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TraCing ConfliCT
What is conveyed by the US-led invasion of Afghanistan, the riots in the French banlieues, the electronic fortification of the EU’s outer borders, the torture flights of the CIA and the British Anti-Social Behaviour Orders for unruly youth, aside from headlines of a ‘growing cultural threat’? They are all signs of a dynamic process involving progressively frag-mented global conflicts. Such conflicts are characterized by the simultaneous disintegration and consolidation of ‘place’ as the theatre where they occur. The differences between the individual conflicts, in terms of both their initial conditions and management, manifest themselves in the local realities of the global shifts of capital and life. Struggles over the dominance of a specific ideology or social group thus meet increasingly mobilized cultures. Efforts to create and maintain an intrinsic global ‘whole’ by means of spatial-political acts of violence are challenged by clandestine networks that operate in a
broad illegal sphere extending from terrorism to informal self-help. In this situation – in which the UNCLCS,1 for instance, is dividing up the extended mining rights to ocean beds among empires old and new – what significance can a project like Solid Sea by the group Multiplicity assume if it grasps the purported extraterritoriality of the Mediterranean as a space containing not only natural resources but also the victims of the distribution struggle between the Global North and South? In the two decades since the proclaimed end of the Cold War and the ‘stable balance of power’, the multiplying relations between conflict and space have become one of the most pressing issues in geo-cultural research. In the engagement with conflict terrains over the past few years, various aesthetic approaches that focus on the forces and dynamics of conflict instead of its harmonization have gained momentum. What they all have in common is the simultaneous critique and use of prevailing conflicts, a.) as political acts that constitute spatial organization, and b.) as phenomena that operate on a translocal level. Their distinctive characteristic is the different ways they access areas of conflict and the formats they develop. Proceeding from these differences, we can identify a variety of methodological approaches, each of which establishes its own field of action. The first approach, which uses records, maps, archives and diagrams, aims to produce alternative knowledge of the conditions of conflicts and the borders they create. A second approach challenges the operability of conflicts by intentionally creating disruptions and confusion – not only laying bare the form of the conflict and its operative strategy, but also establishing its own field of action. A third aesthetic mode of operation deregulates conflict-produced borders by means of a concentrated intensification of cross-border forms of action. Finally, a fourth approach responds to the growing fleetingness and mobility of conflictual forces by creating its own mobile, virtual spaces where conflicts can be engaged in and negotiated.
Eyal Weizman’s studies of the political space created by Israel’s late-modern colonial occupation are a key example of the first methodology. Using diagrams, maps, film footage and historical research, Weizman traces the transformation of a multi-ethnic region into an all-consuming military landscape: all elements of this landscape – settlements, buildings, streets, bridges, hills, trenches and dams – have become strategic tools in the Israeli-led transformation of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Fashioning these elements into political weaponry is part of a complex pedagogical programme of the Israeli state, which is guided by practice and creates spatial facts. Weizman’s work highlights the manner in which Israeli state policy shapes not only complex territorial structures, but also the organization, format and legitimacy of its operations in a series of elastic inclusions and exclusions. The logic governing the development and construction of this border system gives birth to a completely new world, one that intertwines walls with tunnels, checkpoints with elevated pathways and road blocks with air corridors, thus producing a vertical stratification of different
mobility rights. This conflict policy and the territories and networks it produces are not merely exposed for a specific geographic case study. Weizman also
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A desire to challenge the pol-itics of the border by insisting on the existence of border activities and by intensifying these activities also consti-tutes the motivation behind co operative platforms between contested border areas. The borders of post-state feder-ations, above all the European Union, seem to function as hermetical seals, but these fed-erations in fact pursue a policy that aims for the control and management of mobility. The emerging network of filters and channels ensures that the border is sufficiently porous for the economic advantages of global migration flows. For greater control of labour and production, the author-ity associated with the spatial borders of state territory is transformed into a flexible, mobile authority of civic control. Instead of keeping immigrants at bay by means of hermetic seals, such federations use immigrants by forcing them into illegal employ-ment and black markets.3 A highly idiosyncratic, goal-oriented economy arises on the other side of the border, one consisting of textile manufacturers, telecommunication businesses, refugee camps, labour migrants, intermediary dealers, human traffick-ers, legal ad visors and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Forces of production and migration meet in narrow border channels, forming a marginalized territory of contested enclaves, buffer zones, military areas, protective strips and no-man’s-land: an intensified supply and negotiation space of geopolitical warfare, one that aesthetic practices regard not only as their subject but increasingly as a sphere of activity.
An important point of reference are the transnational network activities associated with Fada’iat (‘through spaces’), a project that regularly holds workshops, seminars and joint happenings along the Straits of Gibraltar. Since 2004, this network of vari-ous groups in Spain and Morocco has been attempting to create a multiple social and infographic terrain that allows a community to emerge that can defend itself against policies of spatial division and urban cleansing. One of the most important goals of this initiative – which is formed by architectural and media collectives such as hackitectura, Indymedia of the Straits and Straddle3 – is to jointly establish a free, cross-coastal communication zone linking the Spanish town of Tarifa with Tangiers in Morocco – a zone that promotes dissident knowledge and temporarily suspends the clear divide between North and South in the region. The network deploys satellite dishes, WiFi links and mobile architectures as civil technologies in the struggle against the border geography dominating the region and its further implications for all of Europe. Its sphere of action extends beyond any single concrete locality, as shown by the activities undertaken against urban redevelopment policy in the city of Barcelona, specifically the protests against the axis created for the 2004 Universal Cultural Forum. This axis runs between Jean Nouvel’s landmark building, Torre Agbar, and the new park on the seafront, where buildings by Herzog & de Meuron and Foreign Office Architects have been attracting an international urban public. In the middle of the axis is the former Can Ricart industrial complex, which looks back on a different neighbourhood history and has become the symbol of the tenacious struggle by the local population of Poblenou to reconquer public space. When the Cultural Forum was built, this local culture was marginalized and vilified as obsolete. Bringing together different population groups at a variety of events, including discussions, exhibitions
and street festivals, the protest by the local population was supported by a large network of artists, architects and media activists, who called for collective public
shows that state military operations are not the sole claimants to this type of working method. In other words, the research into the architecture of this conflictual space does not critique the operation of concrete state and military power by presenting it as specific, but by transferring its logic to a wealth of other contexts. In these contexts it brings forth the components of terminologies and counter-terminologies that them-selves compile knowledge of a new field of articulation.
Research into the unequal effect of borders also forms the basis of the above-mentioned work by Multiplicity. Its atlases of the Mediterranean bring to light the ambiguities surrounding the growing territorial solidification of this region. The Mediterranean is predominantly depicted as the cradle of civilization, as a place of encounter between different cultures. However, on a more quotidian level, it is also a place where the global division between North and South is being implemented under a regime of electronic borders, military patrols, undocumented border inci-dents and the rhetoric of illegality and national security. It is a contested geography of journeys and border crossings, each with its own intention and purpose. The maps drawn by Multiplicity show the different movements of disadvantaged and advantaged groups, creating a geography of stark contrasts determined by the ter-ritorial logic of a one-sided world order. In this connection, Ursula Biemann studies just how this logic intervenes in a colonial fashion in the spatial order beyond the border – and the way it is undermined by self-created forms of logic. Drawing on a growing archive of documentary video footage, Biemann explores various geo-physical conflicts, not in a top-down view, but from the perspective of creating social living spaces. Such micro-policies of survival trace a complex network of detours, back doors, underground channels, hiding places, tunnels and tricks that make up everyday life beyond the border. In work on the Spanish-Moroccan border region around the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, Biemann investigates how, in the interplay between technological control mechanisms and illegal border crossings by smug-glers and migrants, the border is simultaneously sealed off and porous: on the one hand, the profitable supply of the global market for goods is promoted, and on the other, the undesired flows of people to Europe is prevented. The contested border is transformed into a camp for an army of border crossers and day labourers. As formu-lated by Giorgio Agamben in Homo Sacer, their bodies become a bio-political border, a zone where it is impossible to distinguish between interior and exterior, exception and rule, legality and illegality. Thousands of miles away, Ayreen Anastas and Rene Gabri tracked the spread of this mobile zone across the entire national territory of the United States in a project called Camp Campaign. On their journey they made contact with local communities, activists and intellectuals, gather-ing material for a cartography of the history of encampments. Their map shows a geography of temporally and spatially dispersed camp situ-ations which mark out a hidden matrix of political space in the US – a bio-political horizon deter-mining the political relevance of life. Marked on this map are military camps, tent cities, working camps, reservations, rendition airstrips, scenes of protest, relocation centres, relief camps and civilian campsites. The spread of these camps across the entire territory of the US shows the suppressed traces of a polycentric conflictual terrain: a disintegrated outer border that multiplies within in order to project itself onto the outside world. As Victor Burgin writes: ‘Repression acts not so much on the trace itself as upon connections between traces.’2 Burgin compares the analytic process to the act of exposing dangerous, hidden relations: it severs well-established ties, making it possible to create new relations by reconfiguring current patterns. Viewed this way, the value of a map like Camp Campaign’s lies not so much in the fact that it sheds light on suppressed traces as in the fact that it provides the
chance both to recognize the connections between the various articulations and inscriptions of a ubiquitous camp and to produce new traces of the imagination.
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space is always a space of exclusion, a space on the periphery, a space that defies abstraction. Conflicts are supposed to take place off the beaten trail, at places whose contiguity cannot be broken but harnessed ideologically. The power of abstraction operates under cover: it spreads via fragmentations, zonings, borderlines, crossings and penetrations. As the policy of concealment becomes more complex, so, too, does the set of instruments it employs and the spatial structures it produces.
The range of high- and low-tech mechanisms used by the military to enclose pros-pering areas, together with the conflict zones of the HIIK, portrayed as a world map, marks out the paradoxical policy of the global re-territorialization of conflict: although conflicts are never related to issues that are strictly territorial in nature, attempts are increasingly being made to present them as territorial disputes that can be resolved by fortifying these areas. The realities constructed in this dynamic – the cleansed spac es of the First World – do not represent homogenous containers, but the effects of a spatial policy based on spatial abstraction and global homogenization. As part of this policy, resistant territories are not longer fought over, but bracketed out, placed under quarantine and enclosed in order to produce a dualism of inner and outer spheres. Enclaves in which other enclaves are embedded signal an equilibrium that can only be maintained by a sophisticated border system. What emerges is a complex spatial organization of intertwined inner and outer zones. As a result of this organization, social conflicts are not so much regulated as defended against. Both the increased fortification of space in the form of an agglomerate of hypertrophic protective cells and the enlargement of scale from the urban to the regional and continental serve to create the illusion that complex systems of experts are required to create a balance in
planning processes and more sustainable spaces of cultural co-existence. The focus of such protests is not the demand for integration, but efforts to explain the exclusionary process underlying social homogenization. As Jacques Rancière put it: ‘Politics is not about integrating the excluded in our societies. It is about restaging matters of exclu-sion as matters of conflict, of opposition between worlds.’4
In this situation, networks become important platforms of action, since they create the opportunity to overcome a dependency on offers of participation and, instead, to actively question the conflictual mechanisms and regulatory powers concealed behind rites of participation. Since the creativity involved in producing such self-empowered participation in urban or geopolitical processes is not pooled in a single central body, but dispersed across networks, the form of involvement in these processes does not operate via central authorization, but via self-authorized participation in network activities. This has changed the prevalent forms of critical intervention: only on one level does the fabric joining areas, subjects and interests represent a concrete spatial locality in the sense of geographic proximity. On another level, these urban social movements mobilize a trans-territorial network that sets different nodes of social restructuring in relation to one another. In this politically motivated process, the net-work is at once the product and producer of social movements. Instead of represent-ing interests by means of homogenizing logics of identity, its strength lies in the joint, cross-border execution of acts of change.5 These acts show that borders and border regions are highly imaginary constructs, brimming with illusions, false memories and myths. Operating in these areas entails crossing the thresholds of both physical and imaginary space.
ExCEpTionS
In 2007, the Heidelberger Institut für Internationale Konfliktforschung (Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research, HIIK) recorded 328 political conflicts throughout the world, of which 130 were of a violent nature. Its annually published ‘conflict barometers’ and ‘conflict panoramas’ indicate the strength and quantity of these conflicts and reconstruct the development of crises, wars, negotiations and peace agreements. The result is a geography of conflictual intensity displaying a specific constellation of regions, countries and continents as a single conflict zone spanning the globe. This zone is distinguished by ‘the clashing of interests (pos-itional differences) over national values of some duration and magnitude between at least two parties (organized groups, states, groups of states, organizations) that are determined to pursue their interests and achieve their goals’.6 On the maps of the HIIK, this conflict zone – in the form of an archipelago – lays siege to a ‘low-conflict’ inner zone covering Western and Central Europe, North America, Japan and Oceania. Its contours coincide conspicuously with those of another geography: the global ‘territori-al security system’ that, developed over the past few years, uses electronic sensors, infrared cameras, naval convoys, air patrols, fences and fortifications in a bid to ban-ish ‘conflicts’ from the shielded interior. The EU’s Schengen Information System, the military fortification of the EU’s outer borders, the Israeli West Bank barrier, the SIVE (Sistema Integrado de Vigilancia Exterior) surveillance system between Europe and North Africa, the razor-wire fencing along the Spanish enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta, the United States-Mexico barrier (‘Tortilla Wall’), the technologically armed Australian Coastal Defence, and the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) between North and South Korea – this ring of defence technologies, which is supported by state and international doctrines, partitions off an economically prosperous inner area. Surrounded not only by conflicts but also by this technological defence ring, the Global North appears as an enclave in a seething international conflict.
The ever-denser chain linking symbolic sites of conflict creates a figure of exterior-ization that shifts the focus of conflict from within to without. The image created by the HIIK masks the deliberate elimination of difference that Henri Lefebvre describes in conjunction with the elimination of all that eludes the dominant urban policy of homogenization and normalization: ‘What is different is, to begin with, what is
excluded: the edges of the city, shanty towns, the spaces of forbidden games, of guerrilla war, of war.’7 In the politics of global economic control, a conflictual S
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According to Agamben, this lawless space has increasingly advanced to the centre today. As peripheries have grown more fluid and mobile, the exception, as a territorial form, is shifting from the edge to an encampment within the political centre. Banishment no longer entails expelling something to the margins of geo-cultural existence, but rather rending and dividing co-existence at the heart of the social order. The state of exception has therefore become the organizational principle of a social crisis that appears to be ubiquitous: it does not lead to normalization, but, under the banner of the fight against terrorism, it serves as a permanent provisional arrangement and a form of government. The ‘camp’ is the architectural expression of this government, an instrument of control over the body
that gains legitimacy through crisis scenarios and that brings about the work of other appar atuses, protocols and authorities. This process removes the negotiation of conflicts from the public sphere and delegates it to experts. Under this new crisis management, the object of public debate is no longer the contents of the crisis. It is shifted to a constellation of professional crisis forums whose work is geared toward efficient action. Consistent with this thinking, all involvement with conflicts is regarded as successful only if it results in their elimination. Conflicts are subordinated to a conflict-free state, which becomes a mandatory goal: conflict only makes sense when it is engaged in with an eye towards its resolution.
MobilE DiviSionS One of the central spatial effects of this policy is the dispersal of conflict and vio-lence from international space to the territories within states9 – specifically, to the space of the city, in which conflicts become tangible. At the same time, these effects are linked to a network of remote spaces that not only provide support, alliances and cooperative forms, but also ensure that conflicts are shifted, suppressed and subdued. The city as a political form originates in a contingent, polycentric play of expansionary and isolationist forces. This kind of urban system does not reveal itself as a place of geographically determined social processes, but as the focus of polit-ical conflicts.10 As new conflicts arise from this complex fabric today, they direct our attention towards new ways in which the presence of social exteriority is constituted and expressed. Closer attention to these shifts is all the more urgent, as, from the perspective of the global market economy, the city is increasingly becoming a construct that can be dismantled and shifted. To protect market interests, the lines of a conflict, which have become mobile, are adapted to a set of ephemeral assem-blages which they observe over the short term, but which they will leave at some point. Regions of conflict are therefore not geographic sites, but discourse-evoked (trans-) localities that themselves produce the subjects of conflicts parallel to shifts in global market conditions. Replacing the city, the flexible concept of community is capturing attention as a new level of reference. The consequence of this shift is that the community itself, and no longer the city, is threatened if the security of ‘common’ interests appears jeopardized.11
Corresponding ‘protective measures’ have included the creation of police cordons and the construction of three-metre-high walls around apartment buildings in Padua occupied by North African immigrants (summer 2006), as well as the issuance in Great Britain of so-called Anti-Social Behaviour Orders, designed to banish certain individuals from public space. When migrant youth culture is portrayed as intent on burning everything to the ground – as during the most recent riots in the French ban-lieues – effective propaganda is created for the spatial control of social classes. If we were to trust the narratives produced by mainstream media reports, we would have to conclude that this potentially dangerous situation can be found in all parts of the Western world and that it seeks to produce micro-conflicts in cities everywhere – with the result that defences need to be mounted in an ambivalent, all-encompassing terri-
torial context. The omnipresent enemy emphasized in these stories initiates ever more restrictive policies of socially based ‘urban security’. As Negri and Hardt
the tensions that supposedly originate in the properties of space. The difficult balance of urban and geo-cultural morphologies, so the argument runs, is the successful result of rational conflict control. This process, which is shaped by architectural methods (the organization, design, construction and representation of spatial structures), exposes a globally operating spatial praxis that is founded on fragmentation and dispersal – a praxis in which detention camps, secret prisons and military camps function as the smallest unit. Forming on the other side of the border are autonomous enclosures such as gated communities, all-inclusive resorts, enclosed malls, fenced-off cam-puses, leisure parks and their all-purpose mobile form, the sports utility vehicle (SUV). Viewed on a large scale, ‘functional’ zones are thereby created vis-à-vis the complexly structured zone of unrest and hotspots. In 2001 Great Britain introduced a new Terrorism Act to prevent terrorist activities. Section 44 of the Act enables the government to treat any form of deviant behaviour as a state of exception and to deal with it accordingly. Since then, the police have stopped and questioned more than 30,000 people each year without a compelling reason. Emergency authorities are potentially expanded to include all areas of polit ical life and can be used by the police at any time as the legal basis for stop-and-search operations. The Terrorism Act represents an extreme manifestation of the elastic bor-der, offering maximum flexibility in an effort to monitor the interior life circumscribed by the power of the sovereign. This elasticity is designed as a projection onto the future, as a mobile and virtual border that can be executed wherever future conditions make it necessary. The border is directed against a largely undefined exterior whose threatening nature is first ascertained in the act of its execution. This makes the cre-ation of a border into an act of performative knowledge production. The border gains legitimacy, as it were, by establishing a hostile nature; and in its most elastic form, it gains legitimacy from an ideology that envisions a ubiquitously hostile urban environment, one that extends from the micro-areas of urban gang warfare to the hideouts of terrorist networks organized in the suburbs.
The use of conflict and crisis in the visual aesthet-ics of the media, in the design of crisis spaces and in the global policy of conflict management goes hand in hand with the guiding concept of conflict management that gives conflict avoidance priority over conflict engagement. Here conflicts are almost exclusively discussed in terms of ‘defusing ten-sions’ and ‘clarification’, and the most refined state of conflict is seen in crisis prevention. This traces back to an understanding of crisis derived from the ancient Greek verb krínein (to ‘separate’ or ‘discern’), wherein ‘crisis’ means ‘decision’ or ‘decisive turning point’ – a break with an existing situation at its most sensitive developmental point and the emergence of an exceptional state. This turning point – as the most pressing point for a decision on action – contains not only the chance to avert the threat of a crisis and to
restore normalcy, but also the opportunity to radically reconstruct the subject. If we approach conflict from the perspective of consolidating an order that is governed by general norms, we can only ascertain this turning point ex posteriori – at a point, that is, when the crisis has already been overcome. It is different if we approach conflict as the singular expression of a decision concerning action, that is, if its radius of action is positioned outside the norm. Here the potential of the decision-making power circulat-ing in conflicts points to a fundamental separation between the norm and its applica-tion. At the most extreme point of the crisis, both spheres keep the greatest distance to each other if the application of the norm is annulled in order to assert the norm’s validity. Put differently, cognition of the norm takes place from the perspective of extremes, via the point of exception. A fissure opens up – one that Agamben describes as the topological structure of the state of exception. ‘That is, the state of exception separates the norm from its application in order to make its application possible.
It introduces a zone of anomie into the law in order to make the effective regulation [normazione] of the real possible.’8
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accelerated interaction between distant nodes. To cite Bruno Latour, like the border, the network is a concept and not a spatial object15 – it is a divided fiction that, de pendent on the desired type of spatial and social organization, gives rise to a particular material form.
ConfliCT poliTiCS
In our reflections, we therefore do not wish to address networks as places of conflict and crisis – which is the case when terrorist networks are described as the sources of conspiratorial violence, or networks are seen as the ‘problem spaces’ of globaliza-tion.16 Of primary interest to us is how networks can be seen as a situational form of transformation, as a spatial manifestation of upheaval that has largely emancipated itself from any direct link to local topographies. Networks mark out a socio-spatial process whose properties emerge from a situation rather than essentially existing in local or historical conditions. The dynamic form of such processes is shown by many examples: with the emergence of the money market and the exchange of goods,
services and balance-of-payment funds across borders, the mercantilist trade networks of the seventeenth century produced both cross-border competition
imply in Multitude, one consequence is that, in the war against such abstract enemies, the limits of security measures are rendered indeterminate, both spatially and tempo-rally. Wars against abstract concepts or social practices are acts of governmentality that are indistinguishable from most other forms of political activity. Reproducing all aspects of social life, they can be extended anywhere irrespective of spatial or temporal boundaries.12 In this process, the suspension of normal civilian ‘rules’ in the quest for civilian ‘decency’ mobilizes a form of bio-power that flexibly produces or reinforces social hierarchies in line with prevalent value systems or opinion polls. Instead of engaging with a geopolitical situation that cuts across separate cate gories of violence and peace, the city of panic13 seeks to isolate and ghettoize zones of unregulated violence from purified and patrolled zones of harmony.
Described by Anthony Vidler as the ‘war ideology of the plan’,14 the deliberate destruc-tion of the city is not an external evil, but part of a programme that is transforming urban life under the aegis of a neo-liberal ‘urbanization’. The social conflict produced in this transformation process functions as an evoked construct that provides the desired framework for the forces of transformation. Conflict and the denial of conflict are both intrinsic components of the urban condition and embedded in its spectrum of political action. If conflict is declared to be something that cannot be fit into twenty-first century conceptions of citizenship, it is defined as a state of exception that exists outside the bounds of urban society. Such representations promote a system whose goal is to preserve power, one that is rooted in two seemingly antithetical initiatives: the deliberate provocation of conflict and the simultaneous exclusion of conflict as a public sphere. This double-edged strategy aims for protective control following the triggering of the conflict – control that can be used to ‘resolve’ the conflict and take the transformation process in the desired direction.
From the demise of the New Economy and the rise of the global protest movement to the emergence of the militant network of the global jihad and the violent attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon – the manner in which centres of social power have perceived the network has changed. Once viewed as a tool of trouble-free control, it is now feared as a source of uncontrollable danger. In this regard, networks have replaced the most powerful figure of modernity: the threatening figure of the masses in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Elias Canetti’s concept of the masses as a symbol of being touched by the unknown has given way to a trope of being connected with the unknown. Increased mobility, accelerated contacts and the declining relevance of spatial distance – as an expression of our sense of proximity and distance – have allowed new parameters to emerge and generated not only a new connective quality, but also elements of uncertainty and fear: fear of the unchecked spread of global epidemics, fear of terrorist networks and fear of a profound social, financial and military crisis in the old centre of world power. The network has become a diffuse symbol of the enemy, one encrusted with fears – just as diffuse – of disinte-gration, transmission and contamination. In the widespread talk of a ‘war on terror-ism’, the network has become a useful tool to give fear a place. Of infinite scope, this place can be experienced everywhere – which is why it must also be reorganized, monitored and protected everywhere by political leaders. The use of the ‘network’ concept cleverly disguises a global policy of regulatory mechanisms that attempts to control network dynamics on the one hand but must provide space for its expansion on the other to achieve its own goals.
It is not only the spread of networks but also the defence against them that shapes the spatial form of crises. These defences include the security architecture of gated communities, the walls enclosing states in the Israeli-Palestinian border conflict, the use of electronic fences to seal off the European continent from North Africa, as well as Dubai’s planned resort project The World, designed as a miniature universe and man-made refuge. Now that the network enemy is at home on all scales, no single scale is off-limits when it comes to attempts to avert the crisis. The struggle taking place in these zones over how to design the state of crisis demonstrates that the network is no antipode to border policy. In policies of spatial distribution and spatial control, networks play an important role in efforts to strategically secure borders
and expand border regions. The intelligence of networks and their logic of flex-ible combination and control is needed to provide a dynamic challenge to the
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for their genesis and growth. It functions as a force of negotiation that is carried from moment to moment, a force that, in many small steps, structures our understanding of the future in relation to the past. The fundamental potential contained in conflict is that it opens up possibilities for political action, of which violence is just one.
However, in official policy, conflicts are negotiated in mitigation processes whose endpoint is not a dynamic state of embraced difference but a struggle over the control of what is excluded. As Judith Butler argues, the state of being human is defined by a matrix of inclusions and exclusions in which spectral existences justify an endless warfare against the phantasmal infinity of the enemy: ‘It is not a matter of a simple entry of the excluded into an established ontology, but an insurrection at the level of ontology, a critical opening up of the questions, What is real? Whose lives are real? How might reality be remade? Those who are unreal have, in a sense, suffered the violence of derealization... Violence renews itself in the apparent inexhaustibility of its object.’21 It is indicative that, although the debate on the use of rights performs a central ethical and political function, the relationship between law and justice has no greater meaning in the expanding discussions on political and economic spatial control.22 The apparatus underling a legal practice is not the result of its own nature; it is a changeable, contingent construct of political and theoretical engagement. There is an idiosyncratic commonality between the denial of this connection and the denial of the link between the organization of violence and urban life: their construction as incompatible zones and the consciousness this creates (i.e. that there can be no place for dissent in the law and no place for conflict in the city) are related to a particular conception of culture in which difference poses a danger. The ideological function of the agreement between law and justice therefore coincides with the normative organizational design of the city as a non-violent zone of civilization.
