Contentious Politics in New Democracies Hungary Poland Slovakia and the Former
East Germany Since 1989
Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik Harvard University Rutgers University Center for European Studies Department of Political Science Cambridge MA 02138 New Brunswick NJ 08903
Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series 141
Abstract
The paper reconstructs and explains the patterns of collective protest in four Central European countries Hungary former East Germany Poland and Slovakia dUring the early phases of democratic consolidation (19891994) Analytical perspective is provided by protest event analysis The empirical evidence comes from content analysis of several major papers in each country The patterns found in the data are comshypared with the predictions derived from four theoretical traditions (a) relative deprivation (b) instrumenshytal institutionalism CC) historical-cultural institutionalism and (d) resource mobilization theory Two main conclusions are reached First the levels of objective or subjective deprivation are unrelated to the magnitude and various feature of protest which are best explained by a combination of institutional and resource mobilization theories Second democratic consolidation is not necessarily threatened by a high magnitude of protest If protests demands are moderate and its methods routinized it contributes to the poshylitical vitality of new democracies
I The location of our project in the literature on democratic consolidations 1
The research proj ect presented in this paper expands our understanding of democratic consolidation The empirical evidence
comes primarily from the systematic data collection on collective
protest during the first years of democratic transition in four
countries Poland Hungary Slovakia and the former East Germany Our analysis focuses on the neglected dimension of the
postcommunist transformations contentious action by non-elite
collective actors in four Central European countries Our aim is to
counter the existing pro-elite bias in the literature determine the impact of protest activities on democratization and to
reconstruct the emerging patterns of the state-society
relationships in the newly democratizing societies
Conceptualizing and explaining the rapid unexpected collapse
of state-socialist regimes in East Central Europe in 1989 and the
ensuing efforts at democratization and restructuring of the economy
is a challenge for students of comparative politics The
simultaneity of the breakdown despite varied political and
economic conditions in each country reinforced a notion that these
regimes were basically identical one-party states kept in power by
the Soviet military presence Additionally some experts assumed
that in the wake of communisms collapse the new regimes developed
similar structures and faced similar challenges and pressures and
therefore should be treated as a single political type
1The project was funded by the Program for the Study of Germany and Europe administered by the Center for European Studies at Harvard University the National Council for Soviet and East European Research and the American Council of Learned Societies It was directed by Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik We would like to thank Sidney Tarrow for his generous help and encouragement For their indispensable assistance and advice our special gratitude goes to Martha Kubik Ela Ekiert Anna Grzymala-Busse Jason Wittenberg Mark Beissinger Nancy Bermeo Valerie Bunce Ellen Comisso Bela Greskovits Janos Kornai Michael D Kennedy Christiane Lemke Darina Malova Alexander Motyl Maryjane Osa Dieter Rucht Mate Szabo Anna Seleny and Mayer N Zald
1
This view is incorrect both with respect to the communist past
and the present developments East Central European state socialist
regimes underwent complex processes of transformation during their
four decades in power Domestic political developments differed from country to country Specifically patterns of political conflict institutional breakdowns and strategies of regime
reequilibration left long-lasting legacies As a result of political crises fundamental changes and adjustments were introduced into the political and economic institutions and practices of these regimes altering relations between
institutional orders of the party-state between the state and
society and producing institutional and policy dissimilarities 2
Thus each state socialist regime left behind distinct legacies which should be carefully examined if we are to explain the present
rapidly diverging trajectories of political social and economic
changes taking place in the region 3
Similarly despite the clustering of regime breakdowns in
1989 there were important differences in the way particular countries exited state socialism and entered the transition
process Pacted transitions that took place in Poland and Hungary and displacement of the communist regime through popular upsurge
that occurred in Czechoslovakia and the GDR produced different transitional institutions and patterns of political conflicts
These distinctive modes of power transfer shaped subsequent political developments and the capacity of various political actors in each country4
2Por the detailed elaboration of this argument see Grzegorz Ekiert The State Against Society Political Crises and Their Aftermath in East Central Europe Princeton University Press 1996
3Por an exemplary effort to correlate developments under state socialism and their constraining impact on the current transformation process see Janos Kornai Paying the Bill for Goulash-Communism Discussion Paper Series No 1749 Harvard Institute for Economic Research Cambridge 1996
4See for example Grzegorz Ekiert Transitions from StateshySocialism in East Central Europe States and Social Structures Newsletter (1990) 12 1-7 Bartlomiej Kaminski Systemic
2
Several years after the collapse of the communist rule
distinctive regions or groups of countries with contrasting
policies and accomplishments have emerged within the former Soviet
bloc The new postcommunist regimes have been confronted with
specific challenges engendered by different domestic conditions and
have pursued different strategies of political and economic
reforms Stark is correct when he argues that we should II regard
East Central Europe as undergoing a plurality of transitions in a
dual sense across the region we are seeing a multiplicity of
distinctive strategies within any given country we find not one
transition but many occurring in different domains - political
economic and social - and the temporality of these processes are often asynchronous and their articulation seldom harmonious liS
Despite initial concerns expressed by many students of East
European politics and the tragic experiences of the former
Yugoslavia all East Central European states have working
democracies and a solid record of political liberties and human
rights protection 6 These newly democratized regimes do not face
any immediate threats of reversal to authoritarian rule Slovakia
is the only country which prompted serious concerns about political
rights and liberties At the same time the progress of political
and economic transformations has been uneven and their chances of
full democratic consolidation are still unclear Consequently
the study of various aspects and limits of democratic consolidation in postcommunist states has emerged as one of the most intriguing
and challenging areas of comparative politics
Underpinnings of the Transition in Poland The Shadow of the Roundtable Agreement Studies in Comparative communism (1991) 24 2 173-90 David Stark and Laszlo Bruszt Postsocialist Pathways Transforming Politics and Property in East Central Europe forthcoming in Cambridge University Press especially chapter 1
SDavid Stark Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central EuropelI East European Politics and Societies 6 1 (1992)18
6In the recent edition of the Freedom House survey Freedom in the World 1994-1995 all Central European countries were declared to be free and scored high both on political rights and civil liberties measures
3
This paper seeks to explore the question of democratic consolidation from a specific analytical and empirical angle We will present selected results of our research project on collective protest in post-1989 East Central Europe Systematic data collection from Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany reveals striking contrasts in the magnitude and forms of
protests Different groups and different organizations were challenging the policies of the new democratic regimes and different forms of contentious action became prominent in the repertoires of contention emerging in these countries These differences in popular responses to political and economic transformations challenge many initial expectations concerning the nature of postcommunist politics and generate new questions
First all countries have been undergoing a difficult economicI
adjustment and structural changes that engendered major dislocations and exacted considerable social costs Therefore we need to ask whether and how the economic policies of the new regimes were actively contested Did some countries experience more protests than others Does such variation in protest magnitude depend on the adopted type of transformation strategy political and social legacies of the communist rule the level of social cost and hardship produced by the reforms new institutional architecture of the post-1989 polity or the organizational resources and capabilities of various collective actors
Second a regime transition is a highly volatile political process which leaves wide open opportunities for political participation and contentious collective action especially in countries where state institutions undergo a significant transformation and repressive political practices are abandoned Thus one would expect a high level of political mobilization and protest activities in such transitory polities A preliminary overview of protest politics indicates that the number of protest events in the four countries under study is not higher and in two cases is distinctively lower than in consolidated West European
4
democracies 7 We want to know why Third modes of breakdown of communist regimes had no
noticeable impact on the magnitude of protest countries which
experienced pacted transitions (Poland and Hungary) vary between themselves as much as countries where popular upsurge forced the
removal of the communist elites from power (Slovakia and the former
GDR) We would like to know which factors account for different magnitudes and specific repertoires of protest
Fourth while a high level of protest could have been expected
in Poland its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising Poland is
the only country in our sample which had a strong and recent
tradition of political conflicts and protests s Since 1989 however the former East Germany has been similarly contentious
despite the absence of any considerable pre-1989 protest
traditions What can explain high levels of protest in East
Germany Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories
for understanding and explaining the incidence of contentious
collective action its forms and magnitude Variation in protest characteristics can be explained by emphasizing (1) discontents and grievances that can be translated into protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation (2) changes in
the structure of political opportunities and actors calculated
responses to them (3) the prior existence of traditions repertoires of collective action and mobilizing collective action
frames and (4) the availability of resources (material
organizational and cultural) as main determinants of protest
activities We will consider all these factors in analyzing contentious politics in post-1989 East Central Europe It should be noted however that these analytical perspectives are not mutually exclusive since each of them emphasizes a dimension of collective
7See Hanspeter Kriesi at aI New Social Movements in Western Europe Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
8See Grzegorz Ekiert Rebellious Poles Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism 1945-1989 East European Politics and Societies (1997) 11 2 pp 1-42
5
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
I The location of our project in the literature on democratic consolidations 1
The research proj ect presented in this paper expands our understanding of democratic consolidation The empirical evidence
comes primarily from the systematic data collection on collective
protest during the first years of democratic transition in four
countries Poland Hungary Slovakia and the former East Germany Our analysis focuses on the neglected dimension of the
postcommunist transformations contentious action by non-elite
collective actors in four Central European countries Our aim is to
counter the existing pro-elite bias in the literature determine the impact of protest activities on democratization and to
reconstruct the emerging patterns of the state-society
relationships in the newly democratizing societies
Conceptualizing and explaining the rapid unexpected collapse
of state-socialist regimes in East Central Europe in 1989 and the
ensuing efforts at democratization and restructuring of the economy
is a challenge for students of comparative politics The
simultaneity of the breakdown despite varied political and
economic conditions in each country reinforced a notion that these
regimes were basically identical one-party states kept in power by
the Soviet military presence Additionally some experts assumed
that in the wake of communisms collapse the new regimes developed
similar structures and faced similar challenges and pressures and
therefore should be treated as a single political type
1The project was funded by the Program for the Study of Germany and Europe administered by the Center for European Studies at Harvard University the National Council for Soviet and East European Research and the American Council of Learned Societies It was directed by Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik We would like to thank Sidney Tarrow for his generous help and encouragement For their indispensable assistance and advice our special gratitude goes to Martha Kubik Ela Ekiert Anna Grzymala-Busse Jason Wittenberg Mark Beissinger Nancy Bermeo Valerie Bunce Ellen Comisso Bela Greskovits Janos Kornai Michael D Kennedy Christiane Lemke Darina Malova Alexander Motyl Maryjane Osa Dieter Rucht Mate Szabo Anna Seleny and Mayer N Zald
1
This view is incorrect both with respect to the communist past
and the present developments East Central European state socialist
regimes underwent complex processes of transformation during their
four decades in power Domestic political developments differed from country to country Specifically patterns of political conflict institutional breakdowns and strategies of regime
reequilibration left long-lasting legacies As a result of political crises fundamental changes and adjustments were introduced into the political and economic institutions and practices of these regimes altering relations between
institutional orders of the party-state between the state and
society and producing institutional and policy dissimilarities 2
Thus each state socialist regime left behind distinct legacies which should be carefully examined if we are to explain the present
rapidly diverging trajectories of political social and economic
