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Constraints)on)prosodic) cons-tuentstructure:) uncovering)areal...

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Constraints on prosodic cons-tuent structure: uncovering areal tendencies in Northern SubSaharan Africa Spencer Lamoureux & Florian Lionnet University of California, Berkeley WOCAL 8 23 Aug 2015
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Page 1: Constraints)on)prosodic) cons-tuentstructure:) uncovering)areal ...idiatov.mardi.myds.me/WOCAL8_Areal_Phenomena_NSSA/LAMOURE… · 2.)Metrical)Structure)in)Africa • Proper-es)of)accent)(Downing)2010,)and)ref.)therein):)

Constraints  on  prosodic  cons-tuent  structure:  

uncovering  areal  tendencies  in  Northern  Sub-­‐Saharan  Africa  

Spencer  Lamoureux  &  Florian  Lionnet    University  of  California,  Berkeley  

WOCAL  8  -­‐  23  Aug  2015  

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Goals  of  the  ALFA  Project  at  Berkeley  

•  “Areal  Linguis-c  Features  in  Africa”  •  Iden-fy  areal  phenomena  in  Africa,  par-cularly  in  N.  Sub-­‐Saharan  Africa  – cf.  Güldemann’s  Macro-­‐Sudan  Belt  

•  Understand  these  at  the  finest  possible  geographic  granularity  

•  Dis-nguish  contact-­‐induced  vs.  inherited  traits  – Contribute  to  our  understanding  of  African  linguis-c  history  

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Goals  for  our  research  program  

•  Main  ques-ons:  

– To  what  extent  do  the  languages  of  N.  Sub-­‐Saharan  Africa  cluster  with  respect  to  segmental  distribu-on  in:  •  syllable  structure  •  metrical  structure  (foot)  •  stem  and  word  structure  (minimal/maximal  size,  distribu-on  and  contrast  asymmetries  etc.)  

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Goals  for  our  research  program  

•  Main  ques-ons:  

– To  what  extent  do  the  languages  of  N.  Sub-­‐Saharan  Africa  cluster  with  respect  to  segmental  distribu-on  in:  •  syllable  structure  • metrical  structure  (foot)  •  stem  and  word  structure  (minimal/maximal  size,  distribu-on  and  contrast  asymmetries  etc.)  

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Goals  for  our  research  program  

•  Main  ques-ons:  

–  Is  any  given  cluster  the  result  of  contact  or  inheritance?  

–  If  they  do  cluster,  where  and  how?  

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A  word  of  cau-on  

•  Our  proposed  topic  is  a  huge  one,  and  will  likely  take  years  to  make  reliable  progress.  

•  Results  are  preliminary  and  subject  to  a  great  deal  of  enrichment  and  modifica-on  going  forward:  – Current  sample  is  ca.  50  languages  – S-ll  working  on  structuring  our  database  

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Goals  for  this  talk  

•  Lay  the  conceptual  founda-ons  for  our  project  – Present  a  preliminary  typology  of  syllable  structure  /  onset-­‐coda  asymmetries  

–  Illustrate  systems  where  metrical  structure  has  been  claimed  to  be  a  crucial  component  of  the  morphology  /  phonology  of  African  languages  

•  Present  our  preliminary  results.  •  Get  sugges-ons  on  where  and  what  to  look  at  

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1.  SYLLABLE  STRUCTURE  

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1.  Syllable  structure  

•  Basic  phonotac-c  requirements,  e.g.  does  a  language  allow  coda  consonants,  complex  onsets,  etc.?  

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1.  Syllable  structure  

•  Distribu-onal  asymmetries:  

–  In  a  lg.  with  codas,  are  all  the  consonants  permifed,  or  only  a  subset?  

– Are  there  par-cular  onset  gaps?  

–  If  so,  what  subset?  Are  there  contrast  neutraliza-ons?  

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1.  Syllabic  “Posi-on  Classes”  

– Word-­‐  or  stem-­‐ini-al  onset:  #__  –  Intervocalic  onset:  V.__V  – Post-­‐consonantal  onset:  VC.__V  – Word-­‐internal  coda:  V__.CV  – Word-­‐final  coda:  C#  

•  We  need  more  than  just  the  onset-­‐coda  dis-nc-on  to  capture  the  interes-ng  paferns,  though:  

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1.  Syllable  Typology  I  

•  Type  0:  no  codas                                        (CV  only)  

Hawaiian;  Fongbe;  most  of  Bantu  

Classifica:on   Examples  

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1.  Syllable  Typology  I:  only  sonorants  Classifica:on   Examples  

•  Type  1a:  CVN  only  nasal  codas  

•  Type  1b:  CV{N/L}  only  nasal  &  liquid  codas  

•  Type  1c:  CV{N/L/G}  only  nasal,  liquid,  &  glide  codas  

Tuu,  Kx’a,  some  Khoe  Jeli  (Mande)  

Kisi  (Atlan-c);  Kanembu  (Saharan)  

Mandarin  Jamsay  (Dogon)  

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1.  Syllable  Typology  II:  no-­‐stops  Classifica:on   Examples  

•  Type  2a:  CV{N/L/G/F}  only  sonorant  and  frica-ve  codas  

•  Type  2b:  CV{N/L/G/F}  only  sonorant  or  frica-ve  codas  +  odd  stops  

??  