If, as Georg Simmel writes in ‘The Sociology of Conflict’, engagement in conflict is intended to serve an ‘uncultivated’ release of tension between opposing forces,23 this opposition must pre-exist as a structure of different characteristics that can only be related to one another by means of their susceptibility to a harmonization process aiming for the well-being of ‘culture’. However, that which is cultural is neither the source of the conflict nor an alternative that can be abstracted from it – as argued by Homi Bhabha in his discussion of hybridity. Rather, it is the effect of distinguishing practices that create authority: ‘A disposal of power, a negative transparency that comes to be agonistically constructed on the boundary between frame of reference/frame of mind.’24 The insistently used concept of a clash of civilizations is an effect of power – an effect with which certain traits, bodies, gestures, discourses and desires of a culture are identified.
This practice, which operates on a discursive and material level, results not only in the growing fragmentation of spatial co-existence, but also in the institutionalization of conflicts in a policy of global division. Conflicts become the dominant framework for determining the way a certain territory and a certain population are perceived. Architecture is an expression of this policy. It creates divisional lines, trenches, for-tifications and partitions within an elastic geography of interior and exterior zones surrounded and organized by a large number of players. As Eyal Weizman writes, the architecture of the frontier is not simply ‘political’ in the sense that it is manifested in political, ideological and economic controversies. Rather, it is ‘politics in matter’,25 a form of political conflictual practice. ‘In this context the relation of space to action could not be understood as that of a rigid container of “soft” performance. Political action is fully absorbed in the organization, transformation, erasure and subversion of space.’26 It is precisely this overlapping of space and politics that, on the one hand, makes conflict all-encompassing and, on the other, determines its irresolvability, thereby opening up the opportunity to performatively create spatial meaning. Space is not merely a ‘container’ for our action. Nor is architecture a container for politics, and nor are cities, regions and states containers for the seething conflicts within. Conflicts are shaped by mental geographies and their physical enactment. Space is thus a possible form for articulating conflicts – a very concrete form of conflictual practice and not a container for conflict. Conflict does not reside outside our exist-
ence. It is lived out and spatialized by all of us.
and new control instruments, one being the 1651 Navigation Act, which established a closed trade zone over large areas of the world. This competition and new set of instruments shaped the crisis of the absolutist state. Each new generation of expan-sionary technology introduced in the nineteenth century – the railroad, telecommuni-cations, electricity – gave expression to the crisis affecting the patronage of Western civilization over ever-growing colonized regions. Later, in the twentieth century, the network architecture of guerrilla warfare, taking the concrete form of the underground tunnel begun by the Viet Minh in the late 1940s, played a central role in the tactics of the Vietnam resistance. Yet this network architecture also provided an effective structure for the crisis in Western power during the Cold War. In 1969 ARPANET17 – the first data transmission network and the predecessor to the Internet – emerged from the context of the US state security crises but also helped shape this crisis with its sophisticated distribution of information flows, designed to ensure security.18 In much the same way, today’s internationally networked NGOs do not passively reflect but formatively influence the crisis in nation-state government caused by globaliza-tion. Similarly, in the period after 1989, the social networks in Eastern Europe, which originated in the age of Real Existing Socialism, have not only cushioned the sudden disruptions of state regulations and welfare authorities, but also transformed them into a new set of instruments for cultural co-existence under the conditions of unregu-lated self-enterprise.
This metonymic relationship between crisis situations and network formation provides us with a form-giving model that does not isolate spatial renewal from crisis-ridden spatial conditions, but regards this space as a source of generative potential for new forms. Networks are transformational spaces, and precisely that is their strength. In light of this quality, networks can be seen as fluid peripheries organized around a central void. The best way for such a structure to grow and change is if it refuses a clearly outlined central project. In a deliberate, active process of dispersing attention and obfuscating a middle figure, networks open up paths that circumnavigate a central emptiness. These paths crystallize around something that exists, not as a clearly drawn object, but as an indeterminate region, as a gap that cannot be filled. They repudiate not only their past, but also the clearly defined form of their future as a joint project. Entirely commit-ted to the terrain of the present, structural control and collaboration must be created anew at every moment. Networks are an expression of an ongoing beginning. This geometry of transformation makes possible an upsurge in spontaneously designed, flexible, temporary spaces, especially in remote and less stabilized regions in which labour migration, economic deregulation, social separation and religious movement have created a spatial patchwork of migratory infrastructures. These infrastructures consist of kiosks and minibuses, prayer rooms and pickup points for day labourers, transit camps and street kitchens, social clubs and local radio stations. New social spaces are not being created in place of or atop existing ones, but in the middle of existing socio-cultural orders.19 The transformation of these economies provides an expansionary space for networks – one in which new cultures seize ground.
In this way, networks are able to create a place where conflicts are handled in a differ-ent way. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe show that the creative potential of conflict lies in its ability to keep blind totality at bay.20 This totality is oriented toward two poles: the first is reached by measures of cleansing, and the second by measures of harmoni-zation. In the first case, the democratic public sphere is conceived as a cleansed space of individual expression; in the second, as a harmonized social whole. For both, conflict is a force that undermines the genesis of the functioning spaces of democratic society. But if we assume that the potential platform for articulating a global public sphere – the network of transversal interaction – is not a structure that can be planned and fixed, but that it represents the transfer of ideas and debates to the arena of politico-
spatial action, then conflict is the criteria for creating and appropriating spaces of democratic co-existence. So conflict is precisely the condition that is required
Bu
sin
esse
s in
Eas
t Lo
nd
on
, 200
6
86 Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
87Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
1 UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental
Shelf.
2 Victor Burgin, The Remembered Film (London:
Reaktion Books, 2004), 82f.
3 Sandro Mezzadra, ‘Borders/Confines, Migrations,
Citizenship’, in Fada’iat: Freedom of Movement,
Freedom of Knowledge (Barcelona, 2006), 178.
4 Jacques Rancière‚ ‘The Abandonment of Demo-
cracy’, Documenta Magazine, no. 1-3 (2007), 459.
5 Brian Holmes, ‘“We Are the Media”: The Dream
of the Transnational-Popular’, in Populism Reader,
eds. Lars Bang Larsen, Christina Ricupero and
Nicolaus Schafhausen (New York: Lukas &
Sternberg, 2005), 23f.
6 Conflict Barometer 2007: 16th Annual Conflict
Analysis (Heidelberg Institute for International
Conflict Research at the Department of Political
Science, University of Heidelberg, 2008), ii.
Online: http://www.hiik.de/konfliktbarometer/pdf/
ConflictBarometer_2007.pdf
7 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1991), 373.
8 Giorgio Agamben, State of Exception (Chicago, IL:
University of Chicago Press, 2005), 36-40.
9 Conflict Barometer 2007, ibid. note 6.
10 Stuart Lowe, Urban Social Movements (London:
Macmillan, 1986), 2.
11 Jordan Crandall, Under Fire 2: The Organization
and Representation of Violence (Rotterdam:
Witte de With, 2005), 25-37.
12 Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multitude:
War and Democracy in the Age of Empire
(London: Hamish Hamilton, 2005), 14.
13 Paul Virilio, City of Panic (Oxford and New York:
Berg, 2005).
14 Anthony Vidler, ‘Photourbanism: Planning the City
from Above and Below’, in A Companion to the
City, eds. Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson (Oxford:
Blackwell, 2001), 35-45.
15 Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Intro
duction to ActorNetworkTheory (Oxford and
New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 131.
16 Aihwa Ong and Stephen J. Collier, Global
Assemblages: Technology, Politics, and Ethics as
Anthropological Problems (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005).
17 Short for ‘Advanced Research Project Agency
Network’.
18 Sadie Plant‚ ‘Network Wars’, Blueprint, September
1998: 26-27.
19 Stefano Boeri, ‘Eclectic Atlases’, in USE – Uncertain
States of Europe (Milan: Skira, 2003), 445.
20 Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and
Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic
Politics, second edition (London and New York:
Verso, 2001).
21 Judith Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of
Mourning and Violence (London and New York:
Verso, 2004), 33.
22 Samantha Besson, The Morality of Conflict:
Reasonable Disagreement and the Law
(Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2005).
23 Georg Simmel, ‘The Sociology of Conflict: I’,
American Journal of Sociology 9 (1903): 490.
24 Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London
and New York: Routledge, 1994), 114.
25 Eyal Weizman, Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of
Occupation (London and New York: Verso, 2007), 5.
26 Ibid., 7.
un
titl
ed, D
an P
erjo
vsch
iLe
aps
of F
aith
, Nic
osi
a, 1
3-29
May
200
5
88 Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
89Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
Pab
lo L
eon
de
la B
arra
, Mar
jeti
ca
Potr
c an
d o
ther
s fr
om
Cyp
rus.
We
also
in
vite
d C
arlo
s B
asu
ald
o to
a p
ub
lic
deb
ate,
op
en to
eve
ryo
ne
in th
e ci
ty
and
the
stu
den
ts o
f th
e U
niv
ersi
ty o
f T
hes
saly
in V
olo
s.W
e ca
n ca
ll La
riss
a a
‘sta
te o
f exc
ep-
tion
’ as
defi
ned
by
Gio
rgio
Ag
amb
en’s
th
eory
. It h
as m
ore
than
300
,000
in
hab
itan
ts, b
ut t
her
e is
no
cen
tre
exce
pt f
or
a ve
ry s
mal
l his
tori
cal o
ne.
It
’s b
uilt
in a
ver
y ch
aoti
c w
ay; t
her
e ar
e m
any
‘sat
ellit
es’,
in th
e se
nse
that
ev
ery
com
mun
ity
has
its
ow
n ci
rcul
ar
nei
gh
bo
urh
oo
d. I
f yo
u d
raw
lots
of
circ
les
or
bu
bb
les,
then
yo
u h
ave
a m
ap o
f Lar
issa
. It’
s n
ot a
gat
ed c
ity
in
term
s o
f urb
an fa
bri
c, b
ut i
t’s
on
e in
so
cial
term
s. T
her
e ar
e m
any
dif
fere
nt
com
mun
itie
s o
f mig
ran
ts. G
reec
e is
in
the
mid
dle
of t
his
hu
ge
mig
rato
ry
mov
emen
t bet
wee
n th
e E
ast a
nd
Wes
t,
esp
ecia
lly in
rel
atio
n to
the
Bal
kan
s.
Du
e to
the
war
in th
e B
alka
ns,
the
fall
of t
he
Ber
lin W
all,
the
colla
pse
of c
om
-m
unis
m a
nd
the
situ
atio
n in
po
st-c
om
-m
unis
t so
ciet
ies,
Gre
ece
has
bec
om
e a
rou
te fo
r d
iffe
ren
t mig
ratin
g g
rou
ps.
O
nce
peo
ple
mig
rate
d to
Ru
ssia
an
d
Ukr
ain
e an
d o
ther
co
mm
unis
t co
un-
trie
s; a
fter
198
9 th
ese
sam
e p
eop
le h
ad
to le
ave
agai
n. T
his
do
ub
le fl
ux
led
to
gat
ed c
om
mun
itie
s in
sid
e th
e ci
ty.
For
exam
ple
, th
ere
is a
ver
y in
tere
stin
g
case
nea
r La
riss
a: th
e co
mm
unit
y in
Fark
ado
na.
It’s
mad
e u
p o
f Gre
eks
wh
o
lived
for
alm
ost
30
year
s in
Ru
ssia
; th
ey r
etur
ned
to G
reec
e b
ut s
till s
pea
k o
nly
Ru
ssia
n w
ith
on
e an
oth
er. A
fter
15
yea
rs in
Far
kad
on
a, th
is c
om
mu
-n
ity
of P
on
tian
Gre
eks
still
live
s in
200
ir
on
con
tain
ers,
25
squ
are
met
res
per
fa
mily
, an
d ev
ery
year
the
mun
icip
alit
y p
rom
ises
to g
ive
them
rea
l ho
mes
.
pM
/HM
: Su
ch p
roje
cts
can
be
very
su
cces
sful
wit
hin
a ki
nd
of i
nte
rnat
ion
-al
dis
cour
se, b
ut h
ow
do
they
aff
ect
loca
l cir
cum
stan
ces,
an
d in
par
ticu
lar
the
com
mun
itie
s in
volv
ed?
Cla
ud
ia Z
anfi
: Wel
l, ta
ke th
e Fa
rkad
on
a co
mm
unit
y w
e w
ere
just
tal
kin
g ab
ou
t.
A te
am fo
und
ed b
y H
arik
lia H
ari (
wh
o
is a
n ar
chit
ect)
was
invo
lved
in o
ur
Go
ing
Pub
lic p
roje
ct. F
or
it, t
he
team
st
arte
d d
oin
g im
po
rtan
t res
earc
h o
n
the
Pon
tian
Gre
eks
and
org
aniz
ed le
gal
d
emo
nst
ratio
ns
agai
nst
the
mun
icip
al
auth
ori
ties,
pro
gra
mm
es fo
r h
ou
sin
g
and
a co
mm
unit
y n
ewsp
aper
cal
led
Th
e A
rgo
nau
t New
s. S
uch
act
ivit
ies
do
n’t
invo
lve
the
kin
d o
f res
earc
h
wh
ere
you
can
mai
nta
in d
ista
nce
. W
e’re
no
t bio
log
ists
or
scie
nti
sts;
firs
t an
d fo
rem
ost
we
wo
rk w
ith
hu
man
b
ein
gs.
By
pra
ctis
ing
visu
al a
rt a
nd
co
nte
mp
orar
y cu
ltur
e, w
e ta
lk to
peo
ple
and
acti
vate
a d
ialo
gu
e. T
he
pro
ject
in
Far
kad
on
a w
as v
ery
imp
ort
ant,
b
ecau
se it
mo
tiva
ted
the
com
mun
ity
to c
om
e o
ut o
f lim
bo
and
rais
ed it
s se
lf-aw
aren
ess.
Pri
or
to th
e p
roje
ct, t
he
lead
er o
f th
e co
mm
unit
y ra
rely
vis
ited
th
e m
unic
ipal
au
tho
ritie
s to
say
, in
the
nam
e o
f th
e co
mm
unit
y, ‘w
e’re
fed
up
w
ith
hav
ing
to li
ve in
co
nta
iner
s’, a
nd
n
oth
ing
ever
hap
pen
ed. T
hen
they
st
arte
d a
new
spap
er to
get
her
wit
h th
e le
ad a
rtis
t, an
d o
f co
urse
a n
ewsp
aper
is
a v
oic
e, s
o th
anks
to it
they
wer
e ab
le to
mak
e th
emse
lves
hea
rd. T
hey
al
so to
ok
up
resi
den
ce in
the
rad
io
stat
ion
s o
f th
e ci
ties
of F
arka
do
na
and
La
riss
a, w
hich
mea
nt t
hey
had
an
even
st
ron
ger
vo
ice
wit
h w
hich
to r
each
the
pu
blic
. Thi
s is
wh
en th
ing
s st
arte
d to
ch
ang
e. O
f co
urse
, thi
s d
oes
n’t
hap
pen
in
eve
ry c
ase
and
ever
y co
mm
unit
y,
bu
t if w
e o
bta
in e
ven
on
e re
sult
like
this
on
e, w
e fe
el th
at th
e p
roje
ct m
akes
se
nse
, th
at it
’s s
ucc
essf
ul, n
ot o
nly
in
the
arti
stic
co
mm
unit
y, b
ut a
lso
in
soci
ety,
an
d th
at’s
imp
ort
ant t
o u
s.
pM
/HM
: Ho
w d
oes
the
net
wo
rk s
tru
c-tu
re o
f aM
AZ
Elab
an
d M
AS
T (M
use
o
di A
rte
So
cial
e e
Terr
ito
rial
e) r
elat
e to
sp
ecifi
citie
s o
f th
e an
nu
al G
oin
g Pu
blic
p
roje
ct a
nd
your
inte
rest
in c
olla
bo
rat-
ing
wit
h co
mm
unit
ies
wit
hin
the
real
m
of a
rt?
Cla
ud
ia Z
anfi
: Go
ing
Pub
lic is
a
com
ple
x o
n-g
oin
g p
roje
ct o
f refl
ec-
tion
, res
earc
h, c
reat
ive
pro
du
ctio
n an
d
cult
ural
exc
han
ge
that
has
est
ablis
hed
it
self
in a
n in
terd
isci
plin
ary
area
. Th
e m
ain
sub
ject
s ar
e m
ob
ility
, mig
ratio
n,
mem
ory
, bo
rder
s, n
ew g
eog
rap
hies
, M
edit
erra
nea
n co
untr
ies,
the
Mid
dle
E
ast a
nd
the
pu
blic
sp
her
e. O
ne
of o
ur
cen
tral
tar
get
s is
to o
rgan
ize
mee
ting
s b
etw
een
loca
l peo
ple
an
d in
tern
atio
nal
ar
tist
s, a
rchi
tect
s, s
oci
olo
gis
ts a
nd
w
rite
rs, a
nd
let t
hem
wo
rk to
get
her
. W
e st
arte
d th
e p
roje
ct in
Mo
den
a (I
taly
) fo
r th
e In
tern
atio
nal
Fes
tiva
l o
f Phi
loso
phy
in 2
002.
Sin
ce th
en w
e h
ave
invi
ted
arti
sts
to b
eco
me
‘tu
tors
’ fo
r lo
cal c
om
mun
itie
s o
n a
new
issu
e ea
ch y
ear;
tog
eth
er th
ey d
o re
sear
ch
and
dev
elo
p vi
sual
wo
rks,
whi
ch a
re
then
pre
sen
ted
in p
ub
lic s
pac
es a
nd
im
ple
men
ted
in d
ebat
es, fi
lm a
nd
vi
deo
scr
een
ing
s, w
alks
, sem
inar
s, e
tc.
All
this
can
be
seen
in o
ur p
ub
licat
ion
s –
whi
ch I
do
n’t
like
to c
all c
atal
og
ues
, b
ecau
se th
ey a
ren
’t ac
tual
ly c
ata-
log
ues
of a
n ex
hib
itio
n, a
s G
oin
g Pu
blic
is n
ot j
ust
an
exhi
bit
ion
. It’
s a
real
act
o
f cul
tura
l act
ivis
m, e
spec
ially
in h
ow
it
con
fro
nts
co
nte
mp
ora
ry li
vin
g an
d
inh
abit
ing
citie
s. T
his
is a
ver
y st
ron
g
char
acte
rist
ic o
f Go
ing
Pub
lic: t
he
titl
e it
self
alre
ady
refe
rs to
this
qu
alit
y,
nam
ely
that
of a
ctiv
ely
go
ing
ou
t in
to
the
pu
blic
do
mai
n. W
e st
arte
d b
y u
sin
g
pla
ces
and
pla
tfo
rms
of m
ob
ility
: tra
in
stat
ion
s, b
us
stat
ion
s, g
as s
tatio
ns
– th
ou
gh
no
t as
‘gal
leri
es’ b
ut a
s co
l-la
bo
rati
ve s
pac
es w
her
e so
me
of t
he
wo
rksh
op
s to
ok
pla
ce. F
or
exam
ple
, at
the
first
ed
itio
n o
f Go
ing
Pub
lic w
e h
ad
som
e b
ann
ers
pu
t up
by
Mul
tiplic
ity
that
qu
estio
ned
the
city
an
d th
e re
la-
tion
bet
wee
n lo
cal a
nd
glo
bal
. Th
e b
ann
ers
wer
e p
osi
tion
ed a
s fl
ags
on
th
e p
latf
orm
s o
f th
e m
ain
stat
ion
and
th
ey fo
rmul
ated
a s
et o
f qu
estio
ns.
T
he
peo
ple
wai
ting
for
the
trai
ns
coul
d
sit t
her
e, r
ead
the
ban
ner
s an
d st
art
to th
ink
abo
ut t
hes
e q
ues
tion
s. T
hey
co
uld
ente
r in
to a
kin
d o
f dia
log
ue
wit
h
the
inst
alla
tion
, on
e th
at h
ad n
oth
ing
to
do
wit
h th
e ae
sth
etic
per
cep
tion
of
an a
rtw
ork
. Fo
r ex
amp
le, o
ne
of t
he
qu
estio
ns
was
‘Ho
w is
Eur
op
ean
spac
e ch
ang
ing
?’ –
an
d th
is is
, of c
our
se,
qu
ite
an im
po
rtan
t qu
estio
n to
thin
k ab
ou
t whi
le tr
avel
ling
by
trai
n.
pM
/HM
: Th
e va
rio
us
edit
ion
s o
f th
e G
oin
g Pu
blic
pro
ject
see
m to
cov
er
Euro
pe
and
the
Med
iter
ran
ean
no
t
on
ly in
a g
eog
rap
hica
l sen
se b
ut a
lso
in
term
s o
f cul
tura
l urg
enci
es. I
n m
ost
ca
ses,
yo
u h
ave
do
ne
this
by
mov
ing
o
uts
ide
the
cen
tre.
Ho
w d
oes
this
shi
ft
of a
tten
tion
refl
ect t
he
chan
gin
g g
eo-
po
litic
al s
itu
atio
n in
Eur
op
e?
Cla
ud
ia Z
anfi
: In
2005
we
wer
e in
vite
d
to L
aris
sa (G
reec
e), b
ecau
se th
ey h
ad
hea
rd a
bo
ut o
ur G
oin
g Pu
blic
pro
ject
s.
By
the
way
, we
real
ly li
ke th
e id
ea
of o
ur p
roje
ct g
row
ing
like
a se
ed,
spro
utin
g u
p h
ere
and
ther
e. S
o th
e n
ew L
aris
sa C
on
tem
po
rary
Art
Cen
tre
invi
ted
us
to s
ub
mit
a p
roje
ct s
imila
r to
that
of G
oin
g Pu
blic
, i.e
. to
wo
rk
wit
h lo
cal c
om
mun
itie
s an
d in
pu
blic
sp
aces
. Lar
issa
is o
ne
of t
he
leas
t kn
ow
n ci
ties
in G
reec
e, th
e o
nly
larg
er
city
no
t at t
he
sea,
loca
ted
in n
ort
her
n
Gre
ece,
no
t far
fro
m th
e A
lban
ian
and
M
aced
on
ian
bo
rder
s. It
’s a
rea
lly u
gly
ci
ty th
at e
volv
ed w
ith
ou
t urb
an p
lan
-n
ing
. Bu
t th
e m
ost
inte
rest
ing
cult
ural
an
d p
olit
ical
mov
emen
ts, f
or
exam
ple
th
e tr
ade
unio
n m
ovem
ent a
nd
the
1968
stu
den
t mov
emen
t, st
arte
d in
La
riss
a. In
itia
lly w
e o
nly
pla
nn
ed a
sm
all e
dit
ion
of G
oin
g Pu
blic
, en
titl
ed
‘Co
mm
unit
ies
and
Terr
ito
ries
’, b
ut i
t tu
rned
ou
t to
be
hu
ge.
Th
e ai
m w
as to
fo
cus
on
bo
rder
ing
terr
ito
ries
an
d lo
cal
com
mun
itie
s, o
n m
igra
tion
s an
d th
e fl
ux
of p
eop
le, o
n th
e ac
tivi
ties
of s
mal
l co
mm
unit
ies
livin
g in
Lar
issa
, co
m-
mun
itie
s th
at c
ame
fro
m th
e B
alka
ns
and
east
ern
Euro
pe
(e.g
. Ro
ma,
Vla
chs,
an
d re
fug
ees
fro
m A
lban
ia a
nd
Ser
bia
) as
wel
l as
Ru
ssia
(Po
ntia
ns)
an
d A
sia.
W
e fo
und
the
mo
st p
ecul
iar
thin
gs
and
atti
tud
es th
ere.
Fo
r in
stan
ce, t
he
mai
n m
ilita
ry b
ase
for
airc
raft
gu
ard
ing
G
reek
terr
ito
ry a
gai
nst
the
Turk
s is
in
Lari
ssa.
We
wer
e w
alki
ng
in th
e st
reet
s an
d ta
lkin
g w
hile
do
zen
s o
f in
terc
epto
r ai
rcra
ft k
ept c
ross
ing
the
sky.
All
thes
e in
ters
ectio
ns
wer
e ve
ry in
tere
stin
g fo
r o
ur w
ork
, fo
r th
e re
sear
ch p
ub
lish
ed
in th
e b
oo
k an
d fo
r th
e ar
tist
s in
vite
d,
incl
ud
ing
Ad
rian
Pac
i, R
irkr
it T
irav
anija
, M
aria
Pap
adim
itri
ou,
May
a B
ajev
ic,
Claudia Zanfi
The
Mem
ory
Bo
xG
ian
mar
ia C
on
ti, p
roje
ct f
or
Atl
ante
M
edit
erra
neo
, Nic
osi
a, C
ypru
s, 2
006
The
Fark
ado
na
Cas
eH
arik
lia H
ari,
pro
ject
fo
r C
om
mu
nit
ies
and
Terr
ito
ries
, Lar
issa
, Gre
ece,
200
5
Sta
rco
Sq
uar
e, B
eiru
t, 2
006
90 Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
91Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
pM
/HM
: Th
e M
agh
reb
Co
nn
ectio
n is
a
colle
ctiv
e un
der
taki
ng
that
rel
ates
m
ore
to p
rod
uci
ng
new
kn
ow
led
ge
than
acc
um
ulat
ing
art i
n a
trad
itio
nal
cu
rato
rial
co
nte
xt. W
hat
is th
e si
gn
ifi-
can
ce o
f thi
s ki
nd
of r
esea
rch
in w
hich
yo
u m
ean
der
bet
wee
n cu
rato
rial
an
d
arti
stic
pra
ctic
e?