changes taking place in the region 3
Similarly despite the clustering of regime breakdowns in
1989 there were important differences in the way particular countries exited state socialism and entered the transition
process Pacted transitions that took place in Poland and Hungary and displacement of the communist regime through popular upsurge
that occurred in Czechoslovakia and the GDR produced different transitional institutions and patterns of political conflicts
These distinctive modes of power transfer shaped subsequent political developments and the capacity of various political actors in each country4
2Por the detailed elaboration of this argument see Grzegorz Ekiert The State Against Society Political Crises and Their Aftermath in East Central Europe Princeton University Press 1996
3Por an exemplary effort to correlate developments under state socialism and their constraining impact on the current transformation process see Janos Kornai Paying the Bill for Goulash-Communism Discussion Paper Series No 1749 Harvard Institute for Economic Research Cambridge 1996
4See for example Grzegorz Ekiert Transitions from StateshySocialism in East Central Europe States and Social Structures Newsletter (1990) 12 1-7 Bartlomiej Kaminski Systemic
2
Several years after the collapse of the communist rule
distinctive regions or groups of countries with contrasting
policies and accomplishments have emerged within the former Soviet
bloc The new postcommunist regimes have been confronted with
specific challenges engendered by different domestic conditions and
have pursued different strategies of political and economic
reforms Stark is correct when he argues that we should II regard
East Central Europe as undergoing a plurality of transitions in a
dual sense across the region we are seeing a multiplicity of
distinctive strategies within any given country we find not one
transition but many occurring in different domains - political
economic and social - and the temporality of these processes are often asynchronous and their articulation seldom harmonious liS
Despite initial concerns expressed by many students of East
European politics and the tragic experiences of the former
Yugoslavia all East Central European states have working
democracies and a solid record of political liberties and human
rights protection 6 These newly democratized regimes do not face
any immediate threats of reversal to authoritarian rule Slovakia
is the only country which prompted serious concerns about political
rights and liberties At the same time the progress of political
and economic transformations has been uneven and their chances of
full democratic consolidation are still unclear Consequently
the study of various aspects and limits of democratic consolidation in postcommunist states has emerged as one of the most intriguing
and challenging areas of comparative politics
Underpinnings of the Transition in Poland The Shadow of the Roundtable Agreement Studies in Comparative communism (1991) 24 2 173-90 David Stark and Laszlo Bruszt Postsocialist Pathways Transforming Politics and Property in East Central Europe forthcoming in Cambridge University Press especially chapter 1
SDavid Stark Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central EuropelI East European Politics and Societies 6 1 (1992)18
6In the recent edition of the Freedom House survey Freedom in the World 1994-1995 all Central European countries were declared to be free and scored high both on political rights and civil liberties measures
3
This paper seeks to explore the question of democratic consolidation from a specific analytical and empirical angle We will present selected results of our research project on collective protest in post-1989 East Central Europe Systematic data collection from Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany reveals striking contrasts in the magnitude and forms of
protests Different groups and different organizations were challenging the policies of the new democratic regimes and different forms of contentious action became prominent in the repertoires of contention emerging in these countries These differences in popular responses to political and economic transformations challenge many initial expectations concerning the nature of postcommunist politics and generate new questions
First all countries have been undergoing a difficult economicI
adjustment and structural changes that engendered major dislocations and exacted considerable social costs Therefore we need to ask whether and how the economic policies of the new regimes were actively contested Did some countries experience more protests than others Does such variation in protest magnitude depend on the adopted type of transformation strategy political and social legacies of the communist rule the level of social cost and hardship produced by the reforms new institutional architecture of the post-1989 polity or the organizational resources and capabilities of various collective actors
Second a regime transition is a highly volatile political process which leaves wide open opportunities for political participation and contentious collective action especially in countries where state institutions undergo a significant transformation and repressive political practices are abandoned Thus one would expect a high level of political mobilization and protest activities in such transitory polities A preliminary overview of protest politics indicates that the number of protest events in the four countries under study is not higher and in two cases is distinctively lower than in consolidated West European
4
democracies 7 We want to know why Third modes of breakdown of communist regimes had no
noticeable impact on the magnitude of protest countries which
experienced pacted transitions (Poland and Hungary) vary between themselves as much as countries where popular upsurge forced the
removal of the communist elites from power (Slovakia and the former
GDR) We would like to know which factors account for different magnitudes and specific repertoires of protest
Fourth while a high level of protest could have been expected
in Poland its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising Poland is
the only country in our sample which had a strong and recent
tradition of political conflicts and protests s Since 1989 however the former East Germany has been similarly contentious
despite the absence of any considerable pre-1989 protest
traditions What can explain high levels of protest in East
Germany Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories
for understanding and explaining the incidence of contentious
collective action its forms and magnitude Variation in protest characteristics can be explained by emphasizing (1) discontents and grievances that can be translated into protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation (2) changes in
the structure of political opportunities and actors calculated
responses to them (3) the prior existence of traditions repertoires of collective action and mobilizing collective action
frames and (4) the availability of resources (material
organizational and cultural) as main determinants of protest
activities We will consider all these factors in analyzing contentious politics in post-1989 East Central Europe It should be noted however that these analytical perspectives are not mutually exclusive since each of them emphasizes a dimension of collective
7See Hanspeter Kriesi at aI New Social Movements in Western Europe Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
8See Grzegorz Ekiert Rebellious Poles Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism 1945-1989 East European Politics and Societies (1997) 11 2 pp 1-42
5
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
This view is incorrect both with respect to the communist past
and the present developments East Central European state socialist
regimes underwent complex processes of transformation during their
four decades in power Domestic political developments differed from country to country Specifically patterns of political conflict institutional breakdowns and strategies of regime
reequilibration left long-lasting legacies As a result of political crises fundamental changes and adjustments were introduced into the political and economic institutions and practices of these regimes altering relations between
institutional orders of the party-state between the state and
society and producing institutional and policy dissimilarities 2
Thus each state socialist regime left behind distinct legacies which should be carefully examined if we are to explain the present
rapidly diverging trajectories of political social and economic
changes taking place in the region 3
Similarly despite the clustering of regime breakdowns in
1989 there were important differences in the way particular countries exited state socialism and entered the transition
process Pacted transitions that took place in Poland and Hungary and displacement of the communist regime through popular upsurge
that occurred in Czechoslovakia and the GDR produced different transitional institutions and patterns of political conflicts
These distinctive modes of power transfer shaped subsequent political developments and the capacity of various political actors in each country4
2Por the detailed elaboration of this argument see Grzegorz Ekiert The State Against Society Political Crises and Their Aftermath in East Central Europe Princeton University Press 1996
3Por an exemplary effort to correlate developments under state socialism and their constraining impact on the current transformation process see Janos Kornai Paying the Bill for Goulash-Communism Discussion Paper Series No 1749 Harvard Institute for Economic Research Cambridge 1996
4See for example Grzegorz Ekiert Transitions from StateshySocialism in East Central Europe States and Social Structures Newsletter (1990) 12 1-7 Bartlomiej Kaminski Systemic
2
Several years after the collapse of the communist rule
distinctive regions or groups of countries with contrasting
policies and accomplishments have emerged within the former Soviet
bloc The new postcommunist regimes have been confronted with
specific challenges engendered by different domestic conditions and
have pursued different strategies of political and economic
reforms Stark is correct when he argues that we should II regard
East Central Europe as undergoing a plurality of transitions in a
dual sense across the region we are seeing a multiplicity of
distinctive strategies within any given country we find not one
transition but many occurring in different domains - political
economic and social - and the temporality of these processes are often asynchronous and their articulation seldom harmonious liS
Despite initial concerns expressed by many students of East
European politics and the tragic experiences of the former
Yugoslavia all East Central European states have working
democracies and a solid record of political liberties and human
rights protection 6 These newly democratized regimes do not face
any immediate threats of reversal to authoritarian rule Slovakia
is the only country which prompted serious concerns about political
rights and liberties At the same time the progress of political
and economic transformations has been uneven and their chances of
full democratic consolidation are still unclear Consequently
the study of various aspects and limits of democratic consolidation in postcommunist states has emerged as one of the most intriguing
and challenging areas of comparative politics
Underpinnings of the Transition in Poland The Shadow of the Roundtable Agreement Studies in Comparative communism (1991) 24 2 173-90 David Stark and Laszlo Bruszt Postsocialist Pathways Transforming Politics and Property in East Central Europe forthcoming in Cambridge University Press especially chapter 1
SDavid Stark Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central EuropelI East European Politics and Societies 6 1 (1992)18
6In the recent edition of the Freedom House survey Freedom in the World 1994-1995 all Central European countries were declared to be free and scored high both on political rights and civil liberties measures
3
This paper seeks to explore the question of democratic consolidation from a specific analytical and empirical angle We will present selected results of our research project on collective protest in post-1989 East Central Europe Systematic data collection from Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany reveals striking contrasts in the magnitude and forms of
protests Different groups and different organizations were challenging the policies of the new democratic regimes and different forms of contentious action became prominent in the repertoires of contention emerging in these countries These differences in popular responses to political and economic transformations challenge many initial expectations concerning the nature of postcommunist politics and generate new questions
First all countries have been undergoing a difficult economicI
adjustment and structural changes that engendered major dislocations and exacted considerable social costs Therefore we need to ask whether and how the economic policies of the new regimes were actively contested Did some countries experience more protests than others Does such variation in protest magnitude depend on the adopted type of transformation strategy political and social legacies of the communist rule the level of social cost and hardship produced by the reforms new institutional architecture of the post-1989 polity or the organizational resources and capabilities of various collective actors
Second a regime transition is a highly volatile political process which leaves wide open opportunities for political participation and contentious collective action especially in countries where state institutions undergo a significant transformation and repressive political practices are abandoned Thus one would expect a high level of political mobilization and protest activities in such transitory polities A preliminary overview of protest politics indicates that the number of protest events in the four countries under study is not higher and in two cases is distinctively lower than in consolidated West European
4
democracies 7 We want to know why Third modes of breakdown of communist regimes had no
noticeable impact on the magnitude of protest countries which
experienced pacted transitions (Poland and Hungary) vary between themselves as much as countries where popular upsurge forced the
removal of the communist elites from power (Slovakia and the former
GDR) We would like to know which factors account for different magnitudes and specific repertoires of protest
Fourth while a high level of protest could have been expected
in Poland its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising Poland is
the only country in our sample which had a strong and recent
tradition of political conflicts and protests s Since 1989 however the former East Germany has been similarly contentious
despite the absence of any considerable pre-1989 protest
traditions What can explain high levels of protest in East
Germany Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories
for understanding and explaining the incidence of contentious
collective action its forms and magnitude Variation in protest characteristics can be explained by emphasizing (1) discontents and grievances that can be translated into protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation (2) changes in