Konni  (Gur);  Dagaare  (Gur)  

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1.  Syllable  Typology  III:  stops  with  neutraliza-on  

Classifica:on   Examples  

•  Type  3a:  stop  codas  with  contextual  neutraliza-on  of  laryngeal  contrasts  

•  Type  3b:  stop  codas  with  total  neutraliza-on  of  laryngeal  contrasts  

Anywa  (W  Nilo-c)  

German;  ??    

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1.  Syllable  Typology  IV  Classifica:on   Examples  

•  Type  4:  No  restric-ons  on  (simplex)  codas    

Bidiya  (E  Chadic);  Fer,  Yulu  (C  Sudanic)  

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1.  Map  by  Coda  Consonant  Types  

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1.  A  Tenta-ve  Hypothesis  

•  Restric-on  on  codas  is  an  areal  feature  of  a  Mande-­‐Kwa-­‐Kru  area  – This  dovetails  with  findings  by  the  ALFA  tone  group  (Emily  Clem  &  Hannah  Sande,  p.c.)  

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2.  METRICAL  STRUCTURE  

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2.  Metrical  Structure  in  Africa  

•  Lack  of  obvious  “stress”,  but  plenty  of  prosody:  

“…stress  prominence  is  of  course  not  the  only  symptom  of  foot-­‐hood…  segmental  and  quan-ta-ve  factors  can  also  be  in  play,  showing  up  in  the  asymmetric  distribu-on  of  contrast  and  weight  between  head  and  dependent  syllables”  (Harris  2004[1990]:  26).    

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2.  Metrical  Structure  in  Africa  

•  Accent  is  a  “prominence  asymmetry  that  makes  one  syllable  more  salient  than  its  neighbors  by  enhancing  some  combina-on  of  phone-c  proper-es:  pitch,  dura-on,  intensity,  and/or  contras:ve  segmental  features”  (Downing  2010:  382,  cf.  van  der  Hulst  1999,  2002,  2006;  emphasis  ours).        

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2.  Metrical  Structure  in  Africa    

•  “…it  is  this  diversity  of  prominence  asymmetries  that  in  fact  make  African  languages  par-cularly  interes-ng  for  research  on  the  range  of  phonological  proper-es  that  can  define  prominence  or  provide  evidence  of  metrical  cons-tuency”  (Downing  2010:  385).  

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2.  Metrical  Structure  in  Africa  

•  Proper-es  of  accent  (Downing  2010,  and  ref.  therein):  

– culminaBve,  i.e.  there  is  at  most  one  (main)  prominence  peak  per  relevant  domain,  and    

– demarcaBve,  i.e.  prominence  peaks  are  defined  with  reference  to  a  par-cular  morpheme  edge  (stem  or  word).    

– Stress  is  thus  only  one  form  of  accent…  [A]symmetries  independent  of  stress  should  be  considered  forms  of  accent,  as  long  as  they  have  the  two  proper-es  defined  above”.    

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  I  

•  Kukuya  (Bantu  B77;  Paulian  1985;  Hyman  1987)    – Stems  have  up  to  3  syllables  – Stem-­‐ini-al  prominence:  

                   C1V    .    C2V    .    C3V  

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All  Cs  in  the  inventory  

-­‐  P,  T,  K,  l,  m  ,n  

-­‐  C2-­‐C3  combina-ons:  only  6  

             -­‐  Cor.  C2+  non-­‐cor.  C3                -­‐  or  vel.  C2    +  lab.  C3  

             -­‐  C2  and  C3  must  agree  in  nasality  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  I  

•  Kukuya  (Bantu  B77;  Paulian  1985;  Hyman  1987)    – Lev-­‐edge  of  stem  is  “accented”:  •   Pause  before  C1  •  C1  nasal  or  /l/  is  geminated  /Pu-­‐nɔnɔ/  =  [bʊ-­‐nnɔnɔ]  

– Stem  =  prosodic  domain  •  Prefixes  form  a  prosodic  domain  with  preceding  material  

   

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  I  

•  Kukuya  (Bantu  B77;  Paulian  1985;  Hyman  1987)    – Hyman’s  (1987)  analysis:  maximally  ternary  lev-­‐headed  “stress-­‐foot”  

   

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  II  

•  Jamsay  (Dogon;  Heath  2008):  – “an  embryonic  metrical  structure  is  manifested  in  various  phonological  rules,  par-cularly  those  applying  to  verb  stems  and  their  suffixal  deriva-ves  (including  Verbal  Nouns).  The  core  sequence  involved  is  a  stem-­‐iniBal  bisyllabic  [σσ]  foot  behaving  metrically  as  a  trochee  [sw]…”  