Urs
ula
bie
man
n: I
un
der
stan
d m
y cu
ra-
tori
al w
ork
as a
n ex
pan
sion
of m
y ow
n
artis
tic p
ract
ice;
it’s
a w
ay o
f for
min
g
a m
utu
al c
on
text
. Wh
en y
ou
spea
k o
f tra
nsi
t mig
ratio
n in
the
Mag
hreb
, in
clu
din
g tr
ans-
Sah
aran
mig
ratio
n
fro
m W
est A
fric
a, it
’s a
co
mp
lex
top
ic
and
a h
ug
e g
eog
rap
hy w
ith
lots
of
key
loca
tion
s. It
’s m
ore
than
a s
ing
le
per
son
can
han
dle.
Yo
u ha
ve to
dep
end
o
n o
ther
peo
ple
to c
over
dif
fere
nt s
ec-
tion
s o
f mig
ratio
n p
ath
s, r
aise
sp
ecifi
c is
sues
an
d d
ocu
men
t dif
fere
nt l
oca
-tio
ns:
Lam
ped
usa
, mig
ratio
n g
ates
in
Mo
rocc
o, th
e N
ile D
elta
. Bu
t it’
s a
relie
f to
kn
ow
yo
u ca
n fo
cus
on
your
ow
n
smal
l dis
tinct
are
a b
ecau
se th
e o
ther
s ar
e el
abo
ratin
g o
n th
eirs
, an
d to
get
her
th
ese
wo
rks
will
est
ablis
h re
latio
ns
acro
ss th
e en
tire
reg
ion
. We
do
n’t
nee
d
mo
re r
edu
ctiv
e re
pre
sen
tatio
n th
ere.
Fo
r Th
e M
aghr
eb C
onne
ctio
n, I
star
ted
a ne
twor
k w
ith p
eopl
e I h
ad w
orke
d w
ith
in th
e pa
st a
nd o
ther
s ju
st jo
ined
in; f
or
inst
ance
, I h
ad h
eard
of a
cou
ple
who
w
ere
wor
king
on
Lam
pedu
sa, a
cru
cial
loca
tion
that
we
had
bee
n w
antin
g
to c
over
any
way
. Th
e p
roje
ct g
rew
o
rgan
ical
ly o
ver
a n
um
ber
of m
on
ths
bef
ore
we
sett
led
into
a g
rou
p. I
n fa
ct
our
co
llab
ora
tion
turn
ed in
to a
net
wo
rk
all b
y it
self
; th
ere
was
no
defi
ned
co
l-le
ctiv
e st
ruct
ure
that
had
us
actu
ally
si
ttin
g ar
oun
d th
e ta
ble
an
d m
akin
g
dec
isio
ns
tog
eth
er, b
ut w
e sh
ared
a lo
t o
f in
form
atio
n. T
he
aim
of o
ur r
esea
rch
w
as to
pro
du
ce n
ew k
no
wle
dg
e, s
o
we
wen
t on
loca
tion
and
gat
her
ed a
lo
t of i
nfo
rmat
ion
fro
m p
eop
le w
ho
w
ere
invo
lved
in m
igra
tion
stu
die
s,
loca
l NG
Os
or
dir
ectl
y w
ith
mig
ran
ts,
and
wer
e d
ocu
men
ting
mig
ratio
n
gat
es, n
od
es a
nd
rela
ys in
the
mo
bili
ty
net
wo
rk. I
n a
seco
nd
ph
ase,
we
de-
velo
ped
div
erse
art
isti
c p
roje
cts
wit
h
this
mat
eria
l. In
the
pro
cess
we
wro
te
sub
stan
tial r
esea
rch
text
s fo
r th
e p
ub
-lic
atio
n. T
his
hap
pen
ed a
t a ti
me
wh
en
we
wer
e in
the
mid
dle
of e
dit
ing
vid
eos
and
ever
ythi
ng
was
stil
l a c
on
stru
c-ti
on
sit
e. It
was
du
rin
g t
his
pro
cess
o
f art
icu
lati
on
th
at t
he
colla
bo
rati
on
in
th
e g
rou
p b
ecam
e m
ost
inte
nse
. T
he
day
aft
er t
he
op
enin
g in
Cai
ro,
we
hel
d a
co
nfe
ren
ce o
n m
igra
tio
n
pol
itics
and
art
, with
sp
eake
rs fr
om, f
or
exam
ple
, Ob
serv
ato
rio
Tech
no
log
ico
d
el E
stre
cho,
an
acti
vist
net
wo
rk o
n
Sp
anis
h-M
oro
ccan
bo
rder
issu
es,
as w
ell a
s M
aghr
ebi s
cho
lars
do
ing
re
sear
ch in
Fra
nce
. Th
e m
ajo
rity
of
tho
se a
tten
din
g th
e co
nfe
ren
ce c
ame
fro
m M
oro
cco,
Leb
ano
n an
d th
e la
rger
M
idd
le E
ast –
for
it w
as a
reg
ion
al p
ro-
ject
. Th
e ex
hib
itio
n g
ot a
lot o
f med
ia
atte
ntio
n. T
V jo
urn
alis
ts w
ante
d to
kn
ow m
ore
abo
ut t
his
unu
sual
cur
ator
-ia
l pro
ject
and
they
imm
edia
tely
und
er-
sto
od
that
the
artw
ork
s h
adn
’t b
een
ch
ose
n fr
om
a p
osi
tion
of a
uth
ori
ty,
bu
t th
at th
e w
ho
le p
roje
ct h
ad g
row
n
in a
‘wo
rksh
op
’ fas
hio
n, a
s o
ne
of t
hem
ca
lled
it. T
hey
wer
e su
rpri
sed
to s
ee
a co
nfe
ren
ce o
n m
igra
tion
po
litic
s se
t in
an a
rt e
xhib
itio
n, e
spec
ially
on
e w
her
e th
e tw
o w
ere
so c
lose
ly r
elat
ed.
Th
ey r
eco
gn
ized
the
po
ten
tial o
f th
e
art c
on
text
to tr
igg
er a
deb
ate
in
a co
untr
y w
her
e p
ub
lic d
ebat
e is
re
stri
cted
. Th
e M
agh
reb
Co
nn
ectio
n
con
tinu
es to
gro
w a
nd
new
art
wo
rks
are
bei
ng
dev
elo
ped
for
an u
pco
min
g
exhi
bit
ion
in B
eiru
t.
pM
/HM
: In
mo
st o
f yo
ur w
ork
s th
ere’
s an
inte
rest
in th
e in
tera
ctio
n o
f all
kin
ds
of n
etw
ork
ed e
con
om
ies
wit
h ev
ery-
day
co
mm
unit
y si
tuat
ion
s. W
hat
can
b
e ac
hiev
ed b
y b
rin
gin
g th
ese
min
or
enco
unte
rs a
nd
sid
e ev
ents
to th
e at
-te
ntio
n o
f a w
ider
au
die
nce
?
Urs
ula
bie
man
n: T
o st
ay w
ith
the
exam
ple
of T
he
Mag
hre
b C
on
nec
tion
, o
ne
of t
he
mo
tiva
tion
s w
as c
lear
ly to
co
unte
ract
the
rep
etit
ive
sim
plis
tic
rep
rese
nta
tion
of b
oat
peo
ple
in th
e m
edia
. Un
less
yo
u ta
ke s
pec
ializ
ed
liter
atur
e, th
e im
ages
rep
rod
uce
d in
th
e m
edia
pre
sen
t po
or
Euro
pe
bei
ng
ov
erw
hel
med
by
an e
no
rmo
us
inva
-si
on
of p
eop
le w
ho
wan
t to
ente
r it
. To
sta
rt w
ith,
we
felt
the
nee
d to
sh
ow
th
at th
is fo
rm o
f mig
ratio
n is
no
t a
pro
ble
m th
at h
as e
mer
ged
su
dd
enly
b
ut a
wel
l-g
roun
ded
so
cial
pra
ctic
e w
ith
loca
l tie
s an
d hi
sto
rica
l ro
ots
. In
ad
dit
ion
we
wan
ted
to o
pen
up
a w
ho
le
ran
ge
of d
iscu
ssio
ns
and
rese
arch
su
bje
cts
aro
und
the
issu
e b
ecau
se r
e-d
uct
ive
rep
rese
nta
tion
s al
so te
nd
to b
e m
isle
adin
g. T
her
e h
ad to
be
som
ethi
ng
to
gai
n fr
om
dee
per
leve
ls o
f an
alys
is
and
pre
sen
ting
aud
ien
ces
wit
h th
e co
mp
lex
web
of s
pat
ial a
nd
soci
al r
ela-
tion
s w
e b
oth
ob
serv
ed a
nd
crea
ted
dur
ing
our
res
earc
h. S
om
e o
f us
had
a
par
ticu
lar
inte
rest
in s
pat
ial c
on
fig
ura-
tion
s, b
ecau
se it
is s
trik
ing
ho
w d
iffe
r-en
t tra
nsn
atio
nal
sp
aces
ove
rlap
an
d
inte
rsec
t in
this
reg
ion
. Th
ere
are
all
thes
e su
bve
rsiv
e, c
lan
des
tine
form
a-tio
ns,
an
d th
ey e
xist
sid
e b
y si
de
wit
h
hig
h-t
ech
pla
ns
to c
reat
e a
gia
nt t
ran
s-n
atio
nal
har
bo
ur
in th
e so
uth
ern
sec-
tion
of t
he
Med
iter
ran
ean
Bas
in. O
ne
of
the
arti
sts
fro
m C
airo
has
bee
n d
oin
g
wo
rk o
n C
hin
ese
mig
ran
ts w
ho
hav
e m
oved
to C
airo
. Fo
r th
ere
is n
ot o
nly
m
igra
tion
fro
m th
e S
ou
th to
the
No
rth
bu
t als
o a
con
sid
erab
le fl
ow
of l
ater
al
mov
emen
t wit
hin
Afr
ica,
a lo
t of w
hich
in
volv
es th
e C
hin
ese.
Fo
r m
y p
art,
I w
ante
d to
mak
e th
e n
etw
ork
itse
lf vi
s-ib
le b
y g
oin
g to
so
me
maj
or
gat
es in
th
e S
ahar
a. In
Nig
er, I
film
ed th
e d
epar
-tu
re o
f su
b-S
ahar
an m
igra
nts
as
they
w
ere
pac
kin
g an
d le
avin
g o
n d
eser
t tr
uck
s, w
hen
eve
ryth
ing
still
see
med
p
oss
ible
to th
em. I
film
ed th
ese
qu
iet
scen
es in
an
unex
cite
d w
ay, l
ike
an
ever
yday
eve
nt.
I al
so in
terv
iew
ed
som
e ke
y fi
gur
es o
f th
e o
rgan
izat
ion
, ‘c
oxer
s’, a
s th
ey c
all t
hem
selv
es, a
nd
a
Tuar
eg e
x-re
bel
lead
er w
ho
gav
e hi
s so
phi
stic
ated
an
alys
is o
f thi
s sp
ace
of m
ob
ility
, on
e th
at h
as a
lway
s b
een
o
ccu
pie
d b
y th
e Tu
areg
so
cial
ly, i
f no
t p
olit
ical
ly, a
nd
whi
ch th
ey n
ow
hav
e re
pur
po
sed
for
a g
ian
t mig
ratio
n tr
an-
sit b
usi
nes
s. P
eop
le h
ave
esta
blis
hed
a
web
of c
on
nec
tion
s an
d th
ey u
se it
to
mov
e th
rou
gh
thes
e va
st s
pac
es;
this
web
is a
lso
a co
mp
lex
soci
al a
nd
n
ot j
ust
phy
sica
l sys
tem
of u
nd
er-
gro
und
rela
y st
atio
ns.
Yo
u h
ave
to b
e ab
le to
rel
y o
n a
lot o
f peo
ple
, if y
ou
w
ant t
o m
ake
it. T
hes
e n
etw
ork
s ar
e m
ain
ly f
uel
led
by
eco
no
mic
act
ivit
ies
that
hav
e em
erg
ed fr
om
them
– th
e d
eser
t cit
ies
are
bo
om
ing
– b
ecau
se
ever
ythi
ng
has
to d
o w
ith
surv
ival
, an
d p
eop
le a
uto
mat
ical
ly fi
nd
way
s to
ca
pit
aliz
e o
n th
is. T
he
mo
re f
urti
ve th
e n
etw
ork
, th
e m
ore
co
ded
an
d d
iffi
cult
it is
to v
isu
aliz
e it
. In
thei
r sp
atia
l org
an-
izat
ion
thes
e n
etw
ork
s ar
e g
eog
rap
hic
bu
t it’
s th
e so
rt o
f geo
gra
phy
that
has
to
do
wit
h n
etw
ork
ed th
inki
ng
rath
er
than
wit
h a
clas
sica
l sen
se o
f sp
atia
l d
eter
min
atio
n.
Th
e cl
and
estin
e, c
od
ed n
atur
e o
f th
e sy
stem
an
d th
e hi
gh
ly e
mo
tion
al
exis
ten
tial s
take
s in
volv
ed in
the
op
erat
ion
mak
e it
extr
emel
y d
iffi
cult
to
fin
d ad
equ
ate
rep
rese
nta
tion
s. Y
ou
ca
n ca
ptu
re a
ctiv
itie
s at
a n
um
ber
of
log
isti
c h
ub
s, e
ven
if th
e re
st r
emai
ns
ou
t of s
igh
t. W
hat
we’
re lo
oki
ng
at,
then
, is
an o
ff-B
road
way
pla
y o
f geo
-p
olit
ics
wh
ere
you
on
ly g
et to
see
the
sid
e ev
ents
. Ho
wev
er, i
f yo
u w
ere
to
cho
ose
no
t to
dec
on
stru
ct th
e p
ow
er-
ful p
laye
rs o
f thi
s w
eb, b
ut s
et th
em
asid
e fo
r o
nce
, an
d m
anag
ed n
ot t
o fa
ll fo
r si
mp
le v
ictim
izat
ion
clic
hés
, yo
u
mig
ht s
tart
to s
ee h
ow
the
mig
ran
ts
them
selv
es s
hap
e an
d g
ive
mea
nin
g
to th
e p
roce
ss. T
o p
ay a
tten
tion
to
such
inve
nti
ve s
oci
al p
ract
ices
is a
lot
mo
re in
tere
stin
g, b
ecau
se it
lead
s to
th
e co
mp
lexi
ty o
f so
cial
text
ures
. Fo
r ul
timat
ely
ther
e’s
no
sim
ple
way
to te
ll th
e st
ory
of t
ran
s-S
ahar
an m
igra
tion
. I t
hin
k th
e w
ider
au
die
nce
kn
ow
s ve
ry
littl
e ab
ou
t th
e fin
er fa
cets
of m
igra
-tio
n. W
ith
our
wo
rk w
e ca
n co
ntr
ibu
te
to d
iver
sify
ing
the
dis
cuss
ion
and
mak
-in
g it
mo
re c
om
ple
x.
Ursula biemann
Bla
ck S
ea F
iles
Vid
eo e
ssay
by
Urs
ula
Bie
man
n, 4
3 m
in.,
2005
Sah
ara
Ch
ron
icle
Vid
eo e
ssay
by
Urs
ula
Bie
man
n, 3
4 m
in.,
2006
Cro
ssro
ads
at t
he
Ed
ge
of W
orl
ds
Vid
eo e
ssay
by
Ch
arle
s H
elle
r, 3
7 m
in.,
2006
Sah
ara
Ch
ron
icle
Vid
eo e
ssay
by
Urs
ula
Bie
man
n, 3
4 m
in.,
2006
92 Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
93Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
arri
vin
g fr
om
So
uth
east
Asi
a at
the
end
o
f th
e V
ietn
am W
ar. T
his
is a
his
tory
w
e sh
oul
dn
’t fo
rget
; no
t eve
ryth
ing
st
arte
d w
ith
glo
bal
izat
ion
. Fir
st, a
ll yo
u
see
is th
e ex
plo
itat
ion
– th
e m
agn
itu
de
of e
xplo
itat
ion
is ju
st u
nb
elie
vab
le –
an
d th
e fa
ct th
at w
om
en a
re a
dd
ress
ed
in th
eir
sexu
alit
y b
y g
lob
al c
apit
alis
m
is o
utr
ageo
us.
Th
ere’
s un
den
iab
ly a
se
nse
of s
acri
fice
an
d vi
ctim
ho
od
. Bu
t af
ter
a w
eek
or
two,
the
mo
re I
spo
ke
wit
h th
ese
wo
men
, fo
r ex
amp
le in
the
Phi
lipp
ines
, I h
ad to
ack
no
wle
dg
e th
eir
po
sitio
n, w
hich
they
sp
oke
ab
ou
t in
su
ch n
orm
al, u
nsp
ecta
cula
r te
rms.
I en
tere
d a
dif
fere
nt l
evel
of c
onv
ersa
-tio
n an
d b
egan
to s
ee th
e sm
all t
hin
gs
they
’ve
man
aged
to a
chie
ve, i
ncl
ud
ing
th
e fa
ct th
at th
ey h
elp
thei
r fa
mili
es
to s
urvi
ve. I
n m
y vi
deo
, it’
s n
ot s
o
imp
ort
ant t
o st
ate
my
per
son
al p
os-
itio
n b
ut t
o o
pen
a r
ang
e o
f co
nfli
ctin
g
po
sitio
ns
reg
ard
ing
pro
stit
utio
n an
d
traf
fick
ing
, in
clu
din
g th
e et
hica
l ch
oic
e o
f en
gag
ing
in s
ex w
ork
. Th
at’s
wh
en
bla
ck-a
nd
-whi
te v
isio
n b
lurs
an
d yo
u
star
t to
ente
r a
gre
y ar
ea, a
zo
ne
of
neg
otia
tion
, an
d th
is is
wh
at I’
ve b
een
m
ost
inte
rest
ed in
ove
r th
e la
st y
ears
. To
op
en u
p a
dis
curs
ive
spac
e h
as
bee
n o
ne
aest
het
ic s
trat
egy,
the
oth
er
has
bee
n to
inve
nt n
ew im
ages
for
the
tran
snat
ion
al m
ob
ility
an
d g
lob
al n
et-
wo
rk, b
oth
rea
l an
d vi
rtu
al, t
hat
thes
e w
om
en h
ave
crea
ted
in th
e p
roce
ss.
pM
/HM
: Sp
eaki
ng
abo
ut t
he
amb
igu
ity
of i
nfo
rmal
net
wo
rks
that
acc
om
pan
y m
igra
tion
: in
form
al e
con
om
ies
are
site
s o
f exp
loit
atio
n, y
et th
ere
are
also
m
om
ents
of c
reat
ivit
y co
nn
ecte
d to
th
ese
aren
as o
f sur
viva
l. W
hat
are
the
imp
licat
ion
s o
f art
isti
c in
vest
igat
ion
s in
to th
ese
con
flict
ing
wo
rld
s, e
.g. i
n
your
wo
rk o
n th
e g
lob
al s
ex in
du
stry
?
Urs
ula
bie
man
n: T
he
con
dit
ion
of
wo
men
in th
e g
lob
al s
ex in
du
stry
ra
ng
es fr
om
forc
ed p
rost
itu
tion
to
self-
det
erm
ined
mig
ratio
n, w
hich
m
ean
s th
e te
rm it
self
enco
mp
asse
s th
ese
amb
igu
itie
s. In
the
traf
fick
ing
of
wo
men
yo
u h
ave
to lo
ok
real
ly h
ard
to
fin
d an
y em
po
wer
ing
mo
men
ts,
as th
eir
bo
die
s an
d la
bo
ur a
re a
lmo
st
entir
ely
gov
ern
ed b
y o
ther
s. M
any
wo
men
, th
e m
ajo
rity
I’d
say,
exp
eri-
ence
eco
no
mic
exp
loit
atio
n re
gul
arly
b
ut t
hey
als
o cr
eate
hu
ge
eco
no
mie
s
in th
e p
roce
ss, s
had
ow
eco
no
mie
s
and
spac
es o
f sur
viva
l in
the
crac
ks
of g
lob
al c
apit
alis
m. I
t’s
inte
rest
ing
to
see
exa
ctly
ho
w th
ey g
o ab
ou
t thi
s an
d at
the
sam
e tim
e, to
su
bve
rt th
e id
ea th
at g
lob
al c
apit
alis
m is
so
me-
thin
g al
l-p
erva
sive
that
has
a g
rip
on
th
e w
ho
le w
orl
d, f
or
this
is n
ot a
t all
the
case
. To
sho
w h
ow
peo
ple
are
co
nst
antl
y su
bve
rtin
g th
is c
on
cep
t is
a w
ay to
dra
ft c
oun
ter-
geo
gra
phi
es.
Su
bve
rtin
g an
d ci
rcu
msc
rib
ing
bo
r -
der
s is
, of c
our
se, t
he
mo
st v
isib
le
effe
ct o
f thi
s. T
her
e’s
a d
esir
e fo
r se
lf- d
eter
min
atio
n an
d a
savo
ir-f
aire
of
mig
ratio
n; s
imul
tan
eou
sly
ther
e ar
e th
ese
oth
er te
chn
olo
gie
s d
evel
op
ed
to m
anag
e an
d co
ntr
ol i
t. T
hes
e tw
o
ten
den
cies
are
co
nst
antl
y in
fric
tion
w
ith
on
e an
oth
er a
nd
site
s w
her
e
this
fric
tion
bec
om
es v
isib
le a
re in
ter-
estin
g p
lace
s. T
his
bec
ame
very
cle
ar
in m
y re
sear
ch fo
r R
emo
te S
ensi
ng
. In
tern
atio
nal
sex
wo
rker
s h
ave
a
very
str
on
g n
etw
ork
, on
e th
at h
as
bee
n in
the
mak
ing
for
over
a g
ener
a-tio
n. S
om
e o
f th
em e
ven
hav
e lo
ng
-st
and
ing
rela
tion
s, a
s th
ey fi
rst b
egan
Rem
ote
Sen
sin
gV
ideo
ess
ay b
y U
rsu
la B
iem
ann
, 53
min
., 20
03
Bla
ck S
ea F
iles
Urs
ula
Bie
man
n, 2
005
Oil
cart
og
rap
hy,
des
ign
ed in
co
llab
ora
tio
n w
ith
Ho
soya
Sch
äfer
arc
hit
ects
, Zu
rich
Su
deu
rop
aV
ideo
by
Rap
hae
l Cu
om
o an
d M
aria
Iori
o, 3
8 m
in.,
2005
Sah
arw
i ref
ug
ee c
amp
Ph
oto
gra
ph
by
Arm
in L
inke
, 200
4
94 Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
95Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
did
acti
c an
d p
rob
ably
als
o sh
oul
dn
’t b
e d
idac
tic.
Bu
t I fi
nd
the
curr
ent f
ear
and
ta
bo
o st
atu
s o
f did
acti
cs in
the
cult
ural
co
nte
xt v
ery
pro
ble
mat
ic. I
f yo
u lo
ok
bac
k in
to th
e hi
sto
ry o
f po
litic
al p
rote
st
or
the
lab
our
mov
emen
t, it
has
alw
ays
bee
n es
sen
tial t
o b
e o
uts
po
ken
and
cl
ear
in tr
yin
g to
rea
ch o
ther
s. T
od
ay it
h
as to
be
do
ne
wit
h a
dif
fere
nt a
ttit
ud
e,
as w
e h
ave
do
ub
ts a
nd
see
con
trad
ic-
tion
s as
an
imp
ort
ant p
art o
f our
wo
rk.
Bu
t bei
ng
did
acti
c d
oes
n’t
hav
e to
im-
ply
kn
ow
ing
con
clu
sive
ly o
r p
rovi
din
g
final
an
swer
s.
No
w to
yo
ur q
ues
tion
: it h
as b
eco
me
very
fash
ion
able
to in
volv
e ar
tist
s in
ur
ban
dev
elo
pm
ent,
and
ther
e’s
no
n
eig
hb
our
ho
od
in G
erm
any
that
has
n
ot b
een
affe
cted
at l
east
on
ce b
y so
me
kin
d o
f art
ist i
nvo
lvem
ent.
Fro
m
the
Ger
man
min
istr
y fo
r b
uild
ing
to in
-ve
sto
rs a
nd
mun
icip
alit
ies,
eve
ryb
od
y en
gag
es a
rtis
ts fo
r ur
ban
dev
elo
pm
ent
pro
ject
s. B
asic
ally
yo
u co
uld
say:
if
they
get
stu
ck w
ith
thei
r p
rob
lem
s an
d
hav
e n
o cl
ue
wh
at to
do,
they
invi
te
arti
sts
wh
o th
en s
imul
ate
som
e ur
ban
ac
tivi
ty o
r m
ean
ing
that
has
bee
n lo
st.
It g
ets
esp
ecia
lly d
um
b if
ther
e ar
e va
can
t sh
op
fro
nts
, an
d p
eop
le a
nd
ar
tist
s ar
e in
vite
d to
do
som
e te
mp
or-
ary
acti
vity
in th
em fo
r a
few
wee
ks.
By
do
ing
this
, co
nfli
cts
and
po
litic
al
issu
es, c
rise
s in
the
real
est
ate
bu
si-
nes
s o
r th
e ur
ban
pla
nn
ing
pro
fess
ion
ar
e co
vere
d u
p b
y a
surf
ace
of c
ultu
ral
acti
vitie
s w
ith
no
last
ing
effe
ct. T
his
is
a ve
ry d
ang
ero
us
and
anti
-po
litic
al a
tti-
tud
e th
at o
bsc
ures
cer
tain
dis
cuss
ion
s an
d p
rovi
des
am
use
men
ts b
y o
ffer
ing
in
tere
stin
g ar
t or
no
t-so
-in
tere
stin
g ar
t,
and
this
bec
om
es a
kin
d o
f pse
ud
o-
acti
vity
in it
self.
pM
/HM
: Ho
w h
as th
is d
ang
er o
f sh
ad-
ing
and
veili
ng
dif
fere
nce
s in
the
urb
an
fab
ric
bee
n ci
rcu
mn
avig
ated
by
the
Sh
rin
kin
g C
ities
pro
ject
an
d w
hat
has
b
een
the
resp
on
se?
ph
ilip
p o
swal
t: T
her
e is
a m
ulti
tud
e o
f po
ssib
ilitie
s fo
r ar
tist
s to
en
gag
e
in s
uch
a p
roje
ct. O
f co
urse
ther
e is
a
sig
nifi
can
t dif
fere
nce
if a
n ar
two
rk
eng
ages
in th
e an
alys
is o
f a g
iven
si
tuat
ion
or
in a
ctiv
e in
terv
entio
ns.