the structure of political opportunities and actors calculated
responses to them (3) the prior existence of traditions repertoires of collective action and mobilizing collective action
frames and (4) the availability of resources (material
organizational and cultural) as main determinants of protest
activities We will consider all these factors in analyzing contentious politics in post-1989 East Central Europe It should be noted however that these analytical perspectives are not mutually exclusive since each of them emphasizes a dimension of collective
7See Hanspeter Kriesi at aI New Social Movements in Western Europe Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
8See Grzegorz Ekiert Rebellious Poles Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism 1945-1989 East European Politics and Societies (1997) 11 2 pp 1-42
5
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Several years after the collapse of the communist rule
distinctive regions or groups of countries with contrasting
policies and accomplishments have emerged within the former Soviet
bloc The new postcommunist regimes have been confronted with
specific challenges engendered by different domestic conditions and
have pursued different strategies of political and economic
reforms Stark is correct when he argues that we should II regard
East Central Europe as undergoing a plurality of transitions in a
dual sense across the region we are seeing a multiplicity of
distinctive strategies within any given country we find not one
transition but many occurring in different domains - political
economic and social - and the temporality of these processes are often asynchronous and their articulation seldom harmonious liS
Despite initial concerns expressed by many students of East
European politics and the tragic experiences of the former
Yugoslavia all East Central European states have working
democracies and a solid record of political liberties and human
rights protection 6 These newly democratized regimes do not face
any immediate threats of reversal to authoritarian rule Slovakia
is the only country which prompted serious concerns about political
rights and liberties At the same time the progress of political
and economic transformations has been uneven and their chances of
full democratic consolidation are still unclear Consequently
the study of various aspects and limits of democratic consolidation in postcommunist states has emerged as one of the most intriguing
and challenging areas of comparative politics
Underpinnings of the Transition in Poland The Shadow of the Roundtable Agreement Studies in Comparative communism (1991) 24 2 173-90 David Stark and Laszlo Bruszt Postsocialist Pathways Transforming Politics and Property in East Central Europe forthcoming in Cambridge University Press especially chapter 1
SDavid Stark Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central EuropelI East European Politics and Societies 6 1 (1992)18
6In the recent edition of the Freedom House survey Freedom in the World 1994-1995 all Central European countries were declared to be free and scored high both on political rights and civil liberties measures
3
This paper seeks to explore the question of democratic consolidation from a specific analytical and empirical angle We will present selected results of our research project on collective protest in post-1989 East Central Europe Systematic data collection from Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany reveals striking contrasts in the magnitude and forms of
protests Different groups and different organizations were challenging the policies of the new democratic regimes and different forms of contentious action became prominent in the repertoires of contention emerging in these countries These differences in popular responses to political and economic transformations challenge many initial expectations concerning the nature of postcommunist politics and generate new questions
First all countries have been undergoing a difficult economicI
adjustment and structural changes that engendered major dislocations and exacted considerable social costs Therefore we need to ask whether and how the economic policies of the new regimes were actively contested Did some countries experience more protests than others Does such variation in protest magnitude depend on the adopted type of transformation strategy political and social legacies of the communist rule the level of social cost and hardship produced by the reforms new institutional architecture of the post-1989 polity or the organizational resources and capabilities of various collective actors
Second a regime transition is a highly volatile political process which leaves wide open opportunities for political participation and contentious collective action especially in countries where state institutions undergo a significant transformation and repressive political practices are abandoned Thus one would expect a high level of political mobilization and protest activities in such transitory polities A preliminary overview of protest politics indicates that the number of protest events in the four countries under study is not higher and in two cases is distinctively lower than in consolidated West European
4
democracies 7 We want to know why Third modes of breakdown of communist regimes had no
noticeable impact on the magnitude of protest countries which
experienced pacted transitions (Poland and Hungary) vary between themselves as much as countries where popular upsurge forced the
removal of the communist elites from power (Slovakia and the former
GDR) We would like to know which factors account for different magnitudes and specific repertoires of protest
Fourth while a high level of protest could have been expected
in Poland its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising Poland is
the only country in our sample which had a strong and recent
tradition of political conflicts and protests s Since 1989 however the former East Germany has been similarly contentious
despite the absence of any considerable pre-1989 protest
traditions What can explain high levels of protest in East
Germany Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories
for understanding and explaining the incidence of contentious
collective action its forms and magnitude Variation in protest characteristics can be explained by emphasizing (1) discontents and grievances that can be translated into protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation (2) changes in
the structure of political opportunities and actors calculated
responses to them (3) the prior existence of traditions repertoires of collective action and mobilizing collective action
frames and (4) the availability of resources (material
organizational and cultural) as main determinants of protest
activities We will consider all these factors in analyzing contentious politics in post-1989 East Central Europe It should be noted however that these analytical perspectives are not mutually exclusive since each of them emphasizes a dimension of collective
7See Hanspeter Kriesi at aI New Social Movements in Western Europe Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
8See Grzegorz Ekiert Rebellious Poles Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism 1945-1989 East European Politics and Societies (1997) 11 2 pp 1-42
5
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
This paper seeks to explore the question of democratic consolidation from a specific analytical and empirical angle We will present selected results of our research project on collective protest in post-1989 East Central Europe Systematic data collection from Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany reveals striking contrasts in the magnitude and forms of
protests Different groups and different organizations were challenging the policies of the new democratic regimes and different forms of contentious action became prominent in the repertoires of contention emerging in these countries These differences in popular responses to political and economic transformations challenge many initial expectations concerning the nature of postcommunist politics and generate new questions
First all countries have been undergoing a difficult economicI
adjustment and structural changes that engendered major dislocations and exacted considerable social costs Therefore we need to ask whether and how the economic policies of the new regimes were actively contested Did some countries experience more protests than others Does such variation in protest magnitude depend on the adopted type of transformation strategy political and social legacies of the communist rule the level of social cost and hardship produced by the reforms new institutional architecture of the post-1989 polity or the organizational resources and capabilities of various collective actors
Second a regime transition is a highly volatile political process which leaves wide open opportunities for political participation and contentious collective action especially in countries where state institutions undergo a significant transformation and repressive political practices are abandoned Thus one would expect a high level of political mobilization and protest activities in such transitory polities A preliminary overview of protest politics indicates that the number of protest events in the four countries under study is not higher and in two cases is distinctively lower than in consolidated West European
4
democracies 7 We want to know why Third modes of breakdown of communist regimes had no
noticeable impact on the magnitude of protest countries which
experienced pacted transitions (Poland and Hungary) vary between themselves as much as countries where popular upsurge forced the
removal of the communist elites from power (Slovakia and the former
GDR) We would like to know which factors account for different magnitudes and specific repertoires of protest
Fourth while a high level of protest could have been expected
in Poland its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising Poland is
the only country in our sample which had a strong and recent
tradition of political conflicts and protests s Since 1989 however the former East Germany has been similarly contentious
despite the absence of any considerable pre-1989 protest
traditions What can explain high levels of protest in East
Germany Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories
for understanding and explaining the incidence of contentious
collective action its forms and magnitude Variation in protest characteristics can be explained by emphasizing (1) discontents and grievances that can be translated into protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation (2) changes in
the structure of political opportunities and actors calculated
responses to them (3) the prior existence of traditions repertoires of collective action and mobilizing collective action
frames and (4) the availability of resources (material
organizational and cultural) as main determinants of protest
activities We will consider all these factors in analyzing contentious politics in post-1989 East Central Europe It should be noted however that these analytical perspectives are not mutually exclusive since each of them emphasizes a dimension of collective
7See Hanspeter Kriesi at aI New Social Movements in Western Europe Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
8See Grzegorz Ekiert Rebellious Poles Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism 1945-1989 East European Politics and Societies (1997) 11 2 pp 1-42
5
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
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democracies 7 We want to know why Third modes of breakdown of communist regimes had no
noticeable impact on the magnitude of protest countries which
experienced pacted transitions (Poland and Hungary) vary between themselves as much as countries where popular upsurge forced the
removal of the communist elites from power (Slovakia and the former
GDR) We would like to know which factors account for different magnitudes and specific repertoires of protest
Fourth while a high level of protest could have been expected
in Poland its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising Poland is
the only country in our sample which had a strong and recent
tradition of political conflicts and protests s Since 1989 however the former East Germany has been similarly contentious
despite the absence of any considerable pre-1989 protest
traditions What can explain high levels of protest in East
Germany Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories
for understanding and explaining the incidence of contentious
collective action its forms and magnitude Variation in protest characteristics can be explained by emphasizing (1) discontents and grievances that can be translated into protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation (2) changes in
the structure of political opportunities and actors calculated
responses to them (3) the prior existence of traditions repertoires of collective action and mobilizing collective action
frames and (4) the availability of resources (material
organizational and cultural) as main determinants of protest
activities We will consider all these factors in analyzing contentious politics in post-1989 East Central Europe It should be noted however that these analytical perspectives are not mutually exclusive since each of them emphasizes a dimension of collective
7See Hanspeter Kriesi at aI New Social Movements in Western Europe Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
8See Grzegorz Ekiert Rebellious Poles Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism 1945-1989 East European Politics and Societies (1997) 11 2 pp 1-42
5
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
protest which may be dominant in one set of cases but not another 9
In addition it should be noted that many concepts applied here
were developed in the study of stable democratic polities and their
application to countries undergoing rapid political and economic
transformations may lead to analytical distortions
Our analysis is founded on an assumption that democratic
consolidation is a highly contingent and complex process taking
place in several spheres of the socio-political organization of
society 10 Developments within each sphere and the relationship
between them produce often confusing outcomes and increase
uncertainty Moreover as democratic regimes take different paths
towards consolidation so too do the degrees of contentious
political participation and stability of their institutional
arrangements vary
The prevailing modes of studying democratic consolidation tend
to emphasize structural preconditions of consolidation or eliteshy
level politics Recently the majority of researchers abandoned
structural approaches and adopted the elite centered perspective
0 Donnell Schmitter and their collaborators argued that elite
pacts are a crucial element in the successful transition from
authoritarian rule 11 Similarly Diamond and Linz claimed that lithe
skills values strategies and choices of political leaders figure
prominently in our explanation of the enormously varied experiences
9For recent overviews of literature on social movements and collective protest see Doug McAdam John McCarthy and Mayer Zald Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements Cambridge University Press 1996 Anthony Oberschall Social Movements New Brunswick Transaction Books 1993 Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement Cambridge University Press 1994
