Social and Economic
Regulation: Implications for Modern Regulators and Regulatory Activity’ (2012) 38(2) Monash University Law Review 212.
62 Although this thesis recognises that there are links across these areas of regulation. For example, chapter 8 discusses corporate law as a form of ring-fencing.
63 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD Framework for Regulatory Policy Evaluation (18 June 2014) DOI:10.1787/9789264214453-en.
64 Council of Australian Governments, Best Practice Regulation: A Guide for Ministerial Councils and National Standard Setting Bodies (2014) 4; Australian Government, Guide to Regulation (2014) 19. Gunningham and Grabosky add equity as an additional criterion. However, if equity is seen as part of the
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A possible concern is that the principles set out in this thesis will produce a
regime that is optimal in theory but unlikely to be applied in practice. In fact,
this thesis does take account of the ‘plurality of aspects’ in which regulation
enters our life65 by recognising the potentially broad nature of government
objectives and the impact of legacy constraints (e.g. on privatisation of a
government owned utility).66 However, this thesis is predicated on a particular
value system – that regulation occurs mainly for public, rather than private,
interest reasons – or, at least, that private interests drive a policy maker to a
public interest outcome.67 This issue is discussed further in chapter 2 but, in
essence, our time travel policy maker does not define an ‘optimal’ utility
regime as the one that most enriches their pocket. The time travel policy
objectives (as argued in chapter 5), then an effective regime is one that achieves that objective. See Neil Gunningham and Peter Grabosky with Darren Sinclair, Smart Regulation: Designing Environmental Policy (Oxford University Press, 1998) 25.
65 See David Levi-Faur, ‘Regulation and Regulatory Governance’ in David Levi-Faur (ed.), Handbook on the Politics of Regulation (Edward Elgar, 2011) 17.
66 See Barry M. Mitnick, ‘Capturing ‘Capture’: Definition and Mechanisms’ in David Levi-Faur (ed.), Handbook on the Politics of Regulation (Edward Elgar, 2011) 34.
67 The foundation to the public interest model is the belief that a competitive market (in which no individual firm or consumer has the power to control price) will maximise social welfare as each firm tries to make as much profit as possible and each consumer maximises their own utility. A government should regulate only where the market (Smith’s invisible hand) will not achieve the socially desired objective. Market failures may be categorised as: market imperfections (where a market is not competitive due to an unequal distribution of market power or information asymmetry); externalities (where the production or consumption of a good or service has an external effect that is not reflected in the price); public goods (where the good is a public good or common property); or equity (where a market will not meet social goals). The theory was later called the ‘normative analysis as a positive theory’: see Paul L. Joskow and Roger G. Noll, ‘Regulation in Theory and Practice: An Overview’ in Gary Fromm (ed.), Studies in Public Regulation (MIT Press, 1981). For surveys of the regulation literature, see Robert Horwitz, The Irony of Regulatory Reform: The Deregulation of American Telecommunications (Oxford University Press, 1989) 22-45; and Barry Mitnick, The Political Economy of Regulation: Creating, Designing and Removing Regulatory Forms (Columbia University Press, 1980).
Chapter 1: Research question
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maker is concerned about the risk of ‘regulatory failure’68 and
‘counterproductive regulation’.69
1.3 How to answer the research question?
What methodology should be used to identify the optimal design for a utility
regime? A useful starting point is to consider how others have approached
similarly broad topics: How does the World Bank (in its guidance on
infrastructure development); economists (in texts on utility regulation); and
regulatory theorists (in texts on other broad categories of regulation) set about
identifying principles for regime design?
In 2006, the World Bank published fifteen ‘best-practice’ standards for
regulatory governance against which a utility regime should be evaluated.70
‘Regulatory governance’ refers to the institutional and legal design of the
regulatory system and the framework within which decisions are made, in
contrast to ‘regulatory substance’ which refers to the content of regulation
(e.g. the actual decisions made by the regulator about tariffs or quality of
service standards). The standards are summarised as:71
• legal framework;
• legal powers;
• property and contract rights;
• clarity of roles in regulation and policy;
68 See Coase’s concept of ‘government failure’ where economic policy is based
on an abstract of a market situation rather than what will actually work in practice: Ronald H. Coase, ‘The Regulated Industries – Discussion’ (1964) 54(3) American Economic Review 192. See also Joseph E. Stiglitz, ‘Regulation and Failure’ in David Moss and John Cisternino (eds.), New Perspectives on Regulation (The Tobin Project, 2009) 11.