In
the
first
ph
ase
of t
he
Sh
rin
kin
g
Citi
es p
roje
ct, w
e fo
cuse
d o
n th
e
first
asp
ect;
late
r o
n, o
n th
e se
con
d,
whi
ch m
igh
t be
con
sid
ered
the
mo
re
pro
ble
mat
ic s
ph
ere.
G
ener
ally
sp
eaki
ng
, th
ere
is a
fun
da-
men
tal d
iffe
ren
ce b
etw
een
the
log
ics
of u
rban
pla
nn
ing
and
the
art w
orl
d.
In th
e ar
t wo
rld
it’s
ver
y co
mm
on
an
d m
ore
or
less
the
no
rm (
no
t to
sa
y a
mu
st) t
o fo
cus
on
con
flict
s an
d
con
trad
ictio
ns,
an
d cr
itic
ize
exis
ting
co
nd
itio
ns,
whi
le in
the
urb
an d
evel
op
-m
ent c
on
text
yo
u ar
e ex
pec
ted
on
ly to
sp
eak
in th
e af
firm
ativ
e, o
ffer
so
lutio
ns
and
po
siti
ve s
cen
ario
s. B
oth
att
itu
des
ar
e lim
ited
an
d si
mila
rly
on
e-si
ded
. T
his
pro
ble
m m
anif
este
d it
self
earl
y o
n in
our
pro
ject
titl
e ‘S
hrin
kin
g C
itie
s’.
Whi
le it
was
– u
nsu
rpri
sin
gly
– p
osi
-ti
vely
rec
eive
d in
the
art c
on
text
, it w
as
at th
e sa
me
time
the
very
rea
son
why
w
e h
ad (
and
still
hav
e) o
n-g
oin
g p
rob
-le
ms
wit
h ur
ban
pla
nn
ing
dep
artm
ents
an
d m
unic
ipal
itie
s o
r ev
en p
rofe
s-si
on
al o
rgan
izat
ion
s o
f arc
hite
cts.
In
Man
ches
ter
the
hea
d o
f th
e ar
chit
ects
as
soci
atio
n w
ante
d to
hal
t our
wo
rk,
and
in s
om
e G
erm
an c
itie
s lo
cal p
olit
-ic
ian
s st
op
ped
exh
ibit
ion
s al
read
y in
p
rep
arat
ion
.
pM
/HM
: Yo
ur r
ecen
t pro
ject
s U
rban
C
atal
yst a
nd
Sh
rin
kin
g C
ities
dea
l wit
h
qu
estio
ns
of u
rban
shr
inka
ge
and
p
rovi
sio
nal
ity
by
emp
loyi
ng
a va
riet
y o
f ap
pro
ach
es r
ang
ing
fro
m c
alls
for
idea
s an
d ac
adem
ic r
esea
rch
to o
n-s
ite
inte
rven
tion
s, e
xhib
itio
ns
and
pu
blic
d
ebat
es. D
id th
is m
eth
od
olo
gic
al h
y-b
rid
ity
gro
w o
ut o
f th
e ur
ban
sit
uat
ion
s ad
dre
ssed
by
your
pro
ject
s th
emse
lves
o
r is
it m
ore
a m
anif
esta
tion
of a
par
-ti
cula
r ki
nd
of c
olla
bo
ratio
n?
ph
ilip
p o
swal
t: T
her
e is
an
unp
lan
ned
p
hen
om
eno
n em
erg
ing
in c
itie
s, o
ne
in w
hich
vac
ant s
pac
es a
re u
sed
on
a te
mp
ora
ry b
asis
by
dif
fere
nt a
cto
rs.
Vac
ant l
ots
an
d b
uild
ing
s b
eco
me
avai
lab
le r
eso
urce
s fo
r ac
tors
wh
o
hav
e lit
tle
cap
ital
bu
t hav
e th
e en
erg
y an
d th
e w
illin
gn
ess
to g
ener
ate
pu
blic
ac
tivi
ties
or
cult
ural
act
ivit
ies,
so
cial
ac
tivi
ties
and
so o
n. T
he
qu
estio
n
invo
lved
in th
e U
rban
Cat
alys
t pro
ject
w
as: I
s th
ere
anyt
hin
g p
lan
ner
s ca
n
lear
n fr
om
thes
e un
pla
nn
ed p
hen
om
-en
a? A
nd
sho
uld
we
inst
rum
enta
lize,
co
py,
su
pp
ort
or
enab
le th
em?
So
the
pro
ject
was
n’t
limit
ed to
the
anal
ysis
o
f thi
s in
form
al u
rban
ism
, bu
t als
o
eng
aged
in th
e q
ues
tion
of w
hat
to
do
. In
a si
mila
r w
ay, w
e al
so p
ursu
ed
dif
fere
nt c
ase
stu
die
s in
our
Sh
rin
kin
g
Citi
es p
roje
ct –
this
was
ess
entia
l fo
r th
is p
roje
ct a
nd
coul
d b
e m
ore
inte
nse
-ly
dev
elo
ped
wit
hin
its
sco
pe.
Do
ing
so
no
t on
ly e
nab
led
us
to u
nd
erst
and
th
e d
iffe
ren
t urb
an c
on
dit
ion
s b
ette
r,
bu
t als
o th
e d
iffe
ren
t cul
ture
s o
f urb
an
rese
arch
. R
egar
din
g th
e in
volv
emen
t of a
rtis
ts,
we
had
this
inte
rdis
cip
linar
y p
rin
cip
le
on
dif
fere
nt l
evel
s o
f th
e p
roje
ct, w
hich
m
ean
t th
e cu
rato
rial
team
incl
ud
ed a
m
ix o
f peo
ple
, nam
ely
an a
rt c
urat
or,
an
ed
ito
r fr
om
an
arch
itec
ture
mag
a-zi
ne,
a s
oci
olo
gis
t an
d an
arc
hite
ct
( mys
elf)
; we
also
had
co
ntr
ibu
tors
fr
om
do
zen
s o
f dif
fere
nt d
isci
plin
es.
On
the
on
e h
and
, su
ch a
n in
terd
isci
p-
linar
ity
is n
eces
sary
an
d un
avo
idab
le
if yo
u en
gag
e in
a s
ub
ject
that
can
n
ever
be
com
ple
tely
cov
ered
by
a si
ng
le d
isci
plin
e. S
om
eon
e fr
om
o
uts
ide
com
es in
an
d m
ay b
e fa
irly
n
aïve
an
d q
ues
tion
som
e o
f th
e ta
bo
o
issu
es o
f yo
ur d
isci
plin
e. T
his
can
be
very
pro
du
ctiv
e. O
n th
e o
ther
han
d,
inte
rdis
cip
linar
ity
is c
reat
ing
extr
eme
pro
ble
ms
in c
om
mun
icat
ion
: eac
h
pro
fess
ion
has
its
ow
n cr
iter
ia, a
nd
th
ey o
ften
do
n’t
mat
ch. C
erta
in q
ues
-tio
ns
are
very
imp
ort
ant f
or
arti
sts;
o
ther
s, fo
r ar
chit
ects
– a
nd
they
are
o
ften
co
ntr
adic
tory
. So
this
bec
om
es
an is
sue,
bec
ause
if y
ou
hav
e d
iffe
ren
t cr
iter
ia, y
ou
can
no
t sim
ply
co
mb
ine
them
, as
no
bo
dy
wo
uld
be
able
to f
ulfil
th
em e
qu
ally
; thi
s m
ean
s yo
u n
eed
to
pri
ori
tize
and
say,
oka
y, th
is is
mo
re im
-p
ort
ant t
han
that
. Th
e p
oin
t is
ho
w to
m
anag
e th
is p
roce
ss s
o th
at s
om
ethi
ng
co
nsi
sten
t co
mes
ou
t of i
t.
pM
/HM
: Are
n’t
such
dem
and
s fo
r co
nsi
sten
cy a
lso
pro
ne
to in
stru
men
-ta
lizin
g th
e p
ote
ntia
l of e
xper
imen
tal
urb
an p
ract
ices
in fa
vour
of h
egem
on
ic
urb
an in
tere
sts?
ph
ilip
p o
swal
t: If
we’
re t
alki
ng
abo
ut
Sh
rin
kin
g C
ities
, fo
r in
stan
ce, t
hen
it
was
mo
re a
bo
ut e
stab
lishi
ng
a th
ink-
tan
k fo
r ur
gen
t qu
estio
ns.
Bu
ildin
g
up
awar
enes
s, in
itia
ting
a d
isco
urse
(s
ettin
g an
ag
end
a) a
nd
dev
elo
pin
g
kno
wle
dg
e w
ere
imp
ort
ant t
o u
s. B
y d
oin
g th
is, w
e w
ante
d to
hav
e an
im-
pac
t on
ho
w p
eop
le th
ink
and
ho
w th
ey
act.
Wh
at th
en b
eco
mes
cri
tica
l is
ho
w
to c
om
mun
icat
e th
e w
ork
bei
ng
do
ne.
I’m
no
t afr
aid
of b
ein
g d
idac
tic.
I re
spec
t th
e fa
ct th
at a
rt n
orm
ally
isn
’t
philipp oswalt
Sh
rin
kin
g C
itie
sE
xhib
itio
n at
th
e C
entr
e fo
r C
on
tem
po
rary
Cu
ltu
re H
alle
(Z
fzK
Hal
le) i
n th
e fo
rmer
tra
in s
tati
on
of H
alle
Neu
stad
t,
Ger
man
y, N
ove
mb
er 2
005
un
titl
ed, d
raw
ing
by
FLA
G/B
asti
en A
ub
ry,
Dim
itri
Bro
qu
ard
, 200
5
Sh
rin
kin
g C
itie
sIn
tern
atio
nal
Pav
ilio
n, 1
0th
Inte
rnat
ion
al A
rch
itec
ture
E
xhib
itio
n, B
ien
nal
e d
i Ven
ezia
, 200
6
96 Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
97
Th
e ve
ry in
tere
stin
g an
d ch
alle
ng
ing
ch
arac
ter
of a
su
bje
ct li
ke s
hrin
kin
g
citie
s is
that
yo
u’r
e fa
cin
g fu
nd
amen
tal
pro
ble
ms,
an
d n
ot o
nly
pra
gm
atic
an
d
tech
nic
al q
ues
tion
s. T
hes
e p
rob
lem
s ar
e to
a la
rge
exte
nt a
qu
estio
n o
f val
-u
es, c
on
cep
tual
mo
des
of j
ud
gem
ent
and
are
qu
ite
po
litic
al –
for
exam
ple
, th
e q
ues
tion
of r
eal e
stat
e o
r p
rop
erty
: H
ow
is p
rop
erty
org
aniz
ed a
nd
con
-ce
ptu
aliz
ed?
Ho
w w
oul
d o
ther
form
s o
f dea
ling
wit
h p
rop
erty
op
en u
p n
ew
po
ssib
ilitie
s? O
r an
oth
er m
ajo
r cl
ue
to
the
pro
ble
m is
mig
ratio
n: D
o w
e
acce
pt m
igra
tion
or
no
t, an
d h
ow
do
w
e d
eal w
ith
it? If
yo
u w
ork
wit
h a
po
l-it
icia
n –
a m
ayo
r, a
min
iste
r o
r th
e h
ead
o
f an
urb
an p
lan
nin
g d
epar
tmen
t – a
nd
yo
u ra
ise
this
kin
d o
f qu
estio
n, i
t’s
very
d
iffi
cult
to fi
nd
anyb
od
y w
ho
is w
illin
g
to c
om
mit
them
selv
es o
n th
e is
sue,
an
d th
is is
tru
e ev
en th
ou
gh
mig
ratio
n
is a
pri
me
forc
e in
defi
nin
g th
e ca
use
s an
d ef
fect
s o
f shr
inka
ge
and
ther
efo
re
pro
vid
es m
ajo
r cl
ues
for
new
mo
des
o
f act
ion
.B
ut f
or
us
it w
as n
eces
sary
to t
ake
the
liber
ty to
ask
qu
estio
ns
that
go
b
eyo
nd
no
rmal
mo
des
of p
ract
ice,
ev
en th
ou
gh
it m
ean
t lo
sin
g co
nta
ct
wit
h th
e g
over
nm
ent.
So
the
po
ssib
le
po
litic
al im
pac
t of s
uch
an
app
roac
h
is r
ath
er in
dir
ect.
Wh
at w
e tr
ied
to d
o
is to
infl
uen
ce th
inki
ng
on
the
sub
ject
an
d b
y d
oin
g th
is, w
e h
op
ed, o
f co
urse
, to
ch
ang
e th
e p
ract
ice
of a
ctio
n in
the
lon
g ru
n, t
oo
. I s
tro
ng
ly b
elie
ve, t
hat
for
cert
ain
mo
des
of w
ork
it’s
ab
solu
tely
n
eces
sary
to r
efra
in fr
om
dir
ect p
olic
y co
nsu
ltin
g. I
nst
ead
we
mu
st d
evel
op
a d
isco
urse
to s
timul
ate
idea
s an
d d
iffe
r-en
t way
s o
f thi
nki
ng
, an
d h
op
e th
at th
is
will
in th
e lo
ng
run
hav
e so
me
imp
act
on
wh
at is
act
ual
ly d
on
e in
cit
ies.
Slat
ewal
lsC
hin
ese
Mar
kets
Sh
rin
kin
g C
itie
sE
xhib
itio
n at
th
e C
entr
e fo
r C
on
tem
po
rary
Cu
ltu
re
Hal
le (
Zfz
K H
alle
) in
the
form
er t
rain
sta
tio
n o
f Hal
le
Neu
stad
t, G
erm
any,
No
vem
ber
200
5
Psy
rri,
Ath
ens,
200
7
98 99
Ch
ina
Tow
n o
n C
har
ing
Cro
ss R
oad
, Lo
nd
on
, 200
7T
he
ub
iqu
ito
us
slat
ewal
l, a
sho
p fi
ttin
g sy
stem
th
at a
llow
s fo
r fl
exib
ility
in t
he
dis
pla
y o
f ch
ang
ing
sto
ck, w
idel
y u
sed
by
reta
ilers
of ‘
Ch
ines
e’ m
erch
and
ise
100
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
Cas
tin
g N
ets
101
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
Cas
tin
g N
ets
The rural component of Chinese civi lization was more or less uniform and it extended everywhere that Chinese civilization penetrated. It, and not the cities, defined the Chinese way of life. It was like the net in which the cities and towns of China were suspended... Chinese cities were but knots of the same material, of one piece with the net, denser in quality but not foreign bodies resting on it.1
Frederick Mote – The Transformation of Nanking 13501400
This is no longer a capitalism for production, but for the product, which is to say, for being sold or marketed. Thus it is essentially dispersive, and the factory has given way to the corporation.2
Gilles Deleuze – ‘Postscript on Societies of Control’
The contemporary movement of people from the Chinese countryside into the cities has been mirrored by a corres ponding move of cities into the countryside. Beijing’s New Development Zones, the networked industrial/agricultural fabric of the Yangzi Delta and the factory villages of Shenzhen’s Bao’an County and Dongguan are each specific illustrations of the ways
in which cities are currently decen-tralizing. This paper compares the
urban forms of these three urban con-urbations, in order to locate this decentral-ization in relation to coincident dispersion of governance and production: the devo-lution of the central government’s author-ity and the breaking apart of state-owned industries. This generalized situation of dispersion, characteristic of neoliberalism around the world, brings with it a specific set of contradictions in China where it con-fronts the forces of an authoritarian and still Keynesian state, processes of primi-tive accumulation and strategies of ideo-logical interpellation. These apparently Chinese characteristics in turn reflect back on neoliberalism in general, asking us to look at the similarities between these and strategies of governance, production and urbanization in the rest of the world.
DECEnTraliZaTionS of govErnanCE anD proDUCTion
Since 1978 and the initiation of Deng Xiaoping’s market reforms, there has been a steady dispersion of governance downwards from the central government in Beijing to provinces, urban municipal-ities, rural townships, villages, families and individuals. It is no surprise that this has been closely paralleled by a decen-tralization of the primary factors of pro-duction, because at the end of the Cultural Revolution land, labour and capital were almost entirely controlled by the state. In fact the two processes of devolution have been co-constitutive. Martin Hart-Landsberg and Paul Burkett have argued that economic processes unleashed in the late 1970s have driven state policy ever since.3 But despite the rising domi-nance of a capitalist mode of production, the central government has managed to retain control over the primary repres-sive and ideological state apparatuses throughout the transition, controlling of the military and guiding the direction of local policies through a sequence of loose directives, operating across a spectrum from ‘formal laws’ to ‘policy declarations and general pronouncements’,4 creating a flexible process that has allowed execu-tive power to remain concentrated, at the same time that economic planning and experimentation has been diffused across the country.
The process of reform was felt first in rural areas during the period 1978-1984,5 starting with the transformation of rural communes into villages and town-
ships under the ‘Household Contract Responsibility System’. This legislation was initiated by peasants themselves, when in 1978 farmers in Anhui Province began secretly organizing themselves according to households rather than production units. Their experiments were first acknowledged by local authorities and subsequently adopted by the cen- tral government, which eventually imple-mented the system across China in 1981.6 The second key element of rural reform was the liberalization of rural industry that had been promoted throughout the Maoist period, first during The Great Leap forward and later with the Commune and Brigade Enterprises (CBEs). Already profitable during the Cultural Revolution, they were renamed Township and Village Enterprises (TVEs) after reform.7 The expansion of TVEs during the reform period was one of the key tools in the first phase of marketization in China, developing quite differently within each regional economy. The third essential reform was a two-part increase in the price of agricultural products: an increase in the price paid for a household’s pro-duction quota and the deregulation of the price of over-quota production, introducing a dual pricing system.8
These reforms increased household incomes in rural areas quickly between 1978 and 1984, but after 1984 the em phasis of reform shifted to the urban areas, and since then the socio-econom-ic gap between urban and rural residents has greatly increased.9 Wang Hui, former editor of the literary journal Dushu, has argued that these urban reforms, consti-tuted a devolution, or transfer of politi-cal and economic power from the central government to lower levels, ‘a process by which relations of social advantage were reorganized under state direc-tion by the transfer and apportionment of resources that had previously been di rectly controlled and distributed by the state itself’.10 This redistribution of assets from the public sector to the emerging private sector was a process where pol-i tical power was exchanged for economic power, often within families and between generations.11
The urban reforms began in 1979 by granting new administrative powers to municipalities, through the naming of four special economic zones (SEZs). In
1986, the State Council generalized this early exceptionalism by promot-
ing cities as privileged engines to drive regional and national growth.12 Techniques were introduced to allow municipalities to jump administrative level and at the same time increase the territory assigned to them, such that power has been dis-persed to the four SEZs, 14 Open Coastal Cities, and four provincial-level munici-
Cast
ing
Net
so
n t
he
Co
-Co
nst
itu
tive
D
isp
ersi
on
s o
f gov
ern
ance
, p
rod
uct
ion
an
d U
rban
izat
ion
in
Co
nte
mp
ora
ry C
hin
aa
dri
an b
lack
wel
l
Pin
ho
le p
ano
ram
a o
f th
e Fa
cto
ry T
erri
tory
in S
haj
ing
, Bao
’an
Dis
tric
t, S
hen
zhen
, 200
7
102
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
Cas
tin
g N
ets
103
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
Cas
tin
g N
ets
in the globalized production chains that have emerged since the 1980s.25 Here Guy Debord’s prescient argument that urban-ism lays the foundation for all other capi-talist separations is confirmed.26 Urbanism acts in advance of other processes of pro-duction, because it reterritorializes capital in fixed assets, making relocation difficult and forcing its utility on the future.
If the ‘in-between city’ is both the urban tissue of neoliberal capitalism and one of its preconditions, the decentralization of Chinese cities is also co-constitutive of Chinese neoliberalism. Spectacular economic growth has been driven by the industrial powerhouses of the Pearl River and Yangzi Deltas and their rhizo-matic geographies of production. These vast industrial peripheries are unpre-cedented urban formations, founded on the apparent contradiction between the unbounded expansion of the cities themselves and the Chinese regulation of the boundary between city and coun-try through the household registration system, or hukou, which indelibly marks each person as either an urban citizen or a peasant. Moving from the country to the city is easy and necessary today, in order to match labour to booming industrial and service economies, but it is nearly impossible for peasants to gain perman-ent rights of residence in the cities in which they work, leaving them in a pre-carious position. It is important to under-stand this system not merely as a relic from the earlier communist regime, but rather as a recently renovated technique for modulating labour markets, creating a historically unparalleled rise in social and economic inequity.27 As a result of this system of regulation, the in-between cities of the highly populated coastal regions are filled with migrant farmers. They live on the urban edge, because it is cheaper and less controlled than the city. Also the villages on the edge appear familiar in structure, and migrants are not subjected to the discrimination and dis-comfort they feel in the city. Like the inde-terminacy of this space itself, peasants are caught between the urban and the rural: named farmers in official and unofficial discourses even when the work they do is industrial or service work and they live in urbanized areas.
The downloading of power and respon-sibility to municipalities and the early
reliance on local experimentation has meant that each peripheral
region has unique trajectories of disper-sion. In the Pearl River Delta foreign direct investment overdeveloped the country-side to create a continuous production zone. In the Yangzi Delta, villages and towns urbanized through the profits of TVEs, creating locally determined mesh-work of farming and urbanization. Finally, in Beijing, the urban periphery has been transformed through real-estate develop-ment, high-technology zones and cultural industries into a heterogeneous archi-pelago of differentiated uses and users.
pEarl rivEr DElTa: faCTory TErriTory28
The Pearl River Delta, with its long history of mercantilism, vast Cantonese diaspora, familial and language connections to adja-cent Hong Kong and Macau and distance from the heart of the country, was seen by Deng Xiaoping as the ideal place to experiment with capitalism within China. The Special Economic Zone of Shenzhen has developed more quickly than any other city in history, from a series of agri-cultural and fishing villages in 1979 to a city of over nine million people today. Its fast development has been driven by the proximity of mobile capital and the need to find a spatial fix for the declining profitability of Hong Kong’s manufactur-ing sector. When China opened the SEZ to foreign direct investment, the low cost of labour on the mainland was too much for Hong Kong capitalists to pass up. While considerable sums were invested in the SEZ, the most lucrative spaces for investors turned out to be the Town and Village Enterprises directly to the north in Bao’an district and Dongguan.29 Hong Kong business people used their person-al connections with villagers to develop working relations for which they pro-vided capital, machinery, technical and managerial expertise; local farmers pro-vided land, and labour was provided by migrant workers from across the country. As a result the local farmers have become wealthy from land development in collab-oration with their Hong Kong neighbours.
This pattern has produced a web of industrial urbanization over a unified territory from Guangzhou to Shenzhen on the east side of the Delta, and with slightly less intensity on the west. Each former agricultural village acts as a development corporation in order to profit from its land, creating a produc-
palities: Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai and Chongqing.13 The active power of cities increases the closer they sit to the cen-tral government within an administra-tive hierarchy, so this process has also been one of power consolidation with-in certain cities and the corresponding disempowerment of many rural areas.14 A second mechanism of devolution was the breaking apart of state-owned enter-prises (SOEs). During the Maoist period these industries were attached through a vertical chain of command directly to the central government, skipping municipal levels of control.15 In the reform period, however, this line was loosened. In 1983 legislation was introduced to allow com-panies to hire contract workers,16 and in 1988 bankruptcy legislation terminated urban workers’ rights to lifetime employ-ment.17 Private shareholding experiments began in experimental work units in 1984, public shares were first offered on certain Shanghai and Shenzhen companies in 1992, and a public shareholding system was finally adopted across the country in 1997.18 The third strategy of decentraliza-tion involved the opening of real-estate markets. Land in China remains under the ownership of the state, but the liberal-ization of private land development pro-cesses since the mid-1980s has been one of the prime drivers of the urban econ-omy. The transfer of land through a leas-ing system was made legal in 1986 under the Land Management Law, and revised in 1988 to allow for long-term leases and again in 1991 to authorize the sale, rental and transfer of leaseholds. In 1995 urban residents were given the rights to own their homes,19 and banking reforms quick-ly followed to allow consumers to secure mortgages for home ownership, ushering in the property boom of the late 1990s.20
These rural and urban reforms initiated a process of original accumulation as the foundation for a properly capitalist econ-omy. Over the past 30 years China has seen the proletarianization of both rural peas-ants and the privileged communist work-ing class and the creation of a substantial bourgeoisie primarily from the bureau-cratic echelon of the communist social structure.21 However this process of class composition has also been a process of deterritorialization and re territorialization, in the most literal senses of these two concepts. Within the reform process, people were dislodged from their land, workplaces, communities and homes
and subsequently relocalized within changed situations.22
DECEnTraliZaTion of CiTiES in CHina
The devolutions of governance and production listed above have each had unique spatial effects on what was the primarily rural character of China in the late 1970s. In the countryside the fast development of Town and Village Enterprises from 1985 to 1995 began to bring some of the characteristics of urban life to the countryside in both the Yangzi and Pearl River Deltas. At the same time, the urban reforms have pushed the extension of urbanization into surrounding agricultural areas, creating an uneven patchwork of migrant housing, village industries, high-tech clusters, gated com-munities, artists’ villages and high-inten-sity farming. In the Lower Yangzi Delta, for example, the countryside between cities is populated at densities that closely paral-lel those of many North American cities,23 suggesting the emergence of a new form of diffuse urbanization.