10For the elaboration of this point see our Collective Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland 1989-1993 Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism No3 Center of International Studies Princeton University 1997
llGuillermo ODonnell and Philippe Schmitter Transitions from Authoritarian Rule Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1986 pp 37-9
6
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
14
wi th democracy in Latin America n12 Higley and Gunther contended
that in independent states with long records of political
instability and authoritarian rule distinctive elite
transformations carried out by the elites themselves constitute
the main and possibly the only route to democratic consolidation 13
This almost exclusive focus on elites creates a theoretical
weakness in the existing studies of regime change and
consolidation Moreover a methodological emphasis on rational
choice explanations and on modeling political processes as games
further reinforced the already dominant elite-centered focus of
research on democratic transition Additionally the greater
availability of nelite data favors the elite-centered perspective
Party programs public speeches and interviews of leaders reports
on electoral campaigns election results journalistic commentaries
etc are all easily accessible in the public domain Such sources
of data enable one to reconstruct the political positions of elite
actors the bargaining processes taking place among them and to
trace their compromises coalitions and policy choices By
contrast data on the political activities of non-elite actors are
not readily available public opinion polls have been routinely
used as the sole source of empirical knowledge on the politics of
the populace at large
We also find that the existing literature has accorded more
prominence to certain dimensions of consolidation and neglected
others the formation of party systems is usually viewed as the
most important element in the stabilization and consolidation of
12Larry Diamond and Juan Linz Introduction Politics Society and Democracy in Latin America in Democracy in Developing Countries Latin America edited by Larry Diamond Juan Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset Boulder Lynne Rienner 1989 p 14
13John Higley and Richard Gunther Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992 p xi
14See Herbert Kitschelt Comparative Historical Research and Rational Choice Theory the Case of Transition to Democracy Theory and Society (1993) 22 pp 413-427
7
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
democracy such view is well expressed by Haggard and Kaufman who
emphasize that lithe capacity to organize stable political rule shy
whether authoritarian or democratic - in the modern context of
broad social mobilization and complex economic system ultimately
rests on organized systems of accountability and these in turn
rest on political parties 15 In addition to this emphasis on the
capacity and activities of political parties -- quite prominent in
the studies of South European democratizations - - the works on
Eastern Europe tend to focus on the complex interactions between
economic and political reforms 16 This problem has come to be known
as the dilemma of simultaneity or transitional incompatibility thesis 17
The preoccupation with (a) elites (b) party systems (c) the
relationship between political and economic changes is responsible
for a considerable gap in democratization literature We know very
little about the activities of non-elite actors and how these
lSStephan Haggard and Robert R Kaufman The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 p 370 Geoffrey Pridham ed Securing Democracy Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe London Routledge 1990 Juan J Linz IIChange and Continuity in the Nature of Contemporary Democracies II in Reexamining Democracy pp 182-207 Herbert Kitschelt The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II Politics and Society (1992) 20 I pp 7-50
16See for example Adam Przeworski Democracy and the Market Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1991 Grzegorz Ekiert Prospects and Dilemmas of the Transition to a Market Economy in East Central Europe II in Research on Democracy and Society (1993) I pp 51-82 Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993
17See Claus Offe IICapitalism by Democratic Design Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe Social Research (1991) 58 4 pp 865-92 Piotr Sztompka IIDilemmas of the Great Transition A Tentative Catalogue Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No 19 Center for European Studies Harvard University 1992 Leslie Armijo Thomas Biersteker and Abraham Lowenthal liThe Problems of Simultaneous Transitions Journal of Democracy (1994) 5 4 pp 161-75
8
activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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activities shape the processes of democratization Some students of
democratic transitions have begun however studying the importance
of the resurrection of civil society and its political role both
during the decomposition of authoritarian rule and in its
aftermath 18 It is often noted for example that the greatest
challenge to the policies of the newly democratized states may come
from various organizations of civil society (labor unions interest
groups etc) 19 Yet the development of such organizations and their
political role is not systematically documented and analyzed We
also agree with Neidhardt and Rucht who conclude that social
movement research should concentrate more on the interactions of
movements with other agents 20
18For the most recent examples of this growing interest in the role of civil society in democratization see Sidney Tarrow Mass Mobilization and Regime Change Pacts Reform and Popular Power in Italy (1918-1922) and Spain (1975-1978) in Richard Gunter Nikiforos Diamandouros and Hans-Jurgen Puhle eds Politics of Democratic Consolidation Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press 1995 pp 204-230 Victor Perez-Diaz The Return of Civil Society Harvard University Press 1993 Nancy Bermeo Myths of Moderation The Parameters of Civility During Democratization unpublished manuscript Princeton University Philippe Schmitter Some Propositions about Civil Society and the Consolidation of Democracy unpublished manuscript Stanford University Stephen Fish Democracy form Scratch Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution Princeton Princeton University Press 1995 Philip D Oxhorn Organizing Civil Society The Popular Sectors and the Struggle for Democracy in
Chile University Park The pennsylvania State University Press 1995
19Charles Tilly in his studies of collective action in France and Britain convincingly demonstrates that over the last two centuries organizations of civil society were the typical vehicles of protest See Charles Tilly Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly The Rebellious Century 1830-1930 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1975 Charles Tilly The Contentious French Cambridge Harvard University Press 1986 Charles Tilly Repertoires of Contention in America and Britain 1750-1830 in The Dynamic of Social Movements edited by M Zald and JD McCarthy Cambridge Winthrop 1979 This regularity is confirmed by all systematic studies of protest in contemporary societies
20See FriedheIm Neidhardt and Dieter Rucht The Analysis of Social Movements The State of the Art and Some Perspectives for
9
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
The study of citizens participation in democratic
consolidations has often been reduced to an examination of
political attitudes conducted on representative samples of the
population The third wave ll of democratizations allows often for
the first time in the history of a given society for the
administration of unconstrained public opinion polls
Understandably many scholars capitalized on this opportunity and
studied public attitudes and their changes during the transition 21process Such studies contribute to our knowledge of public
reactions to regime change and are very useful as long as the
results of public opinion polls are not accepted as a substitute
for data on actual political behavior As Tarrow emphasizes
unless we trace the forms of activity people use how these
reflect their demands and their interaction with opponents and
elites we cannot understand either the magnitude or the dynamics
of change in politics and society 1122
Our research project was based on the assumption that event
analysis and in particular the systematic collection of data on
collective action from newspapers can shed new light on the
political behavior of non-elite actors during democratization
Following the pioneering work of Charles Tilly and his associates
event analysis has become an accepted and often an indispensable
Further Research in Research on Social Movements The State of the Art in Western Europe and the USA Dieter Rucht ed Frankfurt am Main and Boulder Campus Verlag and Westview Press 1991 p 459
21See for example impressive series of Studies in Public Policy produced by the Center for the Study of Public Policy University of Strathclyde and coordinated by Richard Rose Peter McDonough Samuel H Barnes and A Lopez Pina The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain American Political Science Review (1986) 80 3 pp 735-60 Krzysztof Zagorski Hope Factor Inequality and Legitimacy of Systemic Transformations The Case of Poland II Communist and Post-Communist Studies (1994) 27 4 pp 357-376
22Sidney Tarrow Democracy and Disorder Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975 Oxford Clarendon Press 1989 pp 7-8 See also his Mass Mobilization and Regime Change II in The Politics of Democratic Consolidation pp 204-230
10
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
research method in the study of collective action protest and
social movements Despite its imperfections and limitations
acknowledged by those who use it the event analysis is uniquely
capable of providing researchers with the most extensive and
systematic sets of data on protest activities and their different
components and dimensions It allows to study both the qualitative
and quantitative aspects of protest actions over time and in large
geographical areas It may be used in various projects ranging
from a single case study to multi-state comparative works It can
be applied to answer a variety of questions concerning collective
action its forms and outcomes its organizers and participants
responses of the state and broader political issues Data sets constructed on the basis of specifically selected press sources
provide information on protest events for extended periods of
time 23
II Incidence and Magnitude of Collective Protest in Post-1989 East
Central Europe
In our research project we sought to construct a detailed data
base of all forms and incidents of collective protest in Hungary
Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany We adopted a broad
definition of protest event to cover all types of non-institutional
and unconventional political actions and used identical coding
23For the review of methodological issues and various applications of the protest event analysis see Roberto Franzosi The Press as a Source of Socio-historical Data Issues in the Methodology of Data Collection from Newspapers in Historical Methods 1987 20 pp5-16 Charles Tilly Popular Contention in Great Britain 1758-1834 Cambridge Harvard University Press 1995 pp 55-105 Dieter Rucht and Thomas Ohlemacher Protest Event Data Collection Uses and Perspectives in Studying Collective Action edited by Mario Diani and Ron Eyerman London SAGE 1992 pp 76-106 Susan Olzak Analysis of Events in the Study of Collective Action Annual Review of Sociology 1989 15 pp119-41 Dieter Rucht Ruud Koopmans and FriedheIm Neidhardt eds Protest Event Analysis Methodological Perspectives and Empirical Results forthcoming
II
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
protocols in the four countries we study 24 Our research teams
collected information only on IIpublic ll protest events that is
actions which were reported in at least one newspaper included in
our sample They systematically scanned two daily newspapers and
four weeklies in each country for the entire period under study and
recorded all available information concerning reported protest
actions The number of protest events recorded in each country is
presented in the following table
Table 1 Protest events in Hungary Poland Slovakia
and the former East Germany 1989-1993
The table reveals striking differences in the number of protest
events which occurred in these countries Poland and the former GDR
had a high number of protest events during the analyzed period with
relatively small differences between years Hungary and Slovakia
had much lower incidence of protests This situation calls for a
close examination given the fact that all countries have been
undergoing a turbulent political transformation and implemented
comprehensive economic adjustment programs involving a substantial
level of disruption and social cost In Slovakia the low number of
protest activities and the predominance of non-disruptive methods
such as protest letters is especially surprising One may expect
that a country breaking from a long lasting federation and building
an independent statehood would experience a high level of popular
mobilization
The numbers presented in the Table 1 are not weighted by the
size of the population It might be assumed that the larger a
24We define the protest event as collective action of at least three people who set out to articulate specific demands Our database includes also extreme I politically motivated acts such as self-immolation hunger strikes I or acts of terror carried out by individuals In order to qualify as a protest event I such action can not be the routine or legally prescribed behavior of a social or political organization Strikes rallies or demonstrations I are considered to be protest events for the purpose of our analysis because of their radical and disruptive nature For various definitions of events used in event analysis see Susan Olzak IIAnalysis of Events II pp 124-27
12
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
countrys population the more protest events it will experience
This of course may not always be the case but one will never know
unless some measure of protest magnitude is constructed and
weighted by the size of the countrys population Given our
definition of protest event the set of protest events our coders
recorded included both small brief street gatherings and severalshy
month-long strike campaigns Hence in order to grasp the magnitude
of protest in a given unit of time we had to construct a synthetic
index of magnitude Inspired by Tillys idea to gauge
simultaneously several dimensions of protest we attempted to
construct such an index by multiplying three variables of our data 25protocol (a) duration (b) number of participants and (c) scope
Unfortunately number of participants proved to be the variable
with the highest frequency of missing values 26 Two attempts to
estimate missing values relying on different assumptions produced
very different results thus the validity of our composite index of
magnitude proved to be dubious We settled for a simpler index
based on the duration variable alone for which we have an almost