– “There  is  no  clear  evidence  for  metrical  structure  in  the  third,  fourth,  and  fivh  syllables  of  long,  uncompounded  stems  or  words.”  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  II  

•  Jamsay  (Dogon;  Heath  2008:26-­‐7):  – g-­‐spiran-za-on:  /Caga…,  Cɔgɔ…/  →  Caɣa…,  Cɔɣɔ…  

•  /dɔgɔ/  →  (dɔɣɔ)    ‘Dogon’  •  /dɔrɔgɔ/  →  (dɔrɔ)gɔ  ‘ransom  (verb)’  

– Post-­‐sonorant  syncope  (verbs)  •  (pére-­‐)  ‘clap’    →  pét-­‐-  ‘clap:PFV’  

– Suffixal  u-­‐apocope  (verbal  nouns)  •  (sáŋa-­‐)      ‘adorn’  →  (sàŋ-­‐u)          ~  sǎŋ  •  (dàna)ŋa      ‘arrange’  →  (dànu)ŋ-­‐ú        (*dànǔŋ)  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  II  

•  Jamsay  (Dogon;  Heath  2008:26-­‐7):  –  Inter-­‐word  u-­‐apocope  

•  (tɔgu)  kaːⁿ    ~    tɔg  kaːⁿ    ‘each  kind’  •  (yùru)gu  kaːⁿ    (*yùrùg  kaːⁿ)  ‘each  fox’  

– V2-­‐reduc-on  (verbal  nouns)  •  léréwe-­‐    →  lèrìw-­‐u  ~  lèrəw-­‐u  ‘trim’  •  gɔlɔrɔ-­‐wɔ-­‐  →  gɔlùru-­‐w-­‐ú  ~  gɔlərə-­‐w-­‐ú  ‘cause  to  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  II  

•  Jamsay  (Dogon;  Heath  2008:26-­‐7):  – Pre-­‐suffixal  V2  raising  

•  (píte-­‐  )  ‘be  inflated’  →  (píti)-­‐wé-­‐  ‘inflate’  •  (jùgɔ-­‐)  ‘know’      →  (jugu)-­‐wɔ-­‐  ‘inform’  •  only  with  dissyllabic  verb  stems  

30  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  III  

•  Ibibio  (Akinlabi  &  Urua  2002,  a.o.):  – “…the  prosodic  target  of  the  inflec-onal  stem  is  a  bisyllabic  trochaic  foot”  (127).    

 

/dép  +  ke/      →    [(dép.pe)]  /dó  +  ke/      →    [(dóo.ɣo)]  /kɔɔŋ  +  ke1/    →    [(kɔɔ.ŋɔ)]    /kɔɔŋ  +  ke2/    →    [(kɔŋ.ŋɔ)]    /dáppa  +  ke/    →    [(dáp.pa)ke]            

– Effects  of  this  are  seen  in  lengthening,  leni-on,  and  vowel  assimila-on.  

 

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  IV  

•  Kera  (Pearce  2007):      – Like  other  Chadic  languages,  Kera  lacks  “stress”  as  such.  

 – Evidence  for  iambicity  comes  from  (i)  word  shape,  (ii)  vowel  inventory  asymmetries,  (iii)  vowel  harmony  domains,  and  (iv)  tone-­‐spreading  domains.  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  IV  (cont’d)  

•  Kera  (Pearce  2007):  

(ii)  Vowel  Distribu-on    [ɛ],  [a],  [ɔ]  only  surface  in  head  posi-on    [e],  [ə],  [o]  only  in  non-­‐head  

(i)    Word  /  Stem  Shape:  *[CVCV]      /CVCV/  →  [CVC]  /  phrase-­‐medial      /CVCV/  →  [CVCV:]  /  phrase-­‐final  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  IV  (cont’d)  

•  Kera  (Pearce  2007):  

(iv)  Tone  Spreading    “In  three  syllable  words  with  two  tones,  the  domain    of  the  first  tone  is  a  foot.”    

(iii)  Vowel  Harmony    “Front  suffixes  cause  central  vowels  in  the  same  foot  to    front.  But  between  feet,  fron-ng  does  not  take  place”      (p.  73).          

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Mo-va-ng  Examples  V  

•  Nilo-c    – See  Dimmendaal  (2012)  for  foot-­‐based  analyses  for  Nilo-c  languages  

– Metrical  structure  may  have  played  a  major  role  in  the  emergence  of  process  morphology  in  W  Nilo-c  •  This  is  a  topic  we’d  eventually  like  to  examine  for  areal  effects  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Very  tenta-ve  maps  

36  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Very  tenta-ve  maps  

37  

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2.  Metrical  Structure:  Very  tenta-ve  maps  

Signs  of  metrical  structure  

38  


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