German urban designer Thomas Sieverts has argued that the Zwischenstadt, the in-between city, has become the pre-dominant pattern of urbanization across the globe.24 The centred and concentric city has been superseded by a dispersed network of urbanization, pulled apart by the increasingly rapid circulation of infor-mation, capital, commodities and labour. In North America and Europe the decen-tralization of both industry and hous- ing, beginning in the early part of the twentieth century and accelerating in the wake of the Second World War, acted as the spatial foundation for the long pro-cess of the mobilization of capital found
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The country side is stratified by class like urban spaces, with the local farmers constituting a local bourgeoisie while migrants work the fields and factories.
Until the late 1990s the non-competi-tive relations between TVEs allowed the village collectives significant powers of self-organization, and the resultant urban-ization of the countryside proceeded as an unprecedented integration of housing, farming and industry. Around Hangzhou, local farmers’ houses have been rebuilt to four to six floors, in order to function as apartments for migrant labourers and decorated to project a sense of urbanity and affluence. These intensified villages run in linear formation, directly following the linear typologies of former settle-ments. Tendrils of each village link to other communities, creating an almost continuous web of urbanization on top of a surface of open fields. The farmland itself is divided into long and narrow strips of different crops, running perpen-dicular to each linear village. Interspersed between housing and fields are low one-
storey sheds for heavy production and four- to six-storey warehouse buildings for lighter assembly and textile manufac-turing. This integration of different uses resonates with radical proposals to reor-ganize European city space at the end of the nineteenth century: Peter Kropotkin’s vision of the integration of manual and brain work in an industrialized country-side and Ebenezer Howard’s proposal for ‘Garden Cities of To-morrow’.38 Despite
its recent restructuring, the land-scape urbanization of the Lower
Yangzi Delta constitutes one of the closest actually existing approximations of these bottom-up development strategies.
bEijing pEripHEry: HETEroTopiC UrbaniSM39
The periphery of Beijing is different from the delta regions, because it does not have a dense regional network of indus-trial development. Beijing has always been relatively isolated from other cities rather than contiguous with them. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, as the cap-ital of the Chinese Empire, Beijing was a walled city with little periphery. By the fall of the republic in 1949, the city had hardly expanded beyond its Qing bor-ders. However, with the move of the cap-ital from Nanjing back to Beijing, the city developed rapidly after 1949, to act as a model for all of communist China. Until the early 1990s, when private develop-ment steadily overtook it, the work unit, the danwei, formed the basic building block of Beijing’s development. This cel-lular expansion based on autonomous danweis was loosely guided by central planning initiatives which proposed an urban form divided by radiating green-belts, creating a fractured and suburban form. Beijing Architect Lu Xiang has called this spatial structure, which dominates the city’s form from the second to the fourth ring, a ‘heterotopic city’, conjuring up Michel Foucault’s heterotopia to describe how complete yet separate each of these worlds is.40
Since 1990 Beijing has rapidly acceler-ated its expansion, with the completion of the second and third ring roads in the 1990s, the fourth in 2001 and the fifth in 2003. Frederic Deng and Youqin Huang have described the dual character of Beijing’s contemporary sprawl: the city’s ‘Development Zones’ leap-frog beyond its urbanized areas, designating vast swaths of agricultural land for future develop-ment, while agricultural villages, uncer-tain of their own futures and with limited tools for development, ‘gradually become ghetto-like, sprawling migrant enclaves’.41 Local village collectives consider ways to intensify their production and partici-pate in capitalist markets, some renting land for small industries, specializing in taxi services or renting out failed TVEs as artists’ villages. In Beijing, the devel-opment of villages has mostly remained at a single story, although new buildings
tion landscape that has very few of the monuments, residential districts or com-mercial areas of a traditional city and yet employs over 11 million migrants in its factories. The architecture of this area is repetitive, multiplying a very limited set of building typologies: export-oriented factory buildings; dormitory housing, where most migrant workers live; new high-rise farmers’ villages, which rise four to seven stories as apartment housing for those migrants who do not live in dormi-tories; and finally the remnants of tradi-tional courtyard houses in the pre-reform villages. Pun Ngai and Christopher Smith have called the process of production in this zone a ‘factory dormitory regime’, in order to emphasize the precarious and intertwined living and working condi- tions of migrant workers in the PRD. This concept also highlights the deci- sive spatiality of this production pattern, with its monotonous walled compounds, its guards and curfews. These apparent-ly contingent working arrangements rely on short-term contracts to prevent labour organizing and take the physical form of a work camp, in order to create a system of ‘labour on tap’. 30 Here the networked and apparently self-organizing development at the macro scale is sharply contrasted with the hierarchical and structured design of the factory themselves.
lowEr yangZi DElTa: UrbaniZaTion in THE CoUnTrySiDE31
While rapid development in the PRD has been driven primarily
by concentrations of mobile capital, management expertise and distribution networks, in the Lower Yangzi Delta, rural urbanization has occurred more slowly and has been generated by local forces.32
The internal stimulus for this local devel-opment came from the long tradition of agricultural and textile industries in the region. Its trading towns, intercon nected waterways and fertile farmland have made it the most productive region of China since the Tang Dynasty. The exter-nal stimulus has been the expansion of state-owned enterprises in the mid 1980s. Existing TVEs were subcontracted by these larger urban companies to pro-duce parts, creating proprietary relation-ships between particular TVEs and SOEs, allowing SOEs to grow without necessi-tating physical expansion onsite.33 Using Karl Marx’s processes of formal and real subsumption, Daniel Buck argues that through this arrangement rural labour was formally subsumed into the capital-ist processes,34 while existing production systems were consolidated and integrated into capitalist markets without trans-forming the labour process itself.35 The relatively prosperous period from 1985 to 1995 allowed for the expansion and profitability of both the TVEs and the SOEs in the region, with workers in the TVEs receiving benefits and job security similar in kind, if not quantity, to that enjoyed by urban workers.36
However, by the mid-1990s industries in the Yangzi Delta began to experience com-petitive pressures from producers in the south and were forced to restructure their productive relationships. As a result the non-competitive relationships between TVEs and SOEs were scrapped. TVEs were thrown into competition, wages were forced downward, and jobs were no longer secure. Many were forced out of business during this process and the sal-vageable ones were privatized, bought by foreign or local investors. Buck points to this violent transformation as the real subsumption of labour, through which social relations themselves were radical-ly reshaped to conform to capitalist pro-cesses.37 This crisis forced local farmers into a model of development similar to that pioneered in the south. Local farmers now use their accumulated capital and land-use rights to develop housing for a migrant labour force, hired at reduced wages, to work in restructured enter-prises. This process constitutes the ‘ capture of the country by the city’.
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never at home in their places of work. For its part discipline has been down-loaded from the state to individuals in the neoliberal China. The founding act was the household contract responsibil-ity system, and more recently the move to individual home ownership has almost completely replaced the socialist right to accom modation within work units. In both cases, debt has replaced dis-ciplinary enclosure as a means of con-trol.48 Post-Mao discipline is enacted on a radically individuated subject, indel-ibly marked by the one-child-only policy. The primary characteristic of the new workers is the extreme precariousness of their ways of life, which has become a new form of discipline, one consolidated through the workers’ independence and homelessness. Finally, transformations can be seen in sovereign power, which Foucault defined as the power to ‘take life and let live’.49 In China, the state has retained this right since 1949, but in 1981 Deng Xiaoping downloaded this authority from the national to the provincial courts, inaugurating a ‘fast-track criminal jus-tice system’, which human-rights groups claim has executed over 10,000 inmates a year.50 The massacre in Tiananmen Square in 1989 has not been repeated, but the state has augmented its human surveil-lance networks, with internet monitor-ing and repression of activism.51 At the same time the state has used the devolu-tion of powers as a means of evading the political fallout from unpopular actions, as individuals can now jump scale and appeal to the central government for jus-tice, allowing the sovereign state to act as benevolent arbiter, making urban space an important locus of contestation.
If the spatial function of governance in all three of its coincident registers is to manage people and territories, then the mission of neoliberal capital is internal and external expansion. Marx has named three essential processes of capitalist integration, which we have already intro-duced above: primitive accumulation, for-mal subsumption and real subsumption. Thinking in terms urban development, these three processes deterritorialize, territorialize, and reterritorialize both land and labour: freeing it, integrating it into capitalist processes, and restructuring it for capital’s use. Like Foucault’s historical progression of diagrams of power, these three terms are related by Marx to con-
secutive historical moments of capi-talism, and yet they occur and recur
at different speeds and under diverse circumstances, such that we find them sitting side by side under conditions of globalized neoliberalism. As Paolo Virno claims, today ‘the production models which have followed one another during this long period re-present themselves synchronically’.52
This synchronic triangulation of processes of capitalist integration also presents us with a diagram upon which to locate the productive forces within the three variations of the Chinese Zwischenstadt discussed above. Buck illustrates this through his history of the Yangzi Delta, where the process by which the city has extended its reach into the countryside shifted from formal subsumption in the mid-1980s to the more violent restructur-ing of real subsumption after the crisis of over-production in the mid-1990s. In the Pearl River Delta, the export-orient-ed production zone was constructed by liberalizing the hukou system to allow migrants to work in cities under experi-mental labour conditions.53 Here real subsumption followed primitive accu-mulation without mediation. In the periphery of Beijing, migration and endogenous development stumble for-ward in an unruly way. We find processes of primitive accumulation alternating with non-systematic processes of for-mal subsumption of rural labour within hetero geneous industries.
In advance of these processes captured in the nets of urbanization, and again in response to them, peasants and workers have been making and remaking space in China. In her analysis of the female factory workers of the Pearl River Delta, Pun Ngai observes that these women are following their desires to escape the paternal and hierarchical worlds of their rural villages, migrating to the cosmo-politan edge cities of the factory terri-tory. The fact that this journey is also one of pain and exploitation forces them into new forms of creative resistance against authoritarian governmentality and exploitive labour relations. Pun argues that these women’s actions constitute a ‘minor genre of resistance’,54 but the force of migration by those who now live divided, half peasant, half worker, threatens to transform China once again. The complex endogenesis of in-between cities has pro-duced a new terrain of contestation over production processes, technologies of governance and forms of subjectivity.
are now being constructed two to three stories tall. Next to these villages sit residential suburbs: in the northeast of the city are gated suburbs for foreign professionals; to the north on the cen-tral axis are expensive high-rise apart-ments overlooking the Olympic green; in the west along the Badaling highway is Huilongguan, ‘sleep city’, an immense commuter suburb of medium-rise build-ings, housing professional migrants in the health care and software sectors. Beside these diverse types of housing sit Maoist industries like Capital Steel, set to close before the Olympics, and the Dashanzi Electrical zone, already transformed to cultural uses. New industrial development consists primarily of high-tech and crea-tive industries: Zhongguancun dwarfs all other zones, with its software develop-ment parks rising like a cloud of smoke northwest of the university district on maps of Beijing; Yizhuang Science and Technology Zone in the southeast and areas like Fengtai in the southwest fill out the picture but are tiny by comparison.
If development in the Pearl River and Yangzi Deltas proceeds as a network of repetitive typologies, the Beijing periphery is a patchwork of heterogeneous forms. Villages in the edge city have been con-strained from developing vertically so they are filled in in ad hoc ways, making them appear far less affluent than the villages of the south. Here the emphasis has shifted to culture, and the edges of the city are developed as required to facilitate these new industries.
DECEnTraliZED ConTrol anD rETErriTorialiZED proDUCTion
Urbanization has cast its net across vast territories of China’s coastal conurbations, acting as an important foundation for the transformations of neoliberal govern-ance. In their work on the changing state and land system in China, George Lin and Samuel Ho point to the evolution of the Chinese state since 1978 from a central-ized and localizable entity to a ‘strategic and relational’ configuration predicat-ed on the negotiation between different levels and forms of governance.42 This model resonates with Michel Foucault’s expansive theorization of governmental-ity as the triangular interaction between government, the biopolitical administra-
tion of the population, discipline, the training of individual bodies,
and sovereignty, the law and the legiti-mate exercise of force.43 His theorization posits a field in which to locate heteroge-neous powers, from self-government to the administration of territories.44 Thomas Lemke has argued that Foucault’s study of the ‘Chicago School’ economists45 leads him to understand neoliberal governmen-tality as ‘a political rationality that tries to render the social domain economic and to link a reduction in state services and security systems to the increasing call for “self responsibility” and “self-care”’.46 In China, apparent contradictions between the party’s sovereign power, intrusive biopolitical control and neoliberal self-discipline appear equally at home in the dispersed neoliberal forms of Foucault’s triangle of governmentality.
Since 1978, Maoist biopolitics have been transformed to allow for more flexible regulation of the population. In order to open labour markets, peasants were freed from the land, necessitating the renova-tion of the hukou system from a system of walls to one of mobility and variable controls: temporary permits, registration, licenses to apply for and fees to pay. 47 This radical act turned the hukou into an axiomatic system of modulation; farmers are deterritorialized by the low profits of farming, but they are pre vented from reterritorializing themselves, and are instead left in permanent flux,
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41 F. Frederic Deng and Youqin Huang, ‘Uneven land
reform and urban sprawl: the case of Beijing’,
Progress in Planning 61 (2004): 211.
42 George C.S. Lin and Samuel P.S. Ho, ‘The State,
Land System, and Land Development Process in
Contemporary China’, Annals of the Association
of American Geographers 95, no. 2 (2005): 412.
Lin and Ho refer to the work of Bob Jessop’s
State Theory (1990) for this theorization of the
contemporary state.
43 Michel Foucault, ‘Governmentality’, in The Essential
Works of Foucault 1954 1984, vol 3: Power, ed.
James D. Faubion (New York: The New Press,
2000), 219.
44 Thomas Lemke, ‘“The Birth of Biopolitics” Michel
Foucault’s lecture at the College de France on neo-
liberal governmentality’, Economy and Society 30,
no. 2 (May, 2001): 191.
45 Ibid; 204. Foucault refers to a number of ‘Chicago
School’ economists in his lectures on neoliberalism,
including Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek,
Henry Simons, Henry Shultz and George Stigler,
but focuses most closely on Gary Becker, author
of Human Capital.
46 Ibid., 203 and Michel Foucault, ‘The Birth of
Bio politics’, in The Essential Works of Foucault
1954 1984, vol 1: Ethics, ed. Paul Rabinow
(New York: The New Press, 2000), 73-79.
47 Wang Fei-Ling, Organizing Through Division and
Exclusion: China’s Hukou System (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 2005), 80-83.
48 Deleuze, ibid. note 2, 312.
49 Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended (New
York: Picador, 2003), 239-263. Michel Foucault,
The History of Sexuality, vol 1: An Introduction,
trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books,
1978), 135-159.
50 Jim Yardley, ‘Number of executions falling sharply
in China’, International Herald Tribune, June 8, 2007.
51 The crackdown on the China Democracy Party
is one example of this. See Theresa Wright, ‘The
China Democracy Party and the Politics of Protest
in the 1980s and 1990s’, China Quarterly 172 (2002):
906-926.
52 Paolo Virno, A Grammar of the Multitude: For an
Analysis of Contemporary Forms of Life (New York:
Semiotexte, 2004), 105.
53 In addition to the designation of the Shenzhen
Special Economic Zone the Chinese government
gave the Guangdong provincial government the
right to enact its own ‘special policies’, cutting its
leash to Beijing. See Lin and Ho, ibid. note 42, 419.
54 Pun Ngai, Made in China (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2005), 189-196.
1 Frederick Mote quoted in John Friedman, China’s
Urban Transition (Minneapolis, MN: University of
Minnesota Press, 2005), 35.
2 Gilles Deleuze, ‘Postscript on Societies of Control’,
in Rethinking Architecture, ed. Neil Leach (London
and New York: Routledge, 1997), 309-313.
3 Martin Hart-Landsberg and Paul Burkett, China
and Socialism: Market Reforms and Class struggle
(New York: Monthly Review Press, 2005).
4 Richard Walker and Daniel Buck, ‘The Chinese
Road’, The New Left Review 46 (2007): 62.
5 Wang Hui, China’s New Order (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2003), 48.
6 Justin Yifu Lin, ‘The Household Responsibility
System Reform in China: A Peasant’s Institutional
Choice’, American Journal of Agricultural Economics
69 (May, 1987): 410-15.
7 Louis Putterman, ‘On the past and future of China’s
Township and Village-Owned Enterprises’, World
Development 25, no. 10 (1997): 1640. The growth
of CBE/TVEs actually slowed from 30% per year
between 1971 and 1978 to 16% per year between
1978 and 1983.
8 Wang Hui, ibid. note 5, 48-49.
9 Ibid., 49.
10 Ibid., 50.
11 He Qinglian, ‘China’s Listing Social Structure’, The
New Left Review 5 (Sept-Oct, 2000). See also Russell
Smyth, ‘Asset-Stripping the Chinese State-Owned
Enterprises’, Journal of Contemporary Asia 30, no.
1 (2000): 3–16; X. L. Ding, ‘The Illicit Asset Stripping
of Chinese State Firms’, The China Journal, no. 43
(2000): 1-28.
12 Laurence Ma, ‘Urban Administrative Restructuring,
Changing Scale Relations and Local Economic
Development in China’, Political Geography 24,
no. 4 (2005): 484.
13 Ibid., 492.
14 Ibid., 494.
15 David Bray, Social Space and Governance in Urban
China: The Danwei System From Origins to Urban
Reform (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
2005), 129-130.
16 Hart-Landsberg and Burkett, ibid. note 3, 41.
17 Walker and Buck, ibid. note 4, 43.
18 Ma Shu Y., ‘The Chinese Route to Privatization:
The Evolution of the Shareholding System Option’,
Asian Survey 38, no. 4 (April, 1998): 383-387.
19 Walker and Buck, ibid. note 4, 46-47.
20 Deborah S. Davis, ‘From welfare benefit to
capitalized asset: the re-commodification of
residential space in urban China’, in Housing and
social Change: EastWest Perspectives, eds. Ray
Forrest and James Lee (London and New York:
Routledge, 2003), 186.
21 Walker and Buck, ibid. note 4, 42.
22 Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, AntiOedipus:
Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis,
MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1983), 225.
23 Andre Marton, China’s Spatial Economic
Development: Restless Landscapes in the Lower
Yangzi Delta (London and New York: Routledge,
2000), 70. See also Friedman, ibid. note 1, 35-55.
In the countryside of the Yangzi Delta population
density is 750-1260 persons per sq km. For a listing
of urban densities in North America see City Mayors
http://www.citymayors.com/statistics/ largest-
cities-density-125.html (accessed November 25,
2007).
24 Thomas Sieverts, Cities without Cities (London:
Spon Press, 2003), 48-68. See also parallel
dis courses around Landscape Urbanism:
Charles Waldheim, ‘Landscape as Urbanism’,
in The Land scape Urbanism Reader, ed. Charles
Waldheim (New York: Princeton Architectural
Press, 2006), 35-53.
25 Thomas Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996),
153-178.
26 Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle (New York:
Zone Books, 1994), 119-127.
27 Dennis Tao Yang, ‘Urban-Biased Policies and Rising
Income Inequality in China’, American Economic
Review 89, no. 2 (1999): 306.
28 This section draws on field work in the Pearl River
Delta’s Factory Territory in Shajing in June, August
and December 2005, and June 2006. See Adrian
Blackwell, ‘Territory = Factory’, Architecture and
Ideas VI, no.1-2 (2007): 50-67; Adrian Blackwell and
Xu Jian, ‘New village = cellular structure of the fac-
tory territory’, Urban China 12 (August, 2006): 88-93.
29 David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 136.
30 Chris Smith and Pun Ngai, ‘The Dormitory
Labour Regime in China as a Site for Control
and Resistance’, International Journal of Human
Resource Management 17, no. 8 (2006), 1456–1470.
31 This section relies on fieldwork with Xu Jian
in Hangzhou and Wuxi in May and June 2007.
32 Friedman, ibid. note 1, 35.
33 Daniel Buck, ‘The Subsumption of Space and the
Spatiality of Subsumption: Primitive Accumulation
and the Transition to Capitalism in Shanghai, China’,
Antipode 39, no. 4 (September 2007): 762-764.
34 Ibid., 762-764.
35 Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 1 (London: Penguin Classics,
New Left Review, 1990), 1019-1023.
36 Buck, ibid. note 33, 762-764.
37 Ibid., 764-769. See also Marx, ibid. note 35,
1023-1025.
38 Peter Kropotkin, Field, Factories and Workshops
(Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1994); Ebenezer
Howard, Garden Cities of ToMorrow (Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press, 1965).
39 This section relies on field research conducted
with my students at the University of Toronto and
B.A.S.E. (Beijing Architecture Studio Enterprise) in
collaboration with students at Tsing Hua University’s
Department of Literature and Professor Meng Yue
Tsing Hua / UofT, in May and June 2007.
40 Lu Xiang, ‘Beijing: Post-Big-Yuan City’, Urban China
3 (2005): 58-63; Michel Foucault, ‘Of Other Spaces’,
in PoliticsPoetics: Documenta X, the Book (Kassel:
Cantz Verlag, 1997), 262-272.
Dor
mito
ry v
illag
e H
ybrid
com
mer
cial
Bui
ldin
gV
illag
e ap
artm
ent b
uild
ing
Farm
hous
eFa
ctor
y
Dor
mito
ry
Typi
cal U
rban
com
posi
tion
in th
e B
ao’a
n Fa
ctor
y Te
rrito
ryB
uild
ing
typo
logi
es th
at c
ombi
ne to
form
the
fact
ory
terr
itory
Bu
ildin
g ty
po
log
ies
that
co
mb
ine
to f
orm
th
e Fa
cto
ry T
erri
tory
110
111
Les
Olym
piad
espa
ris
A m
od
ern
ist h
ou
sin
g co
mp
lex
in t
he
14th
arr
on
dis
sem
ent,
inau
gu
rate
d in
19
72, t
hat
has
bec
om
e o
ne
of t
he
larg
est A
sian
qu
arte
rs in
Par
is, 2
005
112
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
113
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
ayreen anastas and rene gabri
pM
/HM
: Yo
ur p
roje
ct C
amp
Cam
pai
gn
in
clu
des
a c
arto
gra
phy
ou
tlin
ing
your
tr
ip th
rou
gh
the
Un
ited
Sta
tes
and
hi
gh
ligh
ting
par
ticu
lar
cam
p si
tes,
b
ut a
lso
rep
rese
ntin
g d
ialo
gu
es a
nd
m
eetin
gs,
en
coun
ters
that
yo
u h
ad
dur
ing
this
jour
ney
. Ho
w d
id y
ou
bri
ng
to
get
her
su
ch a
par
ticu
lar
inst
rum
ent
wit
h fu
nd
amen
tal p
olit
ical
issu
es a
nd
ex
pre
ssio
ns
of p
erso
nal
exp
erie
nce
in
an a
rt p
roje
ct?
ayr
een
an
asta
s: T
he
pro
ject
is c
alle
d
Cam
p C
amp
aig
n; t
he
exhi
bit
ion
take
s it
s n
ame
fro
m a
scr
ipt w
hich
we
had
pre
par
ed fo
r it
: Pro
ject
Fo
r A
n
Inh
ibiti
on
in N
ew Y
ork
or
Ho
w T
o A
rres
t A
Hu
rric
ane.
Th
e ex
hib
itio
n is
on
e co
m-
po
nen
t; o
ur p
rep
arat
ory
res
earc
h an
d
conv
ersa
tion
s, th
e tr
ip, a
nd
the
map
w
ere
oth
er e
lem
ents
of t
he
pro
ject
. T
hey
all
rela
te to
eac
h o
ther
, bu
t eve
ry
ph
ase
con
fro
nte
d it
s o
wn
par
ticu
lar
set
of q
ues
tion
s.
We
star
ted
by
aski
ng
our
selv
es w
hat
w
as a
top
ic w
hich
we
felt
was
cri
tica
l an
d n
eed
ed to
be
add
ress
ed to
day
. T
his
led
us
to th
ink
abo
ut w
hat
was
h
app
enin
g in
Gu
antá
nam
o an
d m
ade
us
wan
t to
con
nec
t it t
o ev
eryd
ay
ph
eno
men
a lik
e w
hat
we
had
see
n in
our
vis
its
to E
ast B
altim
ore
or
even
the
situ
atio
n in
Pal
estin
e. W
e fo
rmul
ated
th
e fo
llow
ing
qu
estio
n to
hel
p g
ive
u
s so
me
ori
enta
tion
: Ho
w is
it th
at a
ca
mp
like
Gu
antá
nam
o B
ay c
an e
xist
in
our
tim
e?
Her
e w
e ar
e n
ot n
eces
sari
ly lo
oki
ng
fo
r a
stra
igh
t an
swer
. Mo
re, w
e w
oul
d
like
to o
pen
up
a d
iscu
ssio
n an
d th
ink
abo
ut i
t our
selv
es a
lon
gsi
de
oth
ers,
by
intr
od
uci
ng
anal
og
ies,
par
alle
ls, a
nd
re
trie
vin
g hi
sto
ries
.
ren
e g
abri
: Th
e d
rive
acr
oss
th
e U
S
was
itse
lf a
kin
d o
f p
oet
ic o
per
a-ti
on
, sin
ce it
tra
cked
a w
ord
(ca
mp
) an
d a
set
of
rela
ted
idea
s th
rou
gh
g
eog
rap
hic
al s
pac
e. It
co
mb
ined
ver
y d
iffe
ren
t co
nte
xts
, his
tori
cal p
erio
ds
and
cir
cum
stan
ces
wit
h o
ne
ano
ther
, so
met
imes
un
easy
ass
oci
atio
ns
wer
e m
ade.