perfect record 27 This index was composed in the following way The
duration of each protest event was expressed as the number of 24
hour periods it was composed of For example a seven day strike
was ascribed a value of 7 protest-days Next we summarized the
values of this new variable for all protest events in a given
25Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution New York McGraw-Hill 1978 pp 162-4
26There are more than fifty percent of missing values in our Polish Slovak and Hungarian databases for several calendar years
27Validity refers to IImeasuring what we think we are measuring (Gary King Robert Keohane and Sidney Verba Designing Social Inquiry Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 p 25) The validity of a synthetic construct or category can be improved by (a) increasing the number of independent measures it is based on and (b) finding such measures which strongly correlate with each other (see Robert Philip Weber Basic Content Analysis Newbury Park Sage 1990 pp 18-21) Since our index of magnitude is based on only one measure (duration) its validity is weak But we traded validity for high reliability_
13
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
calendar year That gave us an approximation of the protest
magnitude for each year in all four countries Additionally we
calculated means of protest magnitude for each country for the
entire period under study This number was then divided by the
number of adults (15-64) in order to arrive at the weighted index of maqnitude for each country The results of these calculations
are reported in Table 2 and illustrated in Graphs 1 through 4
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the
four countries
Graphs 1-4 Magnitudes of Protest
As Graphs 1 through 4 clearly demonstrate each country had its own
specific dynamic of protest during the period studied 28 In Poland
the magnitude of protest decreased in 1990 but then increased every year after This increasing magnitude of protest in Poland is
the most unexpected finding of our study 29 We assumed that the
regime transition transfer of political power and the
introduction of dramatic economic reforms would produce a higher
level of popular mobilization and contentious politics at the
beginning of the analyzed period In Hungary the magnitude of
protest was highest in 1989 declined in the following two years
and increased again in the end of the analyzed period In Slovakia protest was intensifying until 1992 and declined afterwards In the
former East Germany the magnitude of protest peaked in 1992 and
declined in 1993
The order of weighted indexes of magnitude produces a somewhat surprising ranking of the four countries Poland turns out to be
280ne index of magnitude based partially on the numbers of participants variable (whose missing values were estimated) produced almost identical approximations of protest dynamics between 1989 and 1993
29This phenomenon is analyzed in Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik The Rebellious Civil Society Popular Protest and Democratic Consolidation in Poland unpublished manuscript under review
14
most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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most contentious state during the early phase of democratic
consolidation which -- given Polands traditions of contentious
politics -- is not a surprise But Slovakias second place ranking is This country did not have as much protest as its other states
but on the per capita basis its population proved to be quite contentious The biggest surprise is Hungary coming in last We
expected that Hungarians who by all accounts are more dissatisfied with the post-1989 changes than are Poles or East Germans would be more contentious In the fourth section we offer several
explanations for both the differential patterns of protest dynamic
and each countrys standing in our protest ranking
III Selected Characteristics of Protest Politics
The countries analyzed in this paper differ not only in terms
of incidence and magnitude of protest There were interesting variations among other protest characteristics as well The general
repertoire of contention was similar in all countries and closely
mirrored standard strategies used by protesting groups in
contemporary politics Protest actions in Poland Hungary and Slovakia were decidedly non-violent In Poland disruptive strategies such as street demonstrations and strikes were most
common but in Hungary and Slovakia nearly 70 percent of the
strategies used by protesting groups were of a non-disruptive character In contrast to these three countries the number of
violent protests in the former GDR was significantly higher and
disruptive strategies dominated the repertoire of collective
action
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Our database did not record any important shifts in protest strategies used by challenging groups Dominant types of strategies
were consistent throughout the entire period under study Nor did
we register any significant innovations in protest activities which
were latter diffused from one category of protestors to another or among various groups and organizations Thus the repertoires of
15
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
contention in each country were not significantly diverse and
relatively stable over time This stability of repertoires may
indicate that East Central European countries did not experience a
cycle of protest which according to Tarrow is characterized among
other things by expanding repertoires of contention 30
Although the general strategies of protest (violent
disruptive and non-violent) did not vary significantly from
country to country specific forms of protest dominated protest
repertoire of the challenging groups in each country In all four
countries disruptive strategies including demonstrations marches
and street blockades were frequently used by protesting groups and
were most common in the former East Germany In Poland strikes (the
number of strikes was three times higher than in any other country)
and strike alerts were used regularly If we combine strikes and
strike alerts this form of protest comprises 364 percent that is
the majority among protest strategies in the Polish repertoire
The number of strikes was similar and significantly smaller in
other three countries In Hungary and Slovakia protest letters and
statements were the most frequent strategy used to express
grievances and convey demands The most frequently used strategies recorded in our database are presented in Table 4
Table 4 Specific protest strategies in East Central Europe
Not all social groups and categories were active in
contentious politics those who seem to have been hardest hit by
the market reforms were often absent from the protest scene In
this respect it is interesting to note that relatively few protest actions were organized by marginalized social groups (homeless
unemployed) or minorities It was the mainstream social and
professional groups who were most often involved in protest
actions In Hungary Poland and Slovakia public sector employees (excluding workers in state-owned enterprises) comprised the most
30Sidney Tarrow Cycles of Collective Action Between Moments of Madness and the Repertoire of Contention II in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action edited by Mark Traugott Durham Duke University Press 1995 pp 89-115
16
protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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protest prone social category In Poland workers and farmers were
more prominent in protest activities than in the other three
countries Youth was more frequently involved in protest actions in
the former GDR and Poland than in the other two countries This finding however has to be carefully interpreted we were unable
to determine the category of participants in the majority of
demonstrations because we have a substantial amount of missing data regarding the social and professional profile of protestors This amount is lower for Poland because it is easier to identify
participants in a strike which were the dominant strategy in that
country The data on socio-vocational categories of protest
participants are presented in Table 5
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Our data regarding protest organizers are more reliable We falsified our initial hypothesis that during the early stages of
regime transition the incidence of spontaneous protests is going to
be high Protest events in all countries were usually organized by
existing well established organizations Each countrys protest politics was dominated by a different set of organizations but the
range of organizations sponsoring protest actions was similar to
those sponsoring protest activities in other European countries
They included labor movements political parties interests groups and social movements The only contrast with West European experiences was the much smaller role of social movements in sponsoring protest activities and the relatively larger role of
traditional organizations such as political parties trade unions
or professional groups31 In Poland trade unions were most active
in organizing protest activities In Hungary and Slovakia political parties were the most frequent organizers of protests In the
former East Germany social movements were dominant political
31Kriesi Koopmans Duyvendak and Giugni in their analysis of four West European countries determined that new social movements organized 361 of protests in France 732 in Germany 654 in Netherlands and 610 in Switzerland (see New Social Movements in Western Europe p 20)
17
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
parties followed The data on protest organizers are presented in
Table 6
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Initially we expected that the demands put forward by the
protesting groups would be primarily concerned with political
issues We accepted the notion common in the literature on East
European transitions that in the wake of state socialisms collapse
people are confused about their real economic interests Yet our
data show that politically contentious regime transitions and the
establishment of democracy after decades of authoritarian rule did
not create a highly politicized environment characterized by the
predominance of symbolic politics The demands pressed by
protesting groups were predominantly concrete reflected everyday
economic concerns and when they were political their tenor was
mainly reformist Anti-systemic proclamations were rare Thus in
the language of contention one can find evidence of a broad support
for democracy and market economy
The way demands in all four countries cluster reflects the
concerns of the dominant organizers In Poland where trade unions
played the most active role in organizing protest economic demands
were predominant while in Hungary and Slovakia political parties
organized more protests than other groups and political demands
were most common In the former East Germany political demands only
slightly outnumbered economic demands The data on types of demands
are presented in Table 7
Table 7 Types of demands
Despite the variation in protest strategies demands and protest
sponsoring organizations protest actions were uniformly directed
at the state and demands were addressed to state authorities There
was an evident similarity in the targets of protest actions in all
countries (Targets are understood to be the authorities to which
the demands were addressed and who were expected to respond to
them) The governments followed by parliaments and other national
18
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
level state agencies were by far the most frequent targets of protest actions Only in the former East Germany do we see a
significant number of demands addressed to local and regional authorities due to the federal structure of the state A
surprisingly low number of demands were addressed to the management
of enterprises and domestic or foreign owners It seems that
regardless of the issue at stake protesting groups look to the state and central authorities for solutions The following table presents the distribution of targets of protest in all countries
Table 8 Targets of protest
In sum even a cursory look at various features of protest actions presented in this section reveals considerable contrasts and unexpected similarities among the four post-communist countries Such variations in magnitude scope and forms of protest actions as well as in types of protest organizers and groups prone to participate in collective action raise a number of interesting questions In order to account for such differences we
will briefly examine several possible explanatory leads derived from the arsenal of available theories of social protest Being constrained by the format of this paper we will offer only four explanatory sketches suggested by the following set of theories
1 relative deprivation which links variation in protest activities to the changing perceptions and assessments of peoples (particularly economic) situation 2 instrumental institutionalism founded on the concept of political opportunity structure which focuses on institutional constraints and opportunities available to protestors including those which are linked to the transformation processes taking place in the region 3 historical-cultural institutionalism which emphasizes interactions between institutionalization and cultural
learning and turns our attention toward historically shaped traditions ll of contentious action 4 resource mobilization theory which emphasizes resources available to challenging groups
19
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
An examination of the IIfitll between these theories and our data
should allow us to determine which factors are primarily
responsible for peoples protest behavior This in turn should
shed new light on the politics of postcommunist consolidation
IV Explaining the patterns of protest politics in East Central
Europe
Conventional wisdom among observers of East Central European
transformations holds that building new democratic state institutions could be accomplished with relative ease Also the
introduction of competitive elections and the formation of partyshysystems was seen as a more or less uncomplicated task The reshy
creation of civil society however was predicted to be a lengthy
and difficult process spanning a generation or two 32 We argue that
these claims should be revised During the first five years of consolidation the rebirth andor expansion of civil society
occurred with unexpected speed and intensity in every country The state however was not so much reformed as weakened The
development of political society was often slow tedious and unpredictable Moreover these processes have differed from country
to country The former East Germany experienced the swift
establishment of a new political and legal framework as a result of
the unification and the new state administration has been stronger and more efficient than in any other post-communist regime
However it can be argued that it is still weaker than in the Western part of Germany Similarly the party system crystallized
and stabilized much faster with the West German parties extending their organizational reach to the five new Lander In the other
three countries the states and party systems have been in flux
with Hungary having the most success in developing a relatively