69 Grabosky argues for the need to create structures and situations which enable policy makers to pre-empt the risk of regulatory initiatives that defeat themselves or inflict collateral damage (counterproductive regulation): P.N. Grabosky, ‘Counterproductive Regulation’ (1995) 23 International Journal of the Sociology of Law 347.
70 Ashley C. Brown, Jon Stern, Bernard Tenenbaum and Defne Gencer, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), Handbook for Evaluating Infrastructure Regulatory Systems (2006) 5 & 43.
71 Ashley C. Brown, Jon Stern, Bernard Tenenbaum and Defne Gencer, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), Handbook for Evaluating Infrastructure Regulatory Systems (2006) chapter 3. The report does not set out standards for regulatory substance as this ‘tends to be more context-specific and, consequently, is less amendable to general principles’: 49-50.
Chapter 1: Research question
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• clarity and comprehensiveness of regulatory decisions;
• predictability and flexibility;
• consumer rights and obligations;
• proportionality;72
• regulatory independence;
• financing of regulatory agencies;
• regulatory accountability;
• regulatory processes and transparency;
• public participation;
• appellate review of regulatory decisions; and
• ethics.
These standards were intended to facilitate private investment. The World
Bank has been criticised for seeing privatisation of state enterprises as an
end in itself and an automatic contributor to development, poverty alleviation
and environmental protection.73 However, the pertinent point, for the purpose
of this section 1.3, is to examine how the World Bank derived these
standards. In summary, the benchmarks used in the questionnaires
developed by the World Bank were derived from the ‘independent regulator
model’.74 The World Bank concluded, after reviewing the literature and what
occurs in practice, that this is, and should be, the de facto governance model
across most countries.
The economic literature on utility regulation also starts with a model, being the
welfare theorem where economic efficiency is maximised under conditions of
perfect competition.75 As outlined in chapter 3 of the thesis, this model has
been used to develop highly influential principles on the objective of utility
regulation, market structure, ownership, when to regulate, the regulatory tool,
72 Proportionality requires that regulation be kept to the minimum needed: at 67. 73 See, for example, Brettonwoods Project, The World Bank and the Private
Sector (Briefings, 14 June 2000). 74 The ‘independent regulator model’ is defined by the World Bank (at p. 50) as
‘decision making independence’ – the regulator’s decisions are made without the prior approval of any other government entity, and no entity other than a court or a pre-established appellate panel can overrule the regulator’s decisions. The institutional building blocks for decision making independence are organisational independence, financial independence and management independence.
75 This is further discussed in chapter 3.
Chapter 1: Research question
30
the price methodology, and how to achieve equity objectives in the most
efficient way possible.
Outside of utility regulation, regulatory theorists have developed principles for
other broad categories of regulation. As mentioned in the introduction, an
insightful model is Gunningham and Grabosky’s work on how environmental
regulation could be redesigned to perform optimally. The authors used
industry-specific case studies across the US, Australia and, to a lesser extent,
Western Europe and Canada, to derive lessons, of much broader application,
on the use of multiple, rather than single, regulatory instruments (command
and control, self-regulation, voluntarism, education and information,
economic, and free market environmentalism).
Case study methodology
To develop principles for utility regulation design, this thesis follows
Gunningham and Grabosky’s approach of using a case study methodology
(where a specific case with clear boundaries is studied, a context is set and
an in-depth picture of the case is given).76 A case study investigates
contemporary phenomenon within its real life context, particularly where many
more variables of interest exist than data points. As Yin notes, this makes a
case study methodology particularly suited to answering ‘how’ or ‘why’
questions.77 A good case study relies on multiple sources of evidence with
data needing to converge in a triangulating fashion.78 It also benefits from the
prior development of a theoretical position to guide data collection and
analys