We
also
gav
e ta
lks
and
p
rese
nta
tio
ns
alo
ng
th
e w
ay, w
hic
h
chal
len
ged
th
e p
arti
cip
ants
no
t to
is
ola
te t
ho
se c
amp
s in
Gu
antá
nam
o,
bu
t to
see
th
at it
is o
ne
pie
ce o
f a
mu
ch la
rger
an
d p
rob
lem
atic
pu
zzle
, h
isto
ry, s
itu
atio
n. S
ince
we
was
a
cam
pai
gn
, we
also
co
mb
ined
dif
fer-
ent
mo
des
of
rep
rese
nta
tio
n, d
iffe
ren
t m
od
es o
f ad
dre
ss t
o t
he
pu
blic
.
ayr
een
an
asta
s: T
he
map
init
ially
was
n
ot m
ean
t to
be
a p
ub
lic d
ocu
men
t; it
star
ted
inst
ead
as a
pra
ctic
al d
evic
e to
h
elp
us
ori
ent o
urse
lves
, bu
t mo
stly
ch
oo
se a
ro
ute
that
wo
uld
mak
e m
ost
se
nse
for
our
pro
ject
an
d se
arch
. W
e kn
ew w
e w
ante
d to
mee
t cer
tain
p
eop
le o
r to
vis
it sp
ecifi
c p
lace
s/co
m-
mun
itie
s. W
e n
eed
ed to
map
tho
se o
ut
to s
ee w
her
e th
ey w
ere
loca
ted
and
h
ow
we
can
mak
e th
e m
ost
ou
t of a
lin
e o
f mov
emen
t thr
ou
gh
the
US
; th
at
bec
ame
our
trip
. Th
e m
ap g
ain
ed m
ore
an
d m
ore
laye
rs o
f in
form
atio
n as
we
pro
ceed
ed w
ith
the
pro
ject
.
We
star
ted
wit
h a
line
dra
win
g o
f th
e U
S m
ap th
at w
e tr
aced
our
selv
es.
We
over
lap
ped
sev
eral
info
rmat
ion
laye
rs a
nd
map
s o
n to
p, s
uch
as
Nat
ive
Am
eric
an la
nd
s an
d re
serv
atio
ns,
in
tern
men
t cam
ps,
rel
oca
tion
cen
tres
an
d ci
tizen
iso
latio
n ca
mp
s fr
om
Wo
rld
W
ar II
, bo
ot a
nd
mili
tary
cam
ps,
form
er
PO
W c
amp
s, p
riso
ns
and
det
entio
n
cen
tres
. We
also
map
ped
cit
ies
and
p
eop
le w
e w
ante
d to
vis
it.
We
crea
ted
a le
gen
d th
at c
on
tain
ed th
e sy
mb
ols
to in
dic
ate
each
of t
he
abov
e.
An
d th
ese
sym
bo
ls w
ere
dis
trib
ute
d al
l ov
er th
e m
ap. S
o th
at th
e m
ap g
ain
ed
den
sity
fro
m w
hich
our
ro
ute
defi
ned
it
self
or
crys
talli
zed
.
For
exam
ple
, Bal
timo
re is
on
e su
ch
den
sity
on
the
map
. We
had
sp
ent
a m
on
th th
ere
bef
ore
sta
rtin
g th
e
tour
, wh
ere
we
met
a lo
t of i
nte
rest
ing
p
eop
le. O
ur q
ues
tion
was
als
o in
vest
i-g
ated
in B
altim
ore
as
a ci
ty a
nd
in h
ow
ur
ban
pla
nn
ing
can
crea
te a
sit
uat
ion
si
mila
r to
a c
amp,
esp
ecia
lly fo
r th
e A
fric
an-A
mer
ican
co
mm
unit
y, w
hich
h
as b
eco
me
an u
nw
ante
d ‘p
op
ulat
ion
’ o
r d
emo
gra
phi
c fo
r d
evel
op
ing
and
se
llin
g p
rop
ertie
s in
the
on
ce n
eg-
lect
ed p
arts
of t
he
city
.
We
too
k th
e sa
me
qu
esti
on
wit
h u
s
to P
ales
tine
wh
en w
e w
ent t
her
e ea
rly
last
yea
r, in
Mar
ch. A
ll P
ales
tine
can
be
seen
as
a ca
mp,
yet
we
wer
e lo
oki
ng
at
mo
re s
pec
ific
situ
atio
ns
ther
e an
d
tryi
ng
to r
eco
rd a
nd
con
nec
t th
em.
On
e in
vest
igat
ion
for
exam
ple
co
nce
rns
urb
an p
lan
nin
g in
the
city
o
f Ram
lah
and
Lyd
d an
d h
ow
it is
u
sed
ther
e to
exc
lud
e an
d su
ffo
cate
an
y p
oss
ibili
ty o
f gro
wth
for
the
Pale
stin
ian
com
mun
ity
wit
hin
Isra
el in
the
so-c
alle
d m
ixed
cit
ies
(no
n-J
ewis
h
Pale
stin
ian
s an
d Je
wis
h ci
tizen
s o
f Is
rael
). L
ydd
and
Ram
lah
are
such
m
ixed
cit
ies,
an
d th
e au
tho
ritie
s an
d
pla
nn
ers
are
alw
ays
con
cern
ed to
ke
ep th
e ra
tio o
f 80
per
cen
t Jew
s to
20
per
cen
t Pal
estin
ian
s th
ere.
Th
ose
Pa
lest
inia
ns
do
no
t hav
e th
e sa
me
sta-
tus
as th
e Pa
lest
inia
ns
in th
e o
ccu
pie
d
terr
ito
ries
; th
ey a
re s
up
po
sed
ly c
itiz
ens
of t
he
stat
e o
f Isr
ael.
An
oth
er in
vest
igat
ion
con
cern
s th
e un
reco
gn
ized
vill
ages
of t
he
Bed
ou
ins
in A
l-N
aqab
in th
e so
uth
of I
srae
l. T
her
e w
e m
et w
ith
a g
eog
rap
her
an
d
a co
mm
unit
y o
rgan
izer
wh
o ex
pla
ined
to
us
thei
r si
tuat
ion
. Th
e vi
llag
es a
re
dec
lare
d ‘il
leg
al’ b
ecau
se th
ey a
re
und
esir
ed p
eop
le li
vin
g o
n d
esir
able
la
nd
. Th
e st
ate
of I
srae
l wo
uld
like
to
con
cen
trat
e th
ose
Bed
ou
ins
in h
ou
sin
g
pro
ject
s an
d co
ncr
ete
bu
ildin
gs,
whi
ch
do
es n
ot m
atch
thei
r w
ay o
f lif
e.
ren
e g
abri
: So
our
‘po
etic
op
erat
ion
’ al
so h
ad v
ery
stro
ng
po
litic
al im
plic
a-tio
ns.
Of c
our
se, e
ach
of t
hes
e p
he-
no
men
a h
ave
thei
r o
wn
hist
ori
es a
nd
sp
ecifi
c q
ues
tion
s at
tach
ed, b
ut w
e fe
lt
it w
as a
lso
nec
essa
ry to
beg
in to
see
w
hat
they
had
in c
om
mo
n. I
f we
con
-tin
ue
to is
ola
te s
uch
ph
eno
men
a, w
e ri
sk is
ola
ting
our
res
ista
nce
to th
em.
Inte
rnm
ent C
amp
Mu
seu
m, T
ule
Lak
e, C
alif
orn
ia, 2
006
Mem
ori
al f
or
May
4 M
assa
cre
Ken
t Sta
te U
niv
ersi
ty, O
hio
, 200
6N
RA
Sh
oo
tin
g C
om
pet
itio
n, C
amp
Per
ry, O
hio
, 200
6
WW
II E
ra M
un
itio
ns
Pla
nt
Cra
b O
rch
ard
Nat
ion
al W
ildlif
e R
efu
ge,
Illin
ois
, 200
6Fo
rmer
PO
W C
amp
, Cam
p P
erry
, Oh
io, 2
006
Ford
Pla
nt,
Det
roit
, Mic
hig
an, 2
006
114
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
115
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
pM
/HM
: Wh
at a
re th
e un
der
curr
ents
th
at c
on
nec
t su
ch d
iffe
ren
t geo
-g
rap
hies
an
d h
ow
can
on
e o
pen
up
o
ne’
s p
erso
nal
pra
ctic
e to
en
gag
e
wit
h al
l th
ese
dif
fere
nt i
ssu
es a
risi
ng
fr
om
tran
slo
cal r
up
ture
s?
ayr
een
an
asta
s: W
hat
we
hav
e h
ere
are
som
e ki
nd
of g
lass
es th
at w
e se
e th
e w
orl
d w
ith
. Th
ey a
re a
nal
ytic
al
gla
sses
, filt
ers
of t
hes
e re
alit
ies.
On
e b
asic
qu
estio
n fo
r ex
amp
le th
at w
e
see
rele
van
t, is
ho
w th
e ec
on
om
ic d
y-n
amic
s cr
eate
d b
y n
eolib
eral
po
licie
s co
mb
ine
wit
h th
e o
ften
rac
ist p
olic
ies
whi
ch u
nd
erlie
man
y o
f th
e si
tuat
ion
s w
e w
ere
exp
lori
ng
. In
oth
er w
ord
s, w
hat
mo
tiva
tes
us
is
wh
at m
atte
rs to
us,
an
d th
e q
ues
-tio
n th
at r
emai
ns
is h
ow
can
we
do
so
met
hin
g ab
ou
t it,
no
mat
ter
wh
ere
we
find
our
selv
es. T
he
situ
atio
n m
ay
dif
fer,
yet h
avin
g th
is k
ind
of a
nal
ysis
or
gla
sses
is h
elp
ful.
Oth
erw
ise
on
e is
n
ot g
roun
ded
in a
way
, an
d m
ay lo
se
ori
enta
tion
.
We
are
able
to b
uild
lin
es o
f co
n-
nec
tion
s to
man
y is
sues
, peo
ple
an
d cl
asse
s re
gar
dle
ss o
f th
e g
eo-
gra
phi
c lo
catio
n. I
n ad
dit
ion
, th
ere
is
als
o p
erso
nal
exp
erie
nce
that
ad
ds
an a
ffin
ity
to o
ne
case
or
ano
ther
.
ren
e g
abri
: I w
oul
d ju
st a
dd
that
th
ere
hav
e b
een
thin
kers
alo
ng
the
way
, wh
ose
wo
rk h
as b
een
abso
-lu
tely
cri
tica
l to
us
(Cla
stre
s, C
elan
, B
enja
min
, Kaf
ka, B
utl
er, A
gam
ben
, H
olm
es, H
arve
y, R
anci
ère)
. If y
ou
loo
k fo
r in
stan
ce a
t th
e an
alys
is o
ffer
ed b
y G
iorg
io A
gam
ben
in h
is b
oo
ks H
om
o
Sac
er o
r S
tate
of E
xcep
tion
, th
ey a
re e
s-se
ntia
l for
off
erin
g th
ese
filte
rs A
yree
n
is m
entio
nin
g. B
ut a
t th
e sa
me
time,
fo
r A
gam
ben
’s o
wn
crit
iqu
e to
hav
e so
me
valu
e o
r va
lidit
y, it
nee
ds
to b
e in
terr
oga
ted
furt
her
, it n
eed
s to
be
use
d
(no
t ju
st d
emon
stra
ted
), e
xplo
red
in
spec
ific
con
text
s, c
onfr
onte
d w
ith
oth
er
crit
iqu
es, o
ther
len
ses,
oth
er h
isto
ries
. I t
hin
k an
oth
er q
ues
tion
whi
ch in
form
s a
lot o
f our
co
llab
orat
ive
wor
k is
how
to
con
nec
t cri
tiqu
es, i
dea
s or
tho
ugh
ts
to o
ur o
wn
pra
ctic
e, to
our
wor
k, to
o
ur p
olit
ics,
our
eve
ryd
ay li
fe. B
ecau
se
som
etim
es, p
hilo
sop
hica
l or
anal
ytic
al
insi
ghts
are
ab
use
d, in
stea
d o
f hel
pin
g
us
und
erst
and
thin
gs,
they
are
use
d as
a
cru
tch
or e
ven
wor
se, a
bar
rier
.
pM
/HM
: Wh
at im
po
rtan
ce d
oes
a
net
wo
rk w
hich
is h
eld
up
by
a m
utu
al
ho
rizo
n, l
ike
the
16 B
eave
r g
rou
p in
N
ew Y
ork
, hav
e in
su
ch a
co
nte
xt?
H
ow
do
es a
sen
se o
f co
mm
unal
ity
dev
elo
p al
on
g th
e n
eed
for
con
tinu
-o
us
chan
ge
and
tran
sfo
rmat
ion
in
resp
on
se to
dif
fere
nt s
itu
atio
ns?
ayr
een
an
asta
s: In
form
al a
nd
ligh
t.
We
mee
t reg
ular
ly a
nd
it is
par
t of o
ur
ever
yday
life
. We
do
no
t nee
d fu
nd
ers
or
bo
ard
mem
ber
s to
ap
pro
ve o
ur
pro
gra
mm
es. A
nd
if so
met
hin
g co
mes
u
p th
at is
of i
nte
rest
to u
s, o
r n
eed
s to
b
e ad
dre
ssed
, we
org
aniz
e so
met
hin
g
in r
elat
ion
.
ren
e g
abri
: Our
inte
llect
ual
exc
han
ge
is a
lway
s b
ein
g fil
tere
d th
rou
gh
rig
id
inst
itu
tion
s an
d ve
ry d
irec
ted
situ
a-tio
ns,
fro
m u
niv
ersi
ties
and
mu
seu
ms
to b
illio
n-d
olla
r w
ebsi
tes.
We,
in tu
rn,
are
each
ask
ed to
be
smal
l co
rpo
ra-
tion
s, c
om
pet
ing
wit
h o
ne
ano
ther
, n
om
inat
ed, r
anke
d, s
pec
ializ
ed,
gai
nin
g in
val
ue
and
jun
k lik
e th
is.
Thi
s is
dea
dly
for
tho
ug
ht a
nd
for
life.
S
o ye
s, n
etw
ork
s lik
e 16
Bea
ver
(an
d
ther
e ar
e m
any)
hel
p es
tab
lish
grou
nds
for
a g
ener
al in
telle
ct, f
or
shar
ing
q
ues
tion
s an
d th
ou
gh
t. M
any
of o
ur
larg
est p
rob
lem
s ar
e co
mm
on
: th
ey
are
eco
no
mic
qu
estio
ns
of s
ust
e-n
ance
; th
ey a
re q
ues
tion
s o
f hea
lth,
o
f our
cap
acit
y to
att
ain
a vo
ice,
to b
e in
volv
ed in
a c
onv
ersa
tion
abo
ut h
ow
to
org
aniz
e so
ciet
y, o
ur c
apac
ity
to
thin
k an
d sh
are
idea
s, to
be
crea
tive
, to
co
ntr
ibu
te to
a g
ener
al in
telle
ct, t
o
con
sid
er th
e ec
olo
gic
al im
plic
atio
ns
of o
ur a
ctio
ns,
to s
eek
soci
al ju
stic
e, to
cr
itiq
ue
or
resi
st d
om
inat
ion
if n
eces
-sa
ry...
Of c
our
se, t
her
e ar
e d
iffe
ren
t
Fear
is S
om
eho
w O
ur
For
Wh
om
? Fo
r W
hat
? an
d P
roxi
mit
y to
Eve
ryth
ing
Far
Aw
ayA
yree
n A
nas
tas
and
Ren
e G
abri
Cam
p C
amp
aig
n, a
jou
rney
th
rou
gh
sele
cted
loca
tio
ns
in
the
Un
ited
Sta
tes
exp
lori
ng
a ra
ng
e o
f per
spec
tive
s o
n
the
no
tio
ns
of c
amp
and
spec
ifica
lly G
uan
tán
amo
Bay
S
um
mer
200
6
116
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
117
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
if yo
u n
eed
to m
ove,
yo
u n
eed
to
thin
k o
f a tr
ick.
To
over
com
e th
e ‘f
orm
alit
ies’
of t
he
occ
up
ier
and
the
stat
e m
achi
ne.
Th
ese
‘fo
rmal
itie
s’ a
re
mo
re o
f bur
eau
crac
ies
that
hin
der
the
life
and
mov
emen
t of t
he
Pale
stin
ian
s.
So
you
nee
d a
per
mit
to m
ove
fro
m
your
bat
hro
om
to y
our
livi
ng
roo
m.
Poo
r p
eop
le h
ave
a h
ard
er ti
me
cir-
cum
ven
ting
thes
e fo
rmal
itie
s.
To g
o b
ack
to 1
6 B
eave
r, o
ne
imp
ort
ant
po
int a
bo
ut i
nfo
rmal
ity
is to
kn
ow
that
w
e d
o h
ave
agen
cy, a
nd
that
we
can
ov
erco
me
the
soci
al c
hec
kpo
ints
an
d
bar
rier
s, w
het
her
rea
l or
imag
ined
. W
e ca
n co
nn
ect t
o o
ther
s, t
alk
and
o
rgan
ize
wit
h th
em, c
olle
ctiv
ely
be-
com
ing
a fo
rce
that
is h
ard
er to
bre
ak.
infr
astr
uct
ures
whi
ch s
up
po
rt th
is t
ype
of c
olle
ctiv
e th
ou
gh
t, ex
chan
ge
and
ac
tivi
ty; b
ut s
om
e ar
e un
fort
unat
ely
term
inal
, to
o hi
erar
chic
al, t
oo
clo
sely
asso
ciat
ed to
, fun
ded
by,
or
even
ser
ve
the
very
inst
itu
tion
s w
hich
are
par
t o
f th
e p
rob
lem
. Mo
des
t in
itia
tive
s,
like
16 B
eave
r ca
n ke
ep th
ing
s ch
eap,
p
lau
sib
le, a
nd
self-
sust
ain
ing
. Our
trip
ac
ross
the
US
allo
wed
us
to a
lso
con
-n
ect t
o o
ther
init
iati
ves
or
ind
ivid
ual
s in
volv
ed in
sim
ilar
effo
rts.
If w
e ar
e b
uild
ing
thes
e n
etw
ork
s p
aral
lel t
o th
e d
om
inan
t on
es, w
e al
so n
eed
to g
ive
time
to th
em, m
ake
use
of t
hem
. We
do
n
ot
nee
d t
o a
ban
do
n t
he
un
iver
siti
es
or
mu
seu
ms;
we
just
can
no
t le
t th
em
dic
tate
wh
at c
ou
nts
or
wh
at m
atte
rs.
pM
/HM
: In
form
alit
y su
pp
ort
s a
mo
de
of s
urvi
val o
n th
e o
ne
han
d, a
nd
pro
-vi
des
the
gro
und
on
whi
ch n
etw
ork
ed
pra
ctic
es g
row
an
d th
rive
on
the
oth
er h
and
. Der
egul
atio
n as
the
mai
n
char
acte
rist
ic o
f new
form
s o
f sp
atia
l d
istr
ibu
tion
is th
us
a ve
ry a
mb
ival
ent
ph
eno
men
on
. Ho
w c
an o
ne
inh
abit
su
ch a
sit
uat
ion?
ren
e g
abri
: Fo
r m
e, in
form
alit
y an
d
der
egul
atio
n ar
e hi
gh
ly a
mb
igu
ou
s te
rms
tod
ay. F
und
amen
tally
, we
are
bei
ng
aske
d to
mak
e a
fals
e ch
oic
e.
Th
e so
-cal
led
free
mar
ket h
as b
een
as
soci
ated
wit
h h
ori
zon
talit
y, d
ereg
u-
latio
n an
d in
form
alit
y. O
n th
e o
ther
h
and
, th
e st
atis
t mo
del
s o
f lef
tist
po
l-it
ics
hav
e b
een
crit
iqu
ed a
s b
ein
g ri
gid
, ce
ntr
aliz
ed, o
verl
y re
gul
ated
etc
... B
ut
as w
e ex
per
ien
ce c
apit
alis
m, w
e kn
ow
it
to b
e an
ythi
ng
bu
t a fr
ee m
arke
t,
anyt
hin
g b
ut d
ereg
ulat
ed, a
nyth
ing
b
ut h
ori
zon
tal.
It is
hig
hly
reg
ulat
ed,
wit
h it
s re
gim
es o
f pro
per
ty, b
ord
ers,
co
pyr
igh
ts, t
rad
emar
ks, a
nd
pat
ents
. T
he
sam
e n
eolib
eral
ag
end
a w
hich
se
ems
to u
nd
erw
rite
‘glo
bal
izat
ion
’ is
also
res
po
nsi
ble
for
the
mo
st m
assi
ve
dis
po
sses
sio
n o
f th
e co
mm
on
s (i
.e.
pri
vatiz
atio
n) a
nd
des
tru
ctio
n o
f in
for-
mal
or
coo
per
ativ
e sp
aces
/eco
no
mie
s.
So,
the
lan
gu
age
we
emp
loy
in th
ese
con
text
s is
rid
dle
d w
ith
ideo
log
ical
ve
ils a
nd
mis
no
mer
s.
I wo
uld
pre
fer
no
t to
see
a sp
ace
like
16 B
eave
r in
co
nju
nct
ion
wit
h ‘d
e- re
gul
atio
n’.
I wo
uld
rath
er s
ee it
in a
lo
ng
line
of a
ttem
pts
his
tori
cally
at
vari
ou
s le
vels
of s
oci
ety
to o
rgan
ize
infr
astr
uct
ures
whi
ch tr
y to
re-
dis
trib
-u
te p
ow
er b
ack
to p
eop
le –
init
iati
ves
whi
ch r
esis
t hig
hly
cen
tral
ized
an
d
con
tro
lled
spac
es o
f exc
han
ge
and
dis
cour
se. T
he
rig
id a
nd
hier
arch
ical
sp
aces
hav
e hi
sto
rica
lly e
mer
ged
fro
m
bo
th r
igh
t an
d le
ft, t
hey
hav
e d
iffe
ren
t o
rig
ins,
nam
es a
ttac
hed
, bu
t th
e ef
fect
h
as b
een
the
sam
e, to
co
nce
ntr
ate
po
wer
an
d w
ealt
h.
Wh
at is
the
mo
st im
po
rtan
t thi
ng
to
salv
age
fro
m a
left
ist p
olit
ics
is n
ot
that
sta
tist
leg
acy,
bu
t its
insi
sten
ce o
n
mai
nta
inin
g a
com
mo
ns,
its
insi
sten
ce
to r
eco
nsi
der
an
d re
defi
ne
the
po
litic
al
com
mun
ity,
its
abili
ty to
win
bas
ic
rig
hts
for
each
an
d ev
ery
ind
ivid
ual
(h
ealt
h ca
re, e
du
catio
n, a
pla
ce to
live
, et
c.) a
nd
its
abili
ty to
co
nn
ect l
oca
l an
d
mo
re g
lob
al c
on
cern
s.
ayr
een
an
asta
s: W
ell,
a g
oo
d w
ay
for
me
to a
dd
ress
this
qu
estio
n
is b
y co
nsi
der
ing
the
Pale
stin
ian
co
nte
xt. A
uth
ori
ty c
oun
ts o
n fo
rmal
-it
y o
r a
sem
bla
nce
of i
t. F
or
me,
as
a Pa
lest
inia
n, a
uth
ori
ty h
as a
lway
s b
een
b
ad a
uth
ori
ty, i
t to
ok
me
a lo
ng
time
to
und
erst
and
wh
at p
eop
le w
ere
talk
ing
ab
ou
t in
Ger
man
y o
r h
ere
in th
e U
nit
ed
Sta
tes.
I st
ill m
ay n
ot u
nd
erst
and
it
fran
kly,
the
nat
ion
-sta
tes
and
thei
r g
over
nm
ents
leg
itim
ized
by
this
thin
g
calle
d d
emo
crac
y.
A P
ales
tinia
n, s
till t
od
ay, h
as to
live
w
ith
tric
ks in
ord
er to
sur
vive
, th
e tr
icks
o
f th
e w
eak,
bec
ause
geo
gra
phi
cally
,
Bu
rial
Sit
e, T
rail
of T
ears
, Illi
no
is, 2
006
Sh
osh
on
e N
atio
nal
Par
k, W
yom
ing
, 200
6
Co
nte
mp
ora
ry P
riva
te O
rdn
ance
Pla
nt
Cra
b O
rch
ard
Nat
ion
al W
ildlif
e R
efu
ge,
Illin
ois
, 200
6
Mig
ran
t Wo
rker
Cam
p, n
ear
Cai
ro, I
llin
ois
, 200
6
118
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
119
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
I bel
ieve
in th
e ca
pac
ity
of t
erm
ino
log
y to
bec
om
e se
lf-fu
lfilli
ng
. So
the
wo
rd
‘net
wo
rk’ i
s p
rob
ably
rig
ht f
or
a ce
rtai
n
mo
de,
a c
erta
in fo
rm o
f in
tera
ctio
n,
and
at a
no
ther
leve
l it p
rod
uce
s th
e re
alit
y it
nam
es. B
ut i
t do
esn
’t su
m u
p
the
entir
e sp
ecifi
city
an
d co
mp
lexi
ty
of o
ur o
per
atio
n –
in fa
ct, i
t may
eve
n
op
erat
e ag
ain
st it
. A n
etw
ork
defi
nes
a
nu
mb
er o
f fo
rms
of s
oci
al r
elat
ion
s th
at a
re c
on
stan
tly
in fo
rmat
ion
. Yet
I d
on
’t th
ink
our
mee
ting
s ca
n b
e un
der
-st
oo
d o
nly
in te
rms
of a
net
wo
rk. Y
es,
we’
re c
on
nec
ted
to v
ario
us
dif
fere
nt
pra
ctic
es, b
ut t
her
e’s
also
an
atte
mp
t to
cre
ate
a zo
ne,
may
be
a ki
nd
of f
ree
zon
e, a
pla
ce o
f a li
ttle
cal
m a
nd
refl
ec-
tion
in a
ll th
is h
ust
le a
nd
littl
e re
flec
ted
ac
tio
n. A
ctu
ally
, we
stri
ve s
imu
ltan
-eo
usl
y to
mak
e an
d b
reak
co
nn
ectio
ns,
to
en
han
ce o
ur c
reat
ivit
y b
y jo
inin
g
inte
rnal
inte
ract
ion
, whi
lst c
utt
ing
aw
ay, t
emp
ora
rily
, th
e o
uts
ide.
pM
/HM
: Net
wo
rks
oft
en e
mer
ge
in
situ
atio
ns
of s
pat
ial c
on
test
atio
n. I
n
wh
at w
ay is
yo
ur r
esea
rch
com
mit
ted
to
thes
e sc
enes
an
d si
tes
of c
on
flict
?
Eya
l wei
zman
: I th
ink
wh
at c
on
nec
ts
the
vari
ou
s to
pic
s –
and
agai
n so
me
o
f th
em m
igh
t ap
pea
r to
yo
u m
uch
m
ore
imm
edia
tely
po
litic
al a
nd
per
-h
aps
mo
re ‘c
om
bat
ive’
than
oth
ers
–
is th
at th
ere’
s a
com
mit
men
t to
und
er-
stan
d fo
rms
of t
heo
ry a
nd
rese
arch
as
po
litic
al a
cts
and
way
s o
f sp
ace-
mak
ing
in th
eir
ow
n ri
gh
t. Z
on
es o
f co
nfli
ct e
nab
le fo
rmat
ive
forc
es to
re
veal
them
selv
es c
lear
ly; c
on
flict
mo
bili
zes
form
. In
this
sen
se, c
on
flict
is
imp
ort
ant t
o u
s, th
ou
gh
no
t as
fet-
ishi
zatio
n o
f its
ico
no
gra
phy
an
d ri
gh
t-eo
usn
ess,
bu
t as
som
ethi
ng
that
form
s
and
allo
ws
us
bo
th t
o o
rgan
ize
and
m
ob
ilize
kn
ow
led
ge
and
co
nn
ecti
on
s.A
s I’v
e sa
id, m
y o
wn
pro
ject
is n
ot,
h
ow
ever
, mer
ely
a re
mn
ant o
f thi
s p
roce
ss. I
t’s
a re
-art
icul
atio
n o
f em
ptie
d n
etw
ork
s th
at h
ave
no
w
take
n o
n d
iffe
ren
t co
nte
nt.
Rat
her
th
an d
iscu
ssin
g o
ur s
oci
al r
elat
ion
s,
we
just
pra
ctis
e th
em. I
n o
ther
wo
rds,
ra
ther
than
feti
shiz
ing
the
rela
tion
it
self,
we
just
go
on
do
ing
wh
at
faci
litat
es o
ur w
ork
. As
we
tack
le
pro
ble
ms,
we
try
to e
volv
e m
atte
rs
usi
ng
wh
atev
er m
ean
s ap
pea
rs m
ore
ef
fici
ent.
So
ultim
atel
y, if
ther
e ar
e n
ew
inn
ovat
ive
form
s o
f so
cial
en
gag
emen
t an
d th
ey a
re e
xact
ly w
hat
we
nee
d at
a
giv
en m
om
ent,
we
refl
ect a
nd
dec
ide
wh
eth
er w
e w
ant t
o in
corp
ora
te th
em
or
no
t. T
hat
’s w
hat
inte
rest
s m
e: h
ow
th
e o
utli
ne
of r
elat
ion
s ca
n le
ad to
the
top
ic th
at s
ust
ain
s th
em, a
nd
ho
w w
e m
igh
t res
olv
e p
rob
lem
s an
d im
pas
ses
in r
esea
rch
.
pM
/HM
: A c
om
mo
n as
sum
ptio
n ab
ou
t kn
ow
led
ge
is th
at y
ou
nee
d to
lear
n
ever
ythi
ng
first
in o
rder
to a
ct o
ut t
he
kno
wle
dg
e yo
u’v
e g
ain
ed. T
his
crea
tes
a st
ran
ge
mo
del
of t
ran
sfo
rmat
ion
w
her
e n
ew p
oss
ibili
ties
are
alw
ays
linke
d b
ack
to th
e ex
istin
g ar
chiv
e.
Ho
w c
an d
iffe
ren
t fo
rms
of k
no
wle
dg
e b
e p
rod
uce
d o
uts
ide
of t
his
epis
tem
o-
log
ical
reg
ime?
Eya
l wei
zman
: At t
he
Cen
tre
for
Res
earc
h A
rchi
tect
ure,
we
use
pra
ctic
e to
ind
uce
new
kn
ow
led
ge
to r
evea
l it
self
or,
in fa
ct, t
o cr
eate
it, w
hich
m
ean
s p
ract
ice
in th
e fi
eld
is w
hat
p
rovo
kes
the
sub
ject
of r
esea
rch
and
an
alys
is to
em
erg
e. W
e d
on
’t b
elie
ve
you
’ll g
et v
ery
far
if yo
u tr
y to
res
earc
h
– le
t’s
say
urb
an p
olit
ics
in a
par
ticu
lar
city
or
a zo
ne
of c
on
flict
or
even
the
cult
ural
sp
her
e o
f var
iou
s g
rou
ps
and
stru
ctur
es –
by
mea
suri
ng
and
an
alys
ing
real
ity.
In fa
ct, i
t’s
by
mak
ing
p
rovo
cati
ve in
terv
entio
ns
and
con
-fr
on
ting
the
syst
em, r
ath
er th
an p
as-
sive
ly r
esea
rchi
ng
it, t
hat
we
bel
ieve
a
syst
em w
ill r
evea
l its
elf t
o u
s in
on
e o
f it
s va
rio
us
man
ifes
tatio
ns.
Thi
s ki
nd
of ‘
pro
voca
tive
res
earc
h’
or
‘act
ion
rese
arch
’ has
its
roo
ts,
stra
ng
ely
eno
ug
h, in
the
op
erat
ion
al
pM
/HM
: In
rece
nt y
ears
yo
u’v
e d
evel
op
ed a
mul
tifa
cete
d ar
chit
ectu
ral
pra
ctic
e th
at h
as in
volv
ed b
uild
ing
s an
d st
age
sets
, as
wel
l as
wo
rked
wit
h
a va
riet
y o
f NG
Os
and
hu
man
-rig
hts
g
rou
ps
in Is
rael
/Pal
estin
e an
d ru
n th
e C
entr
e fo
r R
esea
rch
Arc
hite
ctur
e in
Lo
nd
on
. If w
e un
der
stan
d it
rig
ht,
this
ap
pro
ach
has
less
to d
o w
ith
dis
soci
-at
ing
your
self
fro
m m
ore
trad
itio
nal
fo
rms
of a
rchi
tect
ural
pra
ctic
e th
an
wit
h m
ultip
lyin
g en
tan
gle
men
ts o
n
vari
ou
s le
vels
.
Eya
l wei
zman
: Yes
, to
use
the
term
yo
u’v
e ju
st in
tro
du
ced
, I’v
e so
ug
ht
to e
nta
ng
le o
r im
mer
se m
y w
ork
, m
ysel
f, in
var
iou
s fr
amew
ork
s an
d
med
ia s
imul
tan
eou
sly.
Thi
s fo
rm o
f p
ract
ice
seek
s to
ext
end
rath
er th
an
qu
estio
n th
e ro
le o
f th
e ar
chit
ect.
An
d
sin
ce y
ou
’ve
aske
d ab
ou
t th
e ro
le o
f th
e ar
chit
ect i
n a
net
wo
rk s
oci
ety:
I’ve
tr
ied
to h
ave
vari
ou
s p
osi
tion
s w
ithi
n
syst
ems,
so
som
etim
es I’
ve e
nte
red
th
em a
s an
arc
hite
ct, w
hich
in it
self
ca
n w
ork
as
a g
reat
cam
ou
flag
e. I
real
ize
that
the
titl
e ‘a
rchi
tect
’ stil
l car
-ri
es a
wei
gh
t th
at is
un
just
ifiab
le a
nd
p
rob
lem
atic
, bu
t it c
an a
lso
hel
p o
ne
to
infil
trat
e an
d en
gag
e in
var
iou
s o
ther
d
om
ain
s. O
ne
can
eng
age
in p
olit
ical
ac
tion
as a
n ‘a
rchi
tect
’, th
at is
, par
take
in
div
erse
form
s o
f act
ivis
m; d
o ca
rto
g-
rap
hy, s
pat
ial a
nal
ysis
or
hu
man
rig
hts
wo
rk; c
urat
e o
r w
rite
– a
ll su
pp
ose
dly
fr
om
wit
hin
the
do
mai
n o
f th
e p
raxi
s it
self,
whi
ch is
why
I th
ink
it m
igh
t stil
l b
e co
nsi
der
ed a
form
of c
amo
ufl
age,
th
ou
gh
may
be
no
t fo
r lo
ng
. Yet
I st
ill
thin
k th
ese
acti
vitie
s ar
en’t
eno
ug
h.
Su
ch p
osi
tion
s te
nd
to b
e re
late
d to
ea
ch o
ther
an
d I t
hin
k w
e m
ust
pu
sh
form
s o
f sp
atia
l act
ion
bey
on
d th
eir
limit
s an
d o
pen
them
up
furt
her
.
Mu
ltif
acet
ed a
ctiv
itie
s es
tab
lish
con
-n
ecti
on
s th
rou
gh
vari
ou
s co
llab
ora
tive
n
etw
ork
s. T
o a
cert
ain
exte
nt,
man
y o
f my
per
son
al fo
rms
of p
ract
ice
and
colla
bo
rati
on
hav
e le
d to
wo
rk/
soci
al r
elat
ion
s th
at la
ter
fed
into
the
rou
nd
tab
le a
t th
e C
entr
e fo
r R
esea
rch
A
rch
itec
ture
at G
old
smit
hs.
Init
ially
, to
st
art t
he
pro
gra
m, r
ecru
itin
g w
as ‘b
y in
vita
tio
n’ o
nly
, an
d I n
atu
rally
invi
ted
al
l th
ose
wh
o w
ere
my
colle
agu
es
and
pee
rs, w
ho
shar
ed p
roje
cts
and
/o
r th
e sa
me
wo
rld
and
wh
ose
wo
rk
I ad
mir
ed f
rom
clo
se u
p –
wh
ich
is
a d
iffe
ren
t cri
tica
l per
spec
tive
than
ad
mir
ing
a fo
rm o
f pra
ctic
e fr
om
af
ar, w
ith
ou
t kn
ow
ing
the
per
son
o
r co
llab
ora
ting
wit
h h
er/h
im. S
o
the
ou
tlin
es o
f a n
etw
ork
that
pre
vi-
ou
sly
wo
rked
on
a p
arti
cula
r p
roje
ct,
wh
eth
er a
rch
itec
tura
l, p
olit
ical
or
cura
tori
al, w
ere
fille
d w
ith
new
co
nte
nt
in th
e co
nte
xt o
f th
e C
entr
e. P
eop
le
join
ed u
s w
hen
they
rec
og
niz
ed th
e n
eed
to fi
nd
a sp
ace
to r
eflec
t on
very
b
usy
an
d d
ynam
ic fo
rms
of p
ract
ice.
M
ost
of o
ur
mem
ber
s ar
e ex
trem
ely
acti
ve c
ult
ura
l pro
du
cers
, bu
t rea
lize
the
kin
d o
f lim
its
and
pro
ble
ms
that
‘c
on
stan
t net
wo
rkin
g’ a
nd
con
stan
t tr
avel
an
d to
o m
uch
wo
rk in
volv
e. W
e re
aliz
ed w
e n
eed
ed to
dis
cove
r a
new
se
nsi
bili
ty, a
new
pat
ien
ce fo
r id
eas,
to
sp
end
mo
re ti
me
talk
ing
, rea
din
g,
thin
kin
g to
get
her
, th
an th
e h
yper
spac
e o
f th
e cu
ltu
ral p
lan
et g
ener
ally
allo
ws.
T
he
gro
up
no
w h
as a
ver
y h
ori
zon
tal
stru
ctu
re. I
t has
an
emp
ty c
entr
e (a
s yo
u se
e…) a
nd
we
sim
ply
dig
dee
per
in
to e
ach
oth
er’s
wo
rk.
Para
dox
ical
ly, p
erh
aps,
the
Cen
tre
for
Res
earc
h A
rchi
tect
ure
sets
ou
t to
q
ues
tion
the
two
sep
arat
e te
rms
that
m
ake
up
its
nam
e. It
see
ks to
op
en u
p
the
dis
cip
line
and
pra
xis
of ‘
arch
itec
-tu
re’ –
un
der
sto
od
as th
e p
rod
uct
ion
of
rare
fied
bu
ildin
gs
and
urb
an s
tru
ctur
es
– in
to a
shi
ftin
g n
etw
ork
of ‘
spat
ial
pra
ctic
es’ t
hat
incl
ud
es v
ario
us
oth
er
form
s o
f in
terv
entio
n. I
t als
o co
nte
sts
the
util
itar
ian
, ap
plie
d, m
ean
s-to
-en
ds
rela
tion
bet
wee
n kn
ow
led
ge
and
actio
n th
at is
evo
ked
by
the
term
‘r
esea
rch’
, an
d th
e ar
tifi
cial
op
po
sitio
n
bet
wee
n th
eory
an
d p
ract
ice
that
it
imp
lies.
Dra
win
g o
n th
e vo
cab
ular
ies
of u
rban
ism
, arc
hite
ctur
e, a
rt, m
edia
, p
olit
ics
and
phi
loso
phy
, th
e C
entr
e’s
mo
de
of o
per
atio
n se
eks
to u
se s
pat
ial
pra
ctic
es fo
r an
op
en-e
nd
ed fo
rm o
f cr
itic
al in
qu
iry.
Thi
s is
the
reas
on
why
th
e C
entr
e h
as b
rou
gh
t to
get
her
a
gro
up
of l
ead
ing
inte
rnat
ion
al p
ract
i-tio
ner
s –
arch
itec
ts, a
rtis
ts, a
ctiv
ists
, ur
ban
ists
, film
mak
ers
and
cura
tors
–
to w
ork
co
llect
ivel
y in
a r
oun
dta
ble
m
od
e o
n in
div
idu
al p
roje
cts.
Our
m
emb
ers
eng
age
in a
un
iqu
e an
d
rob
ust
set
of c
riti
cal i
nte
rven
tion
s in
the
fiel
ds
of s
pat
ial a
nd
cult
ural
p
ol it
ics;
they
dea
l wit
h th
e b
uilt
en
viro
nm
ent t
hro
ug
h d
ocu
men
tary
fil
m m
akin
g, m
edia
act
ivis
m, a
rt a
nd
cu
ratin
g in
var
iou
s p
lace
s w
orl
dw
ide.
Eyal weizman
Ro
un
dta
ble
at t
he
Cen
tre
for
Res
earc
h A
rch
itec
ture
G
old
smit
hs,
Lo
nd
on
, 200
6
Dia
gra
ms
sho
win
g th
e ro
ute
s th
rou
gh
bu
ildin
gs
take
n
by
Isra
eli t
roo
ps
du
rin
g ‘s
war
min
g’ m
ano
euvr
es
(att
ack
on
Nab
lus,
Ap
ril 2
002)
, OT
RI,
2004
120
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
121
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
mo
de
of b
oth
hu
man
itar
ian
org
aniz
a-tio
ns
and
the
mili
tary
– th
ou
gh
such
ro
ots
mig
ht b
e fo
und
else
wh
ere
too
(a
ctio
n re
sear
ch is
als
o a
met
ho
do
log
y in
an
thro
po
log
y) b
ut i
t was
in z
on
es
of c
on
flict
that
we
enco
unte
red
them
. In
my
ow
n p
erso
nal
res
earc
h o
n co
n-
tem
po
rary
mili
tary
thin
kin
g, I
’ve
foun
d
that
the
deg
ree
of k
no
wle
dg
e re
ach
ed
by
inte
llig
ence
ag
enci
es w
ith
reg
ard
to
thei
r va
rio
us
enem
ies,
wh
eth
er th
ey
be
gu
erri
llas,
res
ista
nce
fig
hte
rs o
r te
r-ro
rist
org
aniz
atio
ns,
is s
uch
that
thes
e o
rgan
izat
ion
s re
mai
n ve
ry o
paq
ue.
In
fact
, th
e m
ilita
ry v
ery
oft
en p
ursu
es
som
e ki
nd
of r
and
om
act
ion
to m
ake
its
enem
ies
emer
ge
or
surf
ace;
so
me-
times
it e
ven
‘cre
ates
’ or
‘acc
eler
ates
’ th
em. T
he
min
ute
they
do,
they
hav
e a
form
an
d th
eir
org
aniz
atio
nal
str
uct
ure
bec
om
es c
lear
. Thi
s is
wh
en f
urth
er
mili
tary
act
ion
s b
eco
me
po
ssib
le. T
he
mili
tary
thu
s re
gar
ds
raid
s as
too
ls o
f re
sear
ch –
in o
ther
wo
rds,
the
idea
of
kno
wle
dg
e (i
nte
llig
ence
) an
d ac
tion
(r
aid
) inv
erse
s.
In a
str
ang
e w
ay th
is m
igh
t exp
ose
th
e p
erve
rse
log
ic o
f th
e w
ar o
n te
rro
r as
an
epis
tem
ic p
rob
lem
: it’
s ab
ou
t h
ow
to u
nd
erst
and
and
ratio
nal
ize
that
w
hich
co
nfr
on
ts y
ou,
rat
her
than
ho
w
to r
edu
ce th
e ri
sk o
f vio
len
ce t
akin
g
pla
ce –
qu
ite
on
the
con
trar
y, a
gre
ater
fe
ar o
f vio
len
ce a
nd
terr
or
is a
ctu
ally
ind
uce
d. I
n o
ther
wo
rds,
by
sett
ing
d
orm
ant s
itu
atio
ns
in m
otio
n an
d ta
k-in
g a
so-c
alle
d p
re-e
mp
tive
ap
pro
ach,
yo
u p
rod
uce
the
very
thin
g st
ate
secu
rity
forc
es h
ave
bee
n m
ob
ilizi
ng
ag
ain
st a
nd
fear
mo
st. Y
ou
pro
voke
th
e sy
stem
to r
evea
l its
inn
er o
rgan
-iz
atio
ns
and
by
do
ing
so y
ou
pro
du
ce
kno
wle
dg
e. T
his
com
ple
tely
inve
rts
the
con
cep
t of i
nte
llig
ence
an
d o
per
atio
n.
If yo
u o
nce
tho
ug
ht i
nte
llig
ence
was
a
pre
req
uis
ite
of m
ilita
ry o
per
atio
ns
and
th
at y
ou
nee
ded
to k
no
w in
ord
er to
ac
t – w
ell,
it’s
the
reve
rse
her
e: y
ou
act
in o
rder
to k
no
w. T
hat
’s th
e es
sen
ce
of s
uch
res
earc
h. T
his
has
infl
uen
ced
u
s –
even
tho
ug
h o
ur e
thic
al, m
ora
l an
d p
olit
ical
po
sitio
n is
ob
vio
usl
y ve
ry
dif
fere
nt –
an
d ex
pla
ins
ho
w a
ctio
n in
a
situ
atio
n o
f rad
ical
am
big
uit
y p
rod
uce
s kn
ow
led
ge
by
effe
ctiv
ely
crea
ting
the
kno
wle
dg
e n
eed
ed. S
uch
res
earc
h h
as
no
bib
liog
rap
hy. I
t’s
its
ow
n b
iblio
g-
rap
hy. I
ts c
on
stan
t pra
ctic
e p
rod
uce
s it
s o
wn
bib
liog
rap
hy. T
he
phi
loso
ph
er
Bri
an M
assu
mi c
alle
d th
is k
ind
of
actio
n ‘in
cita
tory
’. T
he
very
act
ion
in-
cite
s w
hat
yo
u w
ill la
ter
theo
rize
ab
ou
t an
d re
sear
ch. I
t cap
ture
s th
e n
atur
e
of h
ow
we
see
– ar
tist
ic, a
rchi
tect
ural
an
d cu
ltur
al –
pra
ctic
e as
the
pro
du
c-tio
n o
f kn
ow
led
ge
that
has
no
t bee
n
ther
e b
efo
re.
Imag
e d
emo
nst
rati
ng
ho
w Is
rael
i Def
ence
Fo
rce
tro
op
s m
ove
th
rou
gh
the
wal
ls o
f Pal
esti
nia
n h
om
es in
Nab
lus,
200
2
Erden Kosova
pM
/HM
: Lea
ps
of F
aith
is th
e n
ame
o
f a g
rou
p sh
ow
yo
u cu
rate
d to
get
her
w
ith
Kat
arin
a G
reg
os
in th
e d
ivid
ed
city
of N
ico
sia.
Wh
at im
pac
t did
th
e lo
catio
n h
ave
on
your
cur
ato
rial
ap
pro
ach?
Erd
en K
oso
va: N
ico
sia
is r
eno
wn
ed a
s th
e la
st d
ivid
ed c
ity
in E
uro
pe,
an
d th
e re
sid
ents
of b
oth
par
ts h
ave
lost
thei
r vi
sual
mem
ory
of t
he
oth
er s
ide
of t
he
city
. On
e o
f th
e m
ain
ob
ject
ives
of o
ur
exhi
bit
ion
was
to fa
cilit
ate
circ
ulat
ion
b
etw
een
the
Gre
ek a
nd
Turk
ish
par
t of
the
city
. We
wan
ted
peo
ple
to m
ove
abo
ut i
n b
oth
par
ts, a
nd
so w
e en
cour
-
aged
an
d in
vite
d p
eop
le to
at l
east
w
alk
bac
k an
d fo
rth
. Th
e g
ates
wer
e o
pen
ed in
Ap
ril 2
003,
bu
t fo
r p
olit
ical
o
r p
sych
olo
gic
al r
easo
ns
peo
ple
wer
e st
ill r
elu
ctan
t to
go
to th
e o
ther
sid
e.
Our
idea
was
to s
timul
ate
an in
tere
st in
ar
chit
ectu
ral k
no
wle
dg
e o
n si
te, a
nd
to
focu
s o
n an
art
isti
c p
ract
ice
that
co
uld
b
e n
ego
tiate
d b
etw
een
the
dif
fere
nt
acto
rs a
nd
crea
te a
dis
curs
ive
org
an-
ism
. We
org
aniz
ed a
film
pro
gra
mm
e,
bri
ng
ing
in w
ork
s fr
om
oth
er r
egio
ns
that
had
sim
ilar
po
litic
al s
itu
atio
ns,
an
d so
off
ered
aes
thet
ic m
od
els
for
com
par
iso
ns
bet
wee
n C
ypru
s an
d
oth
er lo
catio
ns.
Leb
ano
n, B
eiru
t, Is
rael
an
d Pa
lest
ine
are
all n
ear
the
isla
nd
, ju
st 2
0 m
inu
tes
away
by
airp
lan
e.
Nev
erth
eles
s, th
ere
is li
ttle
inte
rest
in
rela
ting
to th
ese
nei
gh
bo
urs
east
of
Cyp
rus.
Whi
ch is
why
we
wan
ted
to
rais
e in
tere
st in
po
litic
al e
ng
agem
ent
of t
his
kin
d, a
nd
so w
e o
rgan
ized
so
me
talk
s w
ithi
n th
is fr
amew
ork
. Alm
ost
all
the
arti
sts
pre
sen
ted
thei
r w
ork
s at
the
Go
eth
e In
stit
ute
, whi
ch is
loca
ted
in
the
bu
ffer
zo
ne,
in th
e U
N-c
on
tro
lled
co
rrid
or
bet
wee
n th
e tw
o te
rrit
ori
es.
Thi
s w
as th
e fir
st in
tern
atio
nal
co
n-
tem
po
rary
art
exh
ibit
ion
of t
his
scal
e o
n th
e is
lan
d. Y
et, i
t was
a h
um
ble
ex
hib
itio
n, p
ut t
og
eth
er w
ith
limit
ed
reso
urce
s, w
ith
ou
t su
pp
ort
fro
m a
ny
offi
cial
loca
l in
stit
utio
n. I
t’s
dif
ficu
lt to
fo
rese
e th
e lo
ng
-ter
m e
ffec
ts o
f th
e
exhi
bit
ion
. At s
om
e p
oin
t, th
e co
n-
nec
tion
s es
tab
lish
ed b
etw
een
the
two
si
des
an
d b
etw
een
circ
les
in e
ach
area
sh
oul
d o
rgan
ize
them
selv
es a
nd
wo
rk
tow
ard
s ce
rtai
n o
bje
ctiv
es. I
nte
llect
ual
in
terv
entio
ns
fro
m th
e o
uts
ide
can
no
t d
o m
ore
than
faci
litat
e ex
istin
g fo
rces
. W
hen
yo
u w
ork
as
a cu
rato
r, h
ow
can
yo
u av
oid
rep
rod
uci
ng
pre
con
ceiv
ed
idea
s an
d re
pre
sen
tatio
nal
co
nce
p-
tion
s o
f th
e si
te a
nd
try
to c
han
nel
th
em in
to s
om
ethi
ng
else
? It
’s a
big
et
hica
l ch
alle
ng
e to
use
a s
pac
e th
at
has
rem
ain
ed u
nu
sed
for
31 y
ears
aft
er
a tr
aum
atic
ru
ptu
re. B
ut I
thin
k th
ere’
s
alw
ays
a w
ay to
tal
k ab
ou
t th
e ru
ptu
re,
abo
ut t
he
oth
er, t
o tr
ansf
orm
a s
pec
ific
mem
ory
, per
form
ativ
ely
spea
kin
g, i
n
a p
rog
ress
ive
way
. Of c
our
se, t
her
e’s
the
risk
of f
ailin
g, o
f pro
du
cin
g n
ew
exo
tici
sms
and
rep
rese
nta
tion
al
idea
s, b
ut t
her
e’s
also
the
po
ssib
ility
o
f gen
erat
ing
pro
du
ctiv
e d
iscu
ssio
n
abo
ut t
hes
e co
nte
sted
sp
ots
.
pM
/HM
: Ho
w d
o th
ese
po
litic
al
and
cura
tori
al e
xper
ien
ces
rela
te
to y
our
ow
n b
ackg
roun
d, t
hat
is, t
o
the
po
litic
ally
ori
ente
d ar
t sce
ne
in
Ista
nb
ul in
the
late
199
0s?
Ru
le B
rita
nn
iaS
igal
it L
and
au, N
ico
sia,
200
5Le
aps
of F
aith
Cu
rate
d b
y E
rden
Ko
sova
an
d K
ater
ina
Gre
go
s N
ico
sia,
13-
29 M
ay 2
005
122
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
123
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
Erd
en K
oso
va: I
bel
on
g to
a g
ener
a-tio
n in
Ista
nb
ul th
at e
mer
ged
aro
und
19
98-1
999.
Lo
cal n
etw
ork
ing
was
ful
l of
acci
den
tal m
oti
vatio
ns,
bu
t als
o p
olit
-ic
al o
nes
. We
sou
gh
t way
s to
exp
ress
o
ur e
ner
gy,
an
d th
en th
ere
wer
e o
ther
lik
e-m
ind
ed p
eop
le, a
nd
if th
ey fo
und
so
me
spac
e, s
om
e lo
catio
n to
mee
t,
thin
gs
dev
elo
ped
ver
y fa
st. T
his
was
th
e ca
se in
199
8 w
hen
a k
ind
of c
olle
c-ti
ve s
pir
it ev
olv
ed lo
cally
. At t
he
time,
n
ob
od
y fr
om
this
yo
ung
con
stel
latio
n
was
invi
ted
to in
tern
atio
nal
art
exh
ib-
itio
ns.
So
we
just
sat
aro
und
at h
om
e ta
lkin
g ab
ou
t art
pra
ctic
es, b
ut t
hen
at
som
e p
oin
t thi
ng
s to
ok
off
. Eur
op
ean
ar
t in
stit
utio
ns
som
eho
w d
isce
rned
th
is e
ner
gy,
ap
pro
pri
ated
it to
the
glo
-b
al c
ircu
it, a
nd
sud
den
ly a
rtis
ts s
tart
ed
to p
rod
uce
wo
rks
for
spec
ific
exhi
b-
itio
ns.
Th
e w
ork
s w
ere
no
t pro
du
ced
fo
r em
pty
stu
dio
s; th
ey w
ere
pro
du
ced
fo
r ex
hib
itio
ns
to w
hich
the
artis
ts w
ere
invi
ted
. So,
peo
ple
go
t cau
gh
t up
in a
d
iffe
ren
t sp
eed
, thi
ng
s b
ecam
e m
ore
st
ruct
ured
an
d st
and
ard
ized
, an
d th
is
had
, of c
our
se, p
osi
tive
an
d n
egat
ive
con
seq
uen
ces.
Th
e sa
me
thin
g h
ap-
pen
ed to
me.
Thr
ou
gh
my
colla
bo
r-at
ion
in G
raz
wit
h <
roto
r >
gal
lery
, I
foun
d co
nst
ella
tion
s o
f peo
ple
fro
m
nea
rby
geo
gra
phi
cal l
oca
tion
s w
ho
h
ad s
imila
r co
nce
rns
and
exp
erie
nce
s.
We
wer
e fr
om
the
sam
e g
ener
atio
n,
we
saw
the
sam
e ca
rto
on
s as
chi
ldre
n,
we
mad
e th
e sa
me
joke
s, w
e w
ere
in
love
wit
h th
e sa
me
foo
tbal
l pla
yers
. W
e h
ad d
iffe
ren
t mo
ther
ton
gu
es
bu
t we
had
sim
ilar
con
cern
s, w
ays
of
thin
kin
g, s
imila
r p
olit
ical
inte
rest
s. I
som
eho
w in
sist
ed o
n ke
epin
g in
tou
ch
wit
h w
hat
I h
ad fo
und
, an
d p
eop
le o
n
the
oth
er s
ide
wer
e al
so p
leas
ed w
ith
colla
bo
ratin
g w
ith
wh
at I
rep
rese
nte
d,
my
sto
ries
, my
per
spec
tive
of r
ead
-in
g ar
tist
s. I
slo
wly
sta
rted
to s
ee th
eir
per
spec
tive
s to
o, a
nd
then
I h
ad th
e o
pp
ort
unit
y to
trav
el a
nd
to p
rod
uce
th
ing
s w
ith
them
. So,
ther
e w
as a
kin
d
of g
rad
ual
exp
ansi
on
of p
ersp
ecti
ve, a
n
etw
ork
ing
.
pM/H
M: Y
ou s
pok
e ab
out t
he e
nerg
y of
Ista
nbul
as
one
of th
e ke
y fa
ctor
s in
sh
apin
g th
e lo
cal a
rt s
cene
. Thi
nkin
g
abou
t the
cur
rent
urb
an e
xplo
sion
taki
ng
plac
e in
Ista
nbul
, wha
t are
the
impl
ica-
tion
s of
this
acc
eler
ated
gro
wth
and
ur-
ban
seg
rega
tion,
and
how
do
es it
rel
ate
to n
ew fo
rms
of c
ultu
ral e
xpre
ssio
n?
Erd
en K
oso
va: T
her
e’s
this
po
pul
ar
arg
um
ent t
hat
Ista
nb
ul w
as n
ever
m
od
ern
, bu
t wen
t dir
ectl
y fr
om
the
pre
-mo
der
n to
the
po
st-m
od
ern
. T
he
log
ic b
ehin
d th
is is
bas
ed o
n th
e n
otio
n o
f a b
elat
ed m
od
ern
ism
that
tr
ies
to c
atch
up
wit
h th
e st
and
ard
s o
f o
ther
meg
apo
litan
cit
ies,
bu
t in
do
ing
so p
ursu
es c
om
ple
tely
un
sust
ain
able
an
d st
ran
ge
pro
ject
s. T
he
may
or
of
Ista
nb
ul is
an
arch
itec
t, an
d h
e h
ad th
e id
ea o
f pu
ttin
g a
hu
ge
whi
rlin
g d
ervi
sh
stat
ue
on
on
e o
f th
e is
lan
ds
so th
at it
w
oul
d lo
ok
like
som
e ki
nd
of s
tatu
e o
f
liber
ty. I
t was
rid
icul
ed a
lot a
nd
he
h
ad to
giv
e u
p th
e id
ea a
nd
, in
stea
d,
a sm
alle
r st
atu
e, r
elat
ed to
Meh
med
II,
the
con
qu
ero
r o
f Ist
anb
ul, w
as
erec
ted
in K
adik
öy, i
n th
e A
sian
par
t o
f to
wn
. Th
e Is
lam
ic m
ovem
ent h
as
this
ob
sess
ion
wit
h M
ehm
ed II
. Why
co
nq
uer
a c
ity
over
an
d ov
er a
gai
n?
Th
e ag
end
a o
n th
e su
rfac
e is
nat
ion
al-
isti
c –
exal
ting
the
her
oic
pas
t an
d ex
-p
ress
ing
pri
de
in h
avin
g ca
ptu
red
the
hist
ori
c ca
pit
al o
f th
e E
aste
rn R
om
an
or
Byz
antin
e Em
pir
e an
d u
sher
ing
in
a n
ew e
ra. B
ut a
t th
e sa
me
time,
Is
tan
bul
has
bee
n in
form
ed b
y a
ve
ry c
on
tem
po
rary
ag
end
a, o
ne
in
whi
ch n
ewco
mer
s to
the
city
, wh
o
see
them
selv
es a
s au
then
tic
loca
ls,
hav
e lit
eral
ly to
co
nq
uer
Ista
nb
ul b
ack
fro
m ‘t
he
Byz
antin
es o
f th
e p
rese
nt’,
fr
om
a m
ore
bo
urg
eois
an
d W
este
rn-
ori
ente
d cu
ltur
e.O
n th
e o
ther
han
d, t
ho
se w
ho
see
wh
at is
hap
pen
ing
as th
e ar
riva
l o
f a p
easa
nt c
ult
ure
that
sp
oils
the
urb
an e
nvi
ron
men
t are
ver
y el
itis
t in
thei
r vi
ews,
an
d ig
no
re th
e p
os-
sib
ility
of h
ybri
d cu
ltu
res
emer
gin
g
bet
wee
n th
e u
rban
an
d w
hat
is s
till i
n
the
pro
cess
of d
evel
op
ing
an u
rban
id
enti
ty. ‘
Ara
bes
qu
e’ c
ult
ure
was
, fo
r ex
amp
le, v
ery
imp
ort
ant i
n th
e 19
80s.
T
his
cu
ltu
re w
as n
ot i
ntr
od
uce
d b
y m
igra
nts
fro
m c
itie
s in
An
ato
lia, n
or
was
it n
ativ
e to
Ista
nb
ul –
it w
as s
om
e-
thin
g el
se. T
his
mu
sic
too
k el
emen
ts
fro
m E
gyp
t, In
dia
, Eu
rop
e an
d o
ther
p
lace
s. In
the
Bal
kan
s, s
imila
r cu
ltu
ral
form
atio
ns
emer
ged
. In
Ser
bia
, it
was
cal
led
‘tu
rbo
-fo
lk’;
in B
ulg
aria
, ‘c
hal
ga’
. It h
ad s
o-c
alle
d o
rien
tal r
oo
ts
and
inte
rru
pte
d th
e cu
ltu
ral p
olit
ics
of
thes
e co
un
trie
s, d
isp
laci
ng
the
offi
cial
u
ltra
-mo
der
nis
m o
f th
e n
atio
n-s
tate
s o
f Yu
go
slav
ia o
r B
ulg
aria
or
Turk
ey.
So
Ara
bes
qu
e m
usi
c is
so
meh
ow
g
enu
inel
y u
rban
. Bu
t th
en th
e m
ass
med
ia s
tru
ck b
ack,
inve
ntin
g so
-cal
led
Tu
rkis
h p
op,
a fo
rm o
f mai
nst
ream
m
usi
c th
at p
rom
ote
s cu
ltu
ral h
om
-o
gen
izat
ion
. Yet
co
ntr
ary
to th
e el
itis
t p
osi
tio
n th
at c
on
dem
ns
Ara
bes
qu
e an
d o
ther
sim
ilar
styl
es o
f exp
ress
ion
, I w
ou
ld s
ay th
ey p
rovi
de
som
e va
gu
e p
oss
ibili
ties
for
pro
du
cin
g n
ew u
rban
fo
rmat
ion
s o
f su
bcu
ltu
res
and
form
s o
f co
mm
un
icat
ion
s.
Ou
tsid
e th
e P
roje
cts
An
ber
On
ar, N
ico
sia,
200
5
THIS
I S
NO
T A
M E
RIC
AK
end
ell G
eers
, Nic
osi
a, 2
005
Leg
isla
ted
No
stal
gia
/No
w D
enia
lK
ater
ina
Att
alid
es, N
ico
sia,
200
5
124
125
Met
ro C
ityis
tan
bu
l
Met
ro C
ity
Sh
op
pin
g M
all i
n Le
ven
t, Is
tan
bu
l, 20
05
Cad
deb
ost
an P
lajla
rıR
edev
elo
pm
ent o
f th
e b
each
fro
nt i
n C
add
ebo
stan
, a
wea
lth
y su
bu
rb a
lon
g B
agd
at C
add
esi o
n th
e A
sian
sid
e o
f Ist
anb
ul,
2005
126
127
Lon
dra
Asf
altı
, Ist
anb
ul,
2005
Wo
rld
Trad
e C
ente
r Is
tan
bu
l, 20
05
128
129
Kar
akö
y, Is
tan
bu
l, 20
05
Kar
akö
y, Is
tan
bu
l, 20
05V
iew
fro
m t
he
Tob
acco
War
eho
use
in T
op
han
e, o
ne
of
the
exh
ibit
ion
ven
ues
of t
he
9th
Ista
nb
ul B
ien
nia
l, 20
05
Ad
ho
c sh
oo
tin
g ra
ng
e in
Z
eyti
nb
urn
u, I
stan
bu
l, 20
05
130
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
131
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
poka
-yio
: Thi
s is
an
extr
emel
y se
nsi
-ti
ve m
atte
r. S
ince
the
beg
inn
ing
o
f A-S
tatio
n, w
e’ve
had
this
issu
e,
wh
eth
er w
e sh
oul
d in
terv
ene
in th
ing
s o
r u
se a
mo
re p
assi
ve a
pp
roac
h. W
e d
on
’t w
ant t
o g
lori
fy a
nyth
ing
, no
r d
o
we
wan
t to
reve
al a
nyth
ing
, or
find
the
skel
eto
ns
hid
den
in Is
tan
bul
’s c
lose
t.
Th
at’s
no
t wh
at w
e’re
aft
er. W
hat
we
wan
t is
a sm
all s
hift
aw
ay fr
om
the
(art
) to
uris
t’s
eye
– w
hich
on
ly fo
cuse
s o
n th
e sp
ecta
cula
r hi
sto
rica
l co
mp
o-
nen
ts o
f th
e ci
ty –
tow
ard
s th
e le
ss
pro
min
ent ‘
und
erg
roun
d’ d
iffe
ren
ces
that
mak
e Is
tan
bul
wh
at it
is. T
hes
e ar
e, o
f co
urse
, su
btl
e d
iffe
ren
ces.
Fo
r in
stan
ce, w
e al
l wit
nes
s w
om
en w
ith
scar
ves,
bu
t th
e sl
igh
t dif
fere
nce
s in
th
e se
mio
tics
of t
hei
r va
riat
ion
– th
at’s
w
hat
’s r
eally
inte
rest
ing
.
Des
po
ina
Sev
asti
: Thi
s p
arti
cula
r su
b-
ject
is v
ery
imp
ort
ant h
ere
in Is
tan
bul
, b
ut n
o o
ne
seem
s to
tal
k in
dep
th
abo
ut t
he
real
issu
e. It
’s a
lway
s ei
ther
w
om
en w
ith s
carv
es o
r w
om
en w
ith
ou
t th
em, b
ut t
he
entir
e is
sue
is a
ctu
al-
ly m
uch
mo
re c
om
plic
ated
. Th
ere
was
o
ne
Gre
ek a
rtis
t, V
icto
ria
Kar
voun
i, w
ho
wan
ted
to e
xplo
re th
e d
iffe
ren
t so
rts
of s
carv
es w
om
en w
ear;
for
her
it
was
ab
ou
t inv
estig
atin
g th
e cu
ltur
al
dif
fere
nce
s w
ithi
n th
is p
hen
om
eno
n.
No
t all
scar
ves
are
the
sam
e. S
carv
es
hav
e al
l kin
ds
of s
oci
al c
on
no
tatio
ns
and
a va
riet
y o
f sem
ioti
cs. S
he’
d
alre
ady
do
ne
a si
mila
r w
ork
in A
then
s,
abo
ut h
airc
uts
. We
knew
fro
m th
e b
e-g
inn
ing
that
no
t eve
ryo
ne
wo
uld
wel
-co
me
this
pro
ject
. Eve
ryd
ay h
und
red
s o
f peo
ple
pas
sin
g b
y o
n Is
tikla
l Str
eet
wo
uld
com
e in
an
d sa
y, ‘W
hat
’s th
is?
Thi
s is
n’t
art –
an
d, w
hat
’s m
ore
, we
do
n’t
like
thes
e p
eop
le.’
An
d: ‘
Why
are
yo
u p
rese
ntin
g su
ch a
n im
age
of o
ur
city
?’ Y
et a
t th
at v
ery
mo
men
t, w
om
en
wit
h sc
arve
s w
ere
insi
de
the
gal
lery
o
r ri
gh
t ou
tsid
e o
n th
e st
reet
. Thi
s is
a
very
imp
ort
ant a
spec
t: o
nce
yo
u le
ave
the
art c
om
mun
ity,
yo
u g
et c
om
ple
tely
d
iffe
ren
t rea
ctio
ns
to w
hat
we
call
‘art
’. Pe
op
le c
an r
edis
cove
r th
e ci
ty th
rou
gh
such
a r
esea
rch
arch
ive
and
dis
cove
r co
mp
lete
ly d
iffe
ren
t thi
ng
s b
ased
o
n th
e ra
w, u
nto
uch
ed m
ater
ial
on
dis
pla
y.
poka
-yio
: As
I sai
d, a
rtis
ts a
nd
cura
tors
ar
e al
way
s te
mp
ted
to g
lori
fy, b
ecau
se
ther
e ar
e so
man
y th
ing
s th
at c
an
pro
du
ce a
sp
ecta
cula
r sh
ow. E
spec
ially
in
Ista
nbul
, as
the
city
scap
e g
ener
ates
ve
ry s
tron
g im
ages
. So
I thi
nk
ther
e’s
alw
ays
a te
mp
tatio
n to
cre
ate
an e
xhib
-it
ion
that
mig
ht b
e ov
erw
hel
min
g, e
ven
th
oug
h it
wo
uldn
’t d
o ju
stic
e to
wha
t it
dev
elo
ped
fro
m o
rigi
nal
ly. F
rom
the
star
t we
said
our
exh
ibit
ion
s w
eren
’t
to b
e as
sp
ecta
cula
r as
the
usu
al
visu
al a
rt s
how
s, b
ecau
se th
is w
asn’
t th
e p
oin
t. W
e d
on’t
nee
d to
rev
eal
ever
ythi
ng
to th
e sp
ecta
tors
of a
n
exhi
bit
ion
. We
sho
uld
just
sh
ow th
em
a w
eb o
f cir
cum
stan
ces
and
let t
hem
n
avig
ate
a w
ay in
an
d o
ut t
hem
selv
es.
It’s
sim
ple
to p
ick
five
or
ten
imag
es, o
r fo
ur o
r m
ore
vid
eos,
an
d m
ake
peo
ple
sa
y, ‘W
ow!’
An
d it
’s e
asy
to c
reat
e a
met
aph
or w
ith
such
mat
eria
l – o
r to
tr
ansf
orm
it in
to s
om
ethi
ng
else
. Bu
t,
like
I’ve
said
, tha
t’s n
ot t
he
poi
nt.
We
just
wan
t to
bri
ng
raw
mat
eria
l to
the
fore
gro
und,
an
d th
en le
t res
earc
her
s,
arch
itec
ts, a
rtis
ts a
nd
gal
lery
au
die
nce
s fin
d th
eir
way
thro
ugh
it on
thei
r ow
n.
pM
/HM
: Yo
u’r
e b
oth
art
ists
co
mm
itte
d
to c
reat
ing
pla
tfo
rms
for
exp
erim
enta
l cu
ltur
al in
vest
igat
ion
s. W
hat
wer
e yo
ur
mo
tiva
tion
s fo
r en
gag
ing
your
selv
es
in p
roje
cts
like
A-S
tatio
n, a
nd
in w
hich
w
ay d
id th
is e
ng
agem
ent p
rovi
de
a fr
amew
ork
for
cura
ting
the
rece
nt e
x-hi
bit
ion
s S
ub
urb
ia –
the
Vas
t Cit
ysca
pe
of th
e A
then
ian
Su
bu
rbs
and
Sca
n
Ista
nb
ul –
Su
bu
rbs
of a
21s
t Cen
tury
M
etro
po
lis?
poka
-yio
: A-S
tatio
n is
a s
mal
l in
-d
epen
den
t art
org
aniz
atio
n, a
n ar
t ce
ntr
e, b
ased
in A
then
s. It
sta
rted
as
an in
itia
tive
of a
rtis
ts a
nd
theo
rist
s,
bec
ause
ther
e w
ere
no
pu
blic
sp
aces
o
r in
itia
tive
s h
ere
that
allo
wed
for
exp
erim
entin
g, g
ath
erin
g in
form
atio
n,
crea
ting
rese
arch
pro
ject
s o
r n
et-
wo
rkin
g b
etw
een
dif
fere
nt d
isci
plin
es
such
as
the
fine
arts
, arc
hite
ctur
e an
d
cult
ural
stu
die
s. O
ur p
rim
ary
inte
r-es
t in
A-S
tatio
n w
as to
pu
t on
reg
ular
ex
hib
itio
ns.
Th
ou
gh
fro
m th
e b
egin
-n
ing
we
said
we
wo
uld
n’t
exhi
bit
ther
e as
art
ists
our
selv
es a
nd
we
did
n’t
, fo
r in
stan
ce, w
ant t
o p
rese
nt ‘
trad
itio
nal
’ g
rou
p sh
ow
s. In
stea
d w
e h
op
ed to
cr
eate
a s
pac
e th
at w
oul
d fo
cus
pri
m-
arily
on
gat
her
ing
info
rmat
ion
and
le
ad to
art
pro
du
ctio
n.
Su
bu
rbia
was
a fi
rst a
ttem
pt t
o w
ork
in
this
mul
tidis
cip
linar
y w
ay w
ith
ar
chit
ects
, ph
oto
gra
ph
ers,
art
ists
,
peo
ple
fro
m v
ario
us
inst
itu
tion
s an
d
dis
cip
lines
on
the
chao
tic
imag
ery
and
un
said
his
tory
of t
he
vast
cit
ysca
pe
of A
then
ian
sub
urb
s. W
e ai
med
at
con
cen
trat
ing
mo
re o
n a
theo
reti
cal
surv
ey a
bo
ut t
he
sub
urb
s o
f Ath
ens
than
just
co
mp
ilin
g an
exh
ibit
ion
on
th
em. T
his
inve
stig
ato
ry p
rin
cip
le le
d
to o
ur e
xper
imen
ting
and
wo
rkin
g in
w
ork
sho
ps,
an
d th
is r
esul
ted
in a
kin
d
of m
eltin
g p
ot o
f dif
fere
nt p
eop
le. I
t’s
an a
pp
roac
h th
at g
ives
a b
road
er in
-si
ght i
nto
thin
gs
you
don
’t no
rmal
ly e
x-p
ect t
o se
e. U
ntil
Sub
urb
ia, A
then
s ha
d
virt
ually
gon
e un
notic
ed in
con
tem
por
-ar
y fin
e ar
ts. T
he
dir
ty g
roun
d-l
evel
ap
pro
ach
to a
cit
y b
urst
ing
wit
h en
erg
y w
as ju
st n
ot t
her
e. S
o w
e cr
eate
d th
is
exhi
bit
ion
and
it ac
tual
ly p
rod
uce
d th
e kn
ow
-ho
w s
ub
seq
uen
tly
use
d fo
r th
e S
can
Ista
nb
ul p
roje
ct. D
esp
oin
a w
as
par
t of S
ub
urb
ia a
nd
then
too
k ov
er,
tog
eth
er w
ith
Og
uz
Içsö
z, th
e Tu
rkis
h
cura
tor,
to c
reat
e th
e p
roje
ct.
Des
po
ina
Sev
asti
: Sca
n Is
tan
bu
l is
a co
llab
ora
tion
bet
wee
n G
reek
an
d
Turk
ish
arti
sts,
arc
hite
cts,
ph
oto
g-
rap
her
s an
d th
eori
sts.
We
wo
rked
w
ith
the
Gre
ek p
arti
cip
ants
bas
ed o
n
the
Su
bu
rbia
mo
del
bef
ore
leav
ing
G
reec
e. A
nd
then
, as
soo
n as
I ar
rive
d
in Is
tan
bul
, we
did
pre
par
ato
ry w
ork
w
ith
the
Turk
ish
par
tici
pan
ts. I
n fa
ct,
wo
rk b
egan
ab
ou
t thr
ee m
on
ths
bef
ore
the
actu
al w
ork
sho
p. T
ho
ug
h I t
hin
k th
e w
ho
le p
roce
dur
e ac
tual
ly s
tart
ed
wh
en p
eop
le fi
rst m
et. F
or
even
if w
e tr
ied
to g
ive
them
theo
reti
cal f
eed
bac
k fr
om
our
exp
erie
nce
s in
Ath
ens
– to
m
ake
a b
iblio
gra
phy
an
d so
on
– it
was
m
ost
ly p
erso
nal
co
nta
ct a
nd
colla
bo
ra-
tion
that
led
to id
eas.
In th
e b
egin
nin
g
it w
as a
bit
biz
arre
, bec
ause
it w
as th
e fir
st ti
me
youn
g G
reek
an
d Tu
rkis
h ar
t-is
ts, a
rchi
tect
s an
d ur
ban
pla
nn
ers
had
m
et in
a w
ork
sho
p, a
nd
the
app
roac
h
we
ado
pte
d w
as q
uit
e un
kno
wn
to
man
y o
f th
e p
arti
cip
ants
. So
at fi
rst
peo
ple
wer
e ra
ther
stu
nn
ed b
y it
all.
I’d
bee
n g
oin
g to
Ista
nb
ul fo
r ei
gh
t yea
rs
alre
ady
and
had
tho
ug
ht i
t wo
uld
be
mu
ch e
asie
r, b
ut i
t to
ok
som
e tim
e to
b
reak
the
ice,
tho
ug
h, o
f co
urse
, thi
s p
roce
ss w
as v
ery
inte
rest
ing
in it
self.
pM
/HM
: In
term
s o
f pro
du
cin
g a
rese
arch
arc
hive
an
d m
akin
g it
avai
l-ab
le th
rou
gh
arti
stic
wo
rk, e
.g. i
n an
exhi
bit
ion
, wh
at w
as y
our
par
ticu
lar
mo
tiva
tion
for
exp
and
ing
your
fiel
d o
f en
gag
emen
t fro
m A
then
s to
Ista
nb
ul?
poka
-yio
: Th
ere
was
the
per
son
al in
ter-
est o
f Des
po
ina
and
Og
uz
Içsö
z, b
ut
apar
t fro
m th
at y
ou
sho
uld
kno
w th
at
in G
reec
e w
e d
on
’t u
sual
ly s
ee Is
tan
bul
as
a c
ity
that
exu
des
any
thin
g fu
turi
s-ti
c, y
et th
is is
exa
ctly
wh
at it
do
es. A
s so
on
as w
e ar
rive
d, w
e un
der
sto
od
th
at s
om
ethi
ng
clea
rly
futu
rist
ic w
as
hap
pen
ing
rig
ht t
her
e in
fro
nt o
f our
ey
es, a
nd
we
wan
ted
to u
nd
erst
and
it
and
exp
lore
it, b
ecau
se th
is m
igh
t be
wh
at th
e fu
ture
wo
uld
be
like
in m
any
pla
ces,
eve
n Eu
rop
e. T
her
e’s
mas
sive
im
mig
ratio
n to
Ista
nb
ul a
nd
, sin
ce it
’s
all t
akin
g p
lace
wit
hin
the
coun
try’
s o
wn
bo
rder
s, it
’s le
adin
g to
a v
iole
nt
over
turn
of b
oth
the
urb
an a
nd
soci
al
fab
ric.
Thi
s