stable and clearly articulated party system 33
32See Ralf Dahrendorf Reflection on the Revolution in Europe New York Random House 1990
33See Herbert Kitschelt liThe Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe II and IIFormation of Party Cleavages in Postshy
20
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
The four countries included in the project represent distinct
types of post-communist transformations and have experienced
contrasting political and economic developments since 1989 The
major differences among them stern from (1) the type and sequence of
economic policies and (2) the nature and extent of the state
transformation These differences can be summarized in the
following table
Table 9 Economic transformations and the state continuity
in Hungary Poland Slovakia and the former East Germany
continuity discontinuity
rapid Poland former GDR
gradual Hungary Slovakia
The first dimension represents the extent of changes experienced by
the bureaucratic structures of the post-communist state In all
countries a classical party- state was rapidly dismantled The
dominant role of the communist party was eliminated supreme state
institutions re-designed constitutions amended parliaments and
governments were given supreme authority and re-established under
democratic control The office of president albeit with different
prerogatives was created in all countries Other existing state agencies were reformed to a different degree and new were
incorporated in the state institutional design
In Poland and Hungary there has been a notable continuity in
the institutional organization and personnel of the state both in
the civilian and military sectors Almost all state institutions
inherited from the old regime survived and secured their place in
the new institutional framework of the state This continuity is a
result of two factors first in the final years of the communist
rule these countries introduced a number of institutional reforms
compatible with the requirements of a market economy and democracYi
communist Democracies Theoretical Propositions Party Politics (1995) 1 4 pp 447-472
21
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
second both countries exited state socialism on the basis of
intra-elite negotiations and pacts which assured a significant degree of continuity of state institutions In contrast to these
two countries the former GDR and Slovakia experienced a more profound change in the state organization In October 1990 the German Democratic Republic was unified with West Germany and the
five new Lander were incorporated into the federal framework of the West German Republic At the same time all institutions of the former East German state were thoroughly dismantled and their
employees screened and purged Slovakia became an independent state on January 1 1993 following failed efforts to renegotiate the Czechoslovak federation Many institutions of the Slovak Republic existing under the federal arrangement of the Czechoslovak state
simply became Slovak national institutions however new segments
of the state administration had to be organized almost from scratch Moreover the rapid and contentious departure from state socialism in these countries contributed to institutional discontinuity with the old regime
Newly emerged democratic states inherited different economic legacies and pursued contrasting economic policies The former East Germany and Poland experienced rapid and radical economic transformations The Balcerowicz Plan introduced in January 1990 in
response to dramatic deterioration of the Polish economy and the threat of hyperinflation imposed harsh macro-economic stabilization measures This adjustment program instantly re-shaped Polands economic system arrested an escalating economic crisis and imposed new market-friendly rules It opened the way for comprehensive structural economic reforms combined with privatization and welfare reforms 34 In the former East Germany the economic transformation was designed to unify economic
institutions fiscal and monetary policies and economic conditions between two parts of the country The change affected the entire
34See Jeffrey Sachs Polands Jump to the Market Economy Cambridge MIT Press 1993j Ben Slay The Polish Economy Crisis Reform and Transformation Princeton Princeton University Press 1994 and Kazimierz Poznanski Polands Protracted Transition Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1996
22
institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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institutional structure of the economy Stabilization policies were
combined with structural reforms comprehensive privatization and
a thorough transformation of welfare institutions The dismantling
of all legacies of state socialism was faster and more radical than
in any other post-communist country It included the massive and
swift privatization of all economic assets previously controlled by
the communist state This ~mmense institutional change was
cushioned by an unprecedented transfer of capital bureaucratic know-how and assistance from the West to the East In contrast to
Poland and East Germany Hungary and Slovakia have chosen a more
gradual pace for economic transformations both in terms of macroshy
economic and privatization policies
This analysis does not reveal any clear patterns There is no
correlation between the nature of power transfer and the type of
economic reforms on the one hand and the protest magnitude on the
other However if one puts aside Slovakia and former East Germany
two countries where a significant amount of protest resulted from
the dramatic redefinition of the polity and focuses on Poland and
Hungary one may conclude that the factor which seems to explain
the varied magnitude of collective protest is the type and sequencing of economic reforms introduced by the post-communist
regimes rapid reforms result in more protests than do gradual
reforms It is customary to build such an argument on the logic of
some deprivation theory II according to which rapid reforms
produced higher social cost and are perceived with more hostility
among the popUlation This in turn leads to the heightened
incidence of protest As we will demonstrate in the next section
neither link in this reasoning is confirmed by our empirical data
41 Protest as an expression of deprivation or grievances
The relationship between rapid economic or political reforms
and the populaces (dis) satisfaction or deprivation is usually
theorized with the help of some simplified version of the relative
deprivation theory It is impossible to summarize the classical
variant of this theory proposed for example by Ted Gurr in his
classic Why Men Rebel i it is a non-parsimonious and intricate
23
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
theoretical system founded on the concept of relative
deprivation 35 However the main thrust of the argument - at least
in its most popular and influential version -- is simple and
easily falsifiable In general various relative deprivation
approaches assume that
an increase in extent or intensity of grievances or
deprivation and the development of ideology occur prior to the
emergence of social movement phenomena Each of these
perspectives holds that discontent produced by some
combination of structural conditions is a necessary if not
sufficient condition to an account of the rise of specific
social movement (or protest - GE amp JK) phenomenon36
In this rendition of the theory proposed by McCarthy and Zald the
concept of deprivation replaces IIrelative deprivation which
considerably changes the nature of the argument Yet we will follow
this common practice mostly because we do not know of any
comparative study of relative deprivation in the four East Central
European states while we found several comparative studies dealing
with various aspects (indicators) of political and economic
deprivation or intensity of grievances
We will test a simple hypothesis the higher the level of
discontent with the post-1989 economic and political changes or the
higher the intensity of grievances or the sense of deprivation the
higher the magnitude of protest In order to test this hypothesis
we will rank the four countries according to the results of several
comparative studies which measured various aspect of peoples
35Relative deprivation is Ita perceived discrepancy between mens value expectations and their value capabilities Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled Values capabilities are goods and conditions they think they are capable of attaining or maintaining given the social means available to them Ted Gurr Why Men Rebel Princeton Princeton University Press 1970 p 13
36John D McCarthy and Mayer N Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements A Partial Theory in Social Movements in an Organizational Society New Brunswick Transaction 1978 p 17
24
discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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discontent and compare the results of such rankings with the
ranking based on the magnitude of protest
The studies we have chosen for this exercise were conducted in
at least three countries we are interested in during the 1989-1993
period The surveys asked the same set of question in all
countries producing thereby comparable results These studies
include
a New Democracies Barometer IV A la-Nation Survey37
b Masons study on attitudes towards the market and the state
in postcommunist Europe 38
c Kornais calculations of the decline of real wages in East
Central Europe 39
d calculations of Gini coefficients40
e calculations of the ratios of top ten percent to bottom ten
percent of wage earners (decile ratios) 41
f Ferges study on the satisfaction with the post-1989
37Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer Change and Stability in the New Democracies Barometer A Trend Analysis Center for the Study of Public Policy Glasgow University of Strathclyde 1996
38David Mason Attitudes Towards the Market and the State in Postcommunist Europe paper presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of APSA Chicago Ill p14
39Janos Kornai Paying Bill for Goulash-Communism The figure for 1990 refers only to the category of workers and employees excluding workers in agricultural cooperatives since 1991 the data include these
4degWorld Development Report From Plan to Market New York Oxford University Press 1996 p 69 and Michael Wyzan Increased Inequality Poverty Accompany Economic Transition Transition 4 October 1996 pp 24-27
41Jan Rutkowski Becoming Less Equal Wage Effects of Economic Transition in Poland Pew Papers on Central Eastern European Reform and Regionalism Center for International Studies Princeton University 1996 and Zsusa Ferge liThe Evaluation of Freedom Security and Regime Change paper prepared for the Euroconference on Social Policy organized by ICCR-Vienna Lisbon November 8-11 1995
25
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
reforms 42
Table 10 Selected Rankings of Central European States43
Table 10 presents the results of our analyses The hypothesis is
not confirmed Hungarians are clearly most dissatisfied with the
post-1989 changes and yet the magnitude of protest in this country
is lower than elsewhere The contrast with Poland is particularly
striking even if we assume that Poles and Hungarians are equally
dissatisfied the IIdeprivation hypothesis ll fails for Poland has a
higher magnitude of protest Another anomaly from the point of
view of the regularity suggested by our hypothesis emerges from a
comparison of Hungary with former East Germany The situation in
the latter country is dramatically different from other
postcommunist states given the financial transfers between the
Western and Eastern areas of the country and the efforts of the
German government to equalize their standards of living As a
result of this massive assistance the economy of the five new
German Lander has grown between 7 and 10 percent a year since 1992
and as Kopstein points out purely in terms of living standards East Germans are the clear winners of communisms collapse 44 And
yet East Germans engage in protest activities with a higher
42Zsusa Ferge ibid
43For columns (2) and (3) the numbers were obtained by subtracting the percentage of the respondents who approved of the regime in Winter 199394 (New Democracies Barometer III) from the percentage of those who approved the regime in Fall 1991 (NDB-I) It should be also emphasized that Poles disapproved of the communist regime and the socialist economic system much more decisively than either the Slovaks or the Hungarians For the mean ranking (Column 9) we used Ferges P90P10 index (7) it is more IIhostile to our hypothesis than Rutkowskis index (7) Column (11) is based on Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew M Warner Achieving Rapid Growth in the Transition Economies of Central Europe Development Discussion Papers Harvard Institute for International Development No 544 (July 1996)
44Jeffrey Kopstein nWeak Foundations Under East German Reconstruction Transition 26 January 1996 p64
26
frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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frequency and more zeal than Hungarians who are far less satisfied
with the result of communisms collapse
Graph 5-8 Approval of current political and economic systems45
A comparison of the pattern of changes during the studied
period produces mixed results As Graphs 5 to 8 illustrate the
Slovak and Hungarian data conform to the predictions of the IIdeprivation theory II the fluctuations of protest magnitude in
these countries are correlated with the fluctuations in peoples
approval of economic and political systems However the theory
fails dismally when it is applied to Poland As the peoples approval of the political and economic systems increases
systematically so does the magnitude of protest
Given the data reported in Table la it is possible to falsify
our deprivation hypothesis in many different ways For example given the data in column (5) (Kornais estimates of the real wages decline) this hypothesis would predict that Poland and Slovakia
should have the same magnitude of strikes which would be higher
than in Hungary whose wage earners experienced a much smaller
decline in their incomes Also Polish and Slovak protestors should put forth economic demands (higher wages) with greater frequency
than their Hungarian counterparts The first expectation is not
confirmed by the data presented in tables 2 and 4 Poles organized far more strikes than either Hungarians or Slovaks The second
expectation fails in the light of data presented in table 7 Poles
concentrated their demands on economic issues far more often than
did the Hungarians -- as expected -- but also more often than the Slovaks
One could of course argue that Poles - on the one hand and Hungarians and Slovaks - on the other expressed their economic
deprivation through different idioms and organizational strategies But this is precisely the kind of argument that the lldeprivation
approach 11 is ill-equipped to field Changes in magnitude
45Richard Rose and Christian Haerpfer op cit pp 23-27 and 45 49
27
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
strategies mobilizational efficacy success etc of protest do not reflect the fluctuations in peoples sense of deprivation
(dissatisfaction) Neither do they follow the changes in the so
called objective economic indicators as clearly evidenced by the comparison of data reported in columns (1) (10) and (11) of Table 10 According to Sachs and Warners analysis Poland Hungary and
Slovakia have almost identical scores on the composite Reform Index moreover their scores are the highest in the whole
postcommunist world Yet the patterns of protest activities in
these three countries were widely divergent Finally it should be
emphasized that the country where the accumulative decline of GDP
during the 1989-93 period was the smallest and which was first in overcoming the transitory recession that is Poland
experienced the highest and intensifying magnitude of protest
Our deprivation hypothesis II suggested by a popular interpretation of relative deprivation theory is not confirmed In order to explain fluctuating magnitudes and patterns of protest in
the four countries we must turn elsewhere
42 Institutional explanations
To comprehend the variations in collective actors responses
to economic and political reforms we have to examine East Central
European transformations as combinations of complex developments taking place in several distinct institutional domains We pose a
hypothesis that the many differences in the magnitude and
characteristics of protest actions in the four countries under
study are related both to the institutional legacies of state socialism and the post-1989 processes of the reconstitution and institutionalization of democratic politics But before we attempt
to explain the more subtle differences among the dimensions of
contentious politics we will comment on the overall differences in the magnitude of protest among these countries
If opportunities for collective action afforded by the state
are one of the most critical variable in explaining the incidence
28
and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
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and magnitude of collective protest46 transitory polities where all
stable characteristics of the political opportunity structure are
in flux should have been an arena of constant collective struggles
Since they are not and the magnitude of protest varies from state
to state the concept of political opportunity structure has to be
carefully reconsidered for application to cases of regime change 47
We argue that there is a need to distinguish between the
structure of political opportunity (characteristic for stable
polities) and unstructured opportunity (a feature of transitory
II open polities) 48 A change in some partial opportunity structures
or a partial alteration of some dimensions of the opportunity
structure in stable countries will be immediately treated as an
incentive to act by all those collective actors who have been
prepared to press their claims against the state Such a change
will signal to the groups or organizations with resources
established agendas and long-held claims that now is the time to
act When these groups or organization are successful in pressing
their demands other may follow expanding the range of issues and
institutional arenas of contentious politics 49 Thus one could argue
46See for example I Hanspeter Kriesi liThe Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements Its Impact on Their Mobilization in J Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans eds The Politics of Social Protest Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press 1995
47There is an argument to be made that the structure of political opportunity is multidimensional There are different opportunity structures for actors differently situated within a given socia-political system (Kriesi op cit) Thus the change in one dimension of the opportunity structure may affect some but not all real or potential collective actors We do not develop this thought here
48l1The most salient changes in opportunity structure are four the opening up of access to participation shifts in ruling alignments the availability of influential allies and cleavages within and among elites Sidney Tarrow Power in Movement p 86
49See debates on cycles of protest and especially Doug McAdam Initiator and Spin-off Movements Diffusion
29
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
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For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
that in stable and gradually changing polities alterations of the
political opportunity structures provide incentives for contentious
action By contrast in countries undergoing rapid political and
economic transition the four elements of the political opportunity
structure specified by Tarrow are wide open and unconstrained Such
a situation may have either demobilizing effects or simply
encourage mobilization without limits For organized collective
actors issues which were important in the past may not be relevant
any more new issue-arenas may become unclear or not yet
established their attention is drawn toward general issues which
are not easily translated into paradigms of collective action they had learned earlier Moreover agendas for contentious politics in
more stable polities are built on the assumption that it is
relatively clear who is the friend and who is the adversary and who
bears responsibility for specific issues and problems The distinction between them and IIUS serves as a guide-post for the
struggle But in transitory polities this underlying cultural
matrix of enemies and culprits becomes unclear and muddled former
oppositional activists take over the state apparatus and it is no longer clear who is us and who is IIthem
such conditions which we will call unstructured opportunity
offer protestors considerable freedom of action there are few
established organizational boundaries that should be abolished
there are no predefined agendas whose expansion may be demanded ruling alignments change often there are potentially many
available allies and cleavages within and among elites are fluid
and poorly structured The state manages to protect order within
the public domain but it offers little resistance to non-violent protest actions and it seems to ignore protestors Additionally
state functionaries do not know how to deal with protestors formal
and informal procedures through which protestors could become a
Processes in Protest Cycles in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action pp 217-39
30
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
part of the policy-making processes are poorly developed 50 It is
therefore difficult to analyze changing features of protest as
responses to changing opportunities opportunities simply do not
change much In East Central Europe where such an unchanging and poorly
structured opportunity emerged after 1989 the magnitude of protest
is by and large lower than in more established democracies We
suspect that this is a result of (a) the demobilizing effect the
lIexcessive openness of the opportunity structure and (b) weaker
than in Western Europe institutional support structure for protest
activities including the accessibility of organizational
material and symbolic resources
At the same time the protest magnitude in all countries
fluctuated although the openness of the system (political
opportunity structure) did not Also protest strategies and
demands varied from country to country although their political systems seem to have been equally opened Since neither deprivation
theory nor the features of the opportunity structure explain such
variance I we need to turn to other theories We observe that
despite of the considerable opening in the political opportunity
structure collective action is channelled through various old
and new institutional constraints The opening is extensive and
unstructured ie protestors demands and strategies cannot be
carefully crafted as responses to partial openings here or there in
the established institutional network of the polity Such a network
is simply not yet established But singular institutional points of
reference do exist some of them should be found among the
institutionalized legacies of past struggles and among the elements
of the emerging new political opportunity structure which can offer
concrete incentives for collective actions
This new unstructured political opportunity can be examined
wi th the use of the available institutional modes of analysis 51 For
SOFor an analysis of the significance of such mechanisms see Hanspeter Kriesi op cit pp 173-179
51A very useful typology of institutionalisms has been proposed by Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor 1994
31
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
example we realized that the relatively high magnitude of protest in Poland can be explained through a comparative study of distinct
though mutually reinforcing institutional mechanisms suggested by
the two institutional theories listed in Section 3 cul turalshy
historical and instrumental as well as by the resource
mobilization theory In the East European field the well-known
dilemma of more cases than variables makes a rigorous test which
would allow us to pinpoint the best n explanation impossible but
we can determine whether the patterns existing in our data conform
to the expectations suggested by major institutional arguments
In the field of protest studies there are two major arguments
concerning the link between protest magnitude and characteristics
and other institutional features of the political system
1 Protesting can be construed as a rational calculated
response to the lack of access to policy making through other
channels (e g the lack of a tri-partite commission thus the lack of corporatist inclusion) The smaller the access to
other channels the higher the probability of protest
2 Protesting can best seen as a useful strategy in intershy
organizational competition involving several competitors (trade unions) When there are several unions (or union
federations) I they tend to engage in protests in order to
demonstrate their champions-of-the-working-people
credentials and to outbid each other in wooing potential supporters 52 The higher the number of labor unions the higher
the probability of protest
Following the logic of the first explanation we expect that there
Political Science and the Four Institutionalisms APSA convention paper
52This explanation draws on the logic of historical institutionalism as defined by Hall and Taylor Historical institutionalists while searching for explanations of group conflict began paying greater attention to the way in which institutions structure political interactions and began to argue that other [than state] social and political institutions could also contribute to political outcomes by structuring conflict among individuals or groups over scarce resources II
Peter Hall and Rosemary C R Taylor op cit p 3
32
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
will be less strikes and labor-related demonstrations in states
which institutionalized the interaction between labor unions
employers and the relevant state agencies As Wallace and Jenkins
noted the institutionalization of neocorporatist bargaining
diminishes the likelihood of protest Countries with a strong
social democratic party (Hungary) and a centralized labor sector
(Hungary former East Germany Slovakia) are expected to have less
industrial conflicts and strikes than a more pluralistic country wi th several unions that do not have II direct access to theII
political process (Poland) 53
These expected regularities are indeed confirmed by our data
One of the most prominent features of Hungarian Slovak and East
German transitory politics was the early institution of top level
corporatist arrangements For example in Hungary it was the
Council for Interest Reconciliation in Slovakia - the Council of
Economic and Social Agreement 54 And as expected Poland had by far
the highest incidence and magnitude of strikes
The second institutional explanation emphasizing inter-union
competition is also confirmed by our data The Polish trade union
sector was much more diversified and de-centralized than its
53Michael Wallace and J Craig Jenkins The New Class Postindustrialism and Neocorporatism Three Images of Social Protest in Western Democracies in The Politics of Social Protest p 134
54We base our knowledge of the Hungarian tri-partite organization on Greskovits Hungerstrikers the unions the government and the parties A case-study of Hungarian transformation conflict the social pact and democratic development1I Occasional papers in European Studies 6 University of Essex 1995 Janos Kornais lecture and our conversations with both Kornai described it as a second government 11 dominated by the former communist union officials which bears the bulk of responsibility for Hungarys extremely high level of social spending (lecture Princeton University 030494) For Slovakia see Darina Malova The relationship between the state political parties and civil society in postcommunist Czecho-Slovakia paper presented at the Center for European Studies Harvard University May 1993 pp 24 27 Malova observes that it might be assumed that the admission of corporate groups to the process of public policy would reduce the future social and political conflicts p 25
33
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Hungarian Slovak and German counterparts As expected Poland had
the higher magnitude of strikes which often had as one of their
goals outcompeting rival trade unions 55
43 Historical-cultural institutional explanation
Strong evidence exists that traditions and previous
experiences of protest is a good indicator of future protest actions Collective action is predicated here on learning
experience as well as the availability of resources inherited from
previous struggles The comparison of our countries clearly shows
that the high magnitude of protest in Poland can be linked to the
existing tradition of protest Poland was the only country in the
former Soviet bloc which experienced five major political crisis
culminating in the self-limiting revolution of 1980-81 During
the Solidarity period millions of Poles participated in collective protests and learned necessary skills of contentious politics This
argument is additionally supported by the fact that the most common
forms of protest (ie strikes) had been developed earlier by the
Solidarity movement as its core strategy of contention Hungary by contrast has a well-established tradition of
street demonstrations and struggles (1956 in particular) which
played a significant role during the power transfer period (1988shy
1990) The unions and other protest organizers in former East
Germany should be influenced by the dominant action repertoire brought over by West German unions and other SMOs which organize
most of the protest actions there As Koopmans and Kriesi report
demonstrative strategy dominated the German action repertoire 56
Moreover the 1989 oppositional movement in former East Germany
relied heavily on street demonstrations as their main protest
strategy Finally SlovakiaS protest traditions are almost non-
55The labor continued to be dominated by postcommunist federations mostly MSZOSZ - The National Federation of Hungarian Trade Unions See Greskovits ibid p 10
56Ruud Koopmans and Hanspeter Kriesi Institutional Structures and Prevailing Strategies in New Social Movements in Western Europe p 50
34
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
existent though it should be noted that the main form of protest
developed by the Czechoslovak dissidents was letter writing Given
these historical traditions Poland should have the highest
magnitude of protest among the four countries The Polish ratio of
street demonstrations to strikes should be considerably lower than
in Hungary or Germany and Slovakia should experience little strikes
or demonstrations
The empirical data used to verify this hypothesis are
summarized in Table 2 The hypotheses are strongly confirmed
Poland has the highest magnitude of protest Hungarian protestors
chose street demonstrations four times more often than strikes
German protestors demonstrated six times more often than they went
on strike Poland had the highest magnitude of strikes and Poles
were almost equally prone to strike and to demonstrate This is an
expected result given the relatively long established tradition of
political conflicts disguised as industrial conflicts in Poland In
Slovakia the most frequently used protest strategy was letter
writing (see Table 4)
44 Resource mobilization theory
While various institutional arguments allow us to account for
the differences between Polish Slovak Hungarian and German
magnitudes of protest their dynamics varying repertoires of
contention and various ratios of strikes to demonstrations in
these countries one would be hard pressed to argue that the five
Lander of the former East Germany -- with their volatile protest
politics -- inherited a long-term elaborate domestic tradition of protest particularly street demonstrations 57
In order to explain the origins of specific features of
protest politics in former East Germany we turned to the resource
mobilization approach which suggests that at least in some
57However a very recent tradition of demonstrations developed in some locations See for example Suzanne Lohmann IIDynamics of Informational Cascades The Monday Demonstrations in Leipzig East Germany 1989-91 World Politics October 1994 47(1) pp42-101
35
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
situations the magnitude of protest depends on the availability of
material organizational and cultural resources at the disposal of
real or potential challenging groups Countries where protest
organizers have access to richer resources will have a higher level
of contention Such resources may be developed internally by
collective actors within a given society (this will be the case of
Polish Solidarity) or may be transferred through trans-national and
trans regional channels from the resource-rich to resource-poor
countries and regions (this is the case of the former GDR) The
transfer and diffusion of resources will depend on the availability
of collective actors who are willing to pursue collective action
and on the compatibility (in cultural and organizational terms) of
countries or regions While trans-national links and diffusion are
relatively common only on rare occasions do such transfers involve
the wholesale shift of organizational structures activists and
resources as occurred after the re-unification of Germany One
could argue therefore that the high magnitude of collective protest
in the former East Germany reflects the external transfer of
resources for collective action
v Conclusions
In the first section of this paper we established a need to
study the bottom-up mechanisms of democratic consolidation We proposed that this largely neglected area can be fruitfully studied
through event analysis of protest behavior The second and third
sections offer selected results from our four-country study of the
post-communist protest politics In the fourth part we offer
explanations of the observed phenomena derived from the four
established research traditions This exercise leads us to the
following general conclusions
1 Varieties in the magnitude repertoires and strategies of
protest politics cannot be fully explained by reference to people s
perceptions and assessments of their situation as the
deprivation approach suggests the states with more discontent do
not necessarily have more protest activities than the states with
less discontent Therefore analyses of the post-1989 reforms in
36
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
East Central Europe which explain political changes (eg
electoral successes of the post-communist parties) by simply
relating them to peoples growing discontent may all be erroneous
2 Moreover our comparative analysis of East European protest politics reveals that these politics are not simply determined by a configuration of lIobjectivetl economic (or political) factors
3 No single theory of collective action explains all of the
observed variance in protest characteristics we discovered The best fit between theory and empirical results is achieved when
propositions derived several theories are combined Our argument is
that collective protest in democratizing societies is best
explained from an institutional perspective that combines the concept of resources in a broad sense that is including
traditions symbols and discourses alongside material and
organizational elements with the concept of institutional
opportunities which are produced by emerging organizational patterns within the state as well as political and civil societies The resource II segment of such a syncretic explanation allows us to
account for the relatively high magnitude and specific features of
protest in the former East Germany while the institutional ll part helps to illuminate the highest magnitude of protest in Poland and
the differences in protest repertoires between Poland Slovakia and Hungary_
4 It has been theorized that Poland which instituted the most radical economic reforms (shock therapy) would also experience
the highest magnitude of protest This expectation is indeed
confirmed by our analyses Yet the reasons for this phenomenon and the specific features of protest in Poland cannot be explained by invoking a general sense of deprivation felt by the populace as is usually though often implicitly practiced As we demonstrated
protests magnitude in Poland kept increasing as peoples approval
of the postcommunist economic and political order was also growing Our comparative analysis of four cases confirmed a thesis commonly
accepted by the students of protest politics that protest
activities are driven by much subtler mechanisms sketched in our third conclusion
5 What transpired in Central Europe during the early
37
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
postcommunist years -- most clearly in Poland -- was a different
kind of institutionalization or consolidation of democracy than the
one Bresser Pereira Maravall and Przeworski seem to have had in
mind They concluded that for the successful consolidation of
democracy all groups must channel their demands through the
democratic institutions and abjure other tactics 58 But we found
that increasingly institutionalized protest became a democratic
institution which functioned as part-and-parcel of the
democratizing polity 59 We did not detect any signs that democratic
consolidation was threatened by such an increased magnitude of
contentious collective action For most observers the progress of
democratic consolidation in Hungary Poland and the former East
Germany passed the point of no return an authoritarian reversal in
these states is highly unlikely Yet Poland experienced a high
magnitude of protest actions Interestingly Slovakia the country
with the least disruptive (most benign) repertoire of protest and
a low level of strike activity is commonly perceived as the least
consolidated democracy of the four
We conclude that protest need not be a threat to budding
democracy It is worth recalling Ecksteins and Gurrs observation
that the risk of chronic low-level conflict is one of the prices
democrats should expect to pay for freedom from regimentation by
the state - - or by authorities in other social units whether
industrial establishments trade unions schools universities or families 60 Our research indicates that under certain institutional
conditions protest becomes an indispensable component of
democratic consolidation
58Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira Jose Maria Maravall and Adam Przeworski Economic Reforms in New Democracies p 4
59This argument is developed in Jan Kubik Institutionalization of Protest During Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow eds The Social Movement Society Comparative Perspectives Boulder Co Rowland and Littlefield 1997 forthcoming
6degHarry Eckstein and Ted Robert Gurr Patterns of Authoritv A Structural Basis For Political Inquiry New York John Wiley and Sons 1975 p 452
38
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Table 1 Post-1989 protest events in East Central Europe (1989-1993)
1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total
Poland 314 306 292 314 250 1476
Slovakia - 50 82 116 47 295
Hungary 122 126 191 112 148 699
East Germany 222 188 291 268 283 1254
Table 2 General measures of protest activities in the four countries 1989-1993
Poland Slovakia Hungary GDR
Population (15-64) in millions
25 4 7 11
Protest events 1476 295 699 1254
Protest days 14881 2206 2574 5349
Protestyear 295 74 140 251
Protest daysyear 2976 441 515 1070
Protest daysyearl million population
1194 1103 73 97
middot Strikes 432 24 61 107
Demonstrations 544 87 244 607
Ratio demostrike 126 I 363 40 57
Strikesyearl million population
35 15 174 195
Demonstrations yearmillion population
435 545 697 1104
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Table 3 General Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
violent 115 50
21 17
9 20
286 132
disruptive 1145 495
382 308
142 312
1054 487
non-disruptive 1051 455
838 675
304 668
826 381
N = all strategies 2311 1241 455 2183
Table 4 Specific Protest Strategies in East Central Europe
Protest Strategies Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
Strike 432 64 25 128 187 51 55 59
Occupation of public 119 8 4 76 buildings 51 6 8 35
Demonstrationmarch 544 296 94 792 blockade 235 237 207 366
Strike alertthreat to 408 141 48 64 undertake protest action 177 113 105 30
Violent 115 21 9 286 50 17 20 132
Open lettersstatements 316 406 182 180 137 325 400 83
Other 377 312 93 639 163 250 204 295
N =number of strategies 2311 1248 455 2165
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Table 5 Socio-vocational category of participants
Category of Participants Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
workers 516 344
71 143
74 220
170 184
farmers peasants 141 94
28 56
15 44
24 26
service sector 121 81
17 34
18 53
31 34
public state sector 350 233
161 325
111 328
194 210
youth 154 103
63 127
20 59
255 277
other 218 145
156 315
100 296
248 269
N = total recorded categories 1500 496 338 922
Table 6 Organizations sponsoring or leading protest actions
Organizations
none
political parties
labor unions
Peasantfarmer organizations
interest groups
socialpolitical movements
other
N = number of organizations
167 116
89 62
709 491
80 55
91 63
228 158
80 55
1444
125 17450 122 117 105
263 99 335 258 232 201
275160 70 157 164 165
6 93 6 57
56117 56 115 34132
69137 553 134 162 332
79 262213 157209 185
1021 1664426
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Table 7 Types of demands
Demand type Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
economic 1100 572
301 295
119 260
458 269
political 586 305
444 435
176 385
524 308
other 236 123
276 270
162 355
722 424
N = total demands 1922 1021 457 1704
Table 8 Targets of protest actions
Ultimate targets of protest actions
Poland Hungary Slovakia GDR
president 92 48
25 25
20 42
4 2
parliament 247 128
155 158
125 264
272 145
governmenumUristries central agencies
989 513
449 456
239 504
654 348
local government 177 92
111 113
11 23
493 263
management 322 167
38 39
23 49
39 21
domestic and foreign owners
15 8
25 25
0 0
69 37
other 87 45
181 184
56 118
347 185
N = number of targets 1929 984 474 1878
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
Table 10 Selected rankings of the Central European states
(I) Protest
magnitude
(2) CSPP
approval of political regime
1993 - 91
(3) CSPP
approval of economic system 1993-91
(4) Mason Index of Political
Alienation
(5) Komai
real wages (1993 as
of 1989)
(6) Inequality 1993 Gini Coefficient
(7) Rutkowski
P90PI0
(7) Ferge
P90P1O
(8) Ferge
Evaluation of change
in households
(9) Mean (2)-(8)
(10) Commulative
decline of GDP 1989shy
1993
(11) Sachs-Warner Refonn Index
Poland 1 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 3 123 (+ 17) (+ 19) (723) (30) (292) (657) (39 worse) (2) (-122)
Slovakia 2 2 15 4 2 3 3 4 2 3 I 123 (+2) (-10) (Czechoshy (733) (195) (24) (289) (51 worse) (26) (-274)
slovakia)
GDR 3 -shy -shy 3 -shy -shy -shy 3 (305)
4 (19 worse)
4 (33)
-shy -shy
Hungary 4 1 15 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 2 123 (-6) (-10) (85) (23) (36) (331) (51 worse) (16) (-168)
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
GRAPH 1 Protest days in Poland 4500
4000
3500 bull
3000 i
2500
2000 i
1500 ~ 1000 I I500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 3 Protest days in Hungary 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 I bull - 1shy1989 1990 - 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 2 Protest days in Slovakia 4500
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
bull II bull500
0 1989 1990 1991 1992 -1993
GRAPH 4 Protest days in East Gerrnany 4500 bull
4000
3500
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
o bull I_I I 1989 -1990 1991 1992 1993
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
GRAPH 5 Approval of political and GRAPH 6 Approval of political and economic regime in Hungary economic regime in Slovakia
80 80 r -
70 70
60 ~ 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
1010
oo 1991 1992 1993
[ bull political IIeconomic
GRAPH 8 Approval of political and economic regime in East Germany
80 ----~80
7070
6060 5050 4040 3030
2020 10
0------------------- shy10
o 1991 1992
bull political II economic
1991 1992 1993
[ political IIeconomi9 J
GRAPH 7 Approval of political and economic regime in Poland
1991 1992 1993
[ politi~I-1iI econilllJcJ
1993
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost
The Minda de Gunzburg Center poundor Europem Studies
The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinary program organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences and designed to promote the study of Europe The Cenles governing committees represent the major social science departments at Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of TechnolOgy
Since its establishment in 1969 the Center has tried to orient students towards questions that have been neglected both about past developments in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present The Centers approach is comparative and interdisciplinary with a strong emphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a countrys political and economic polices and social structures Major interests of Center members include elements common to industrial societies the role of the state in the political economy of each country political behavior sodal movements parties and elections trade unions intellectuals labor markets and the crisis of industrialization science policy and the interconnections between a countrys culture and politics
For a complete list of Center publications (Working Paper Series Program for the Study of Germany and Europe Working Paper Series Program on Central and Eastem Europe Worlcing Paper Series and French Politics and Society a quarterly journal) please contact the Publications Department 27 Kirkland St Cambridge MA 02138 Additional copies can be purchased for $500 each A monthly calendar of events at the Center is also available at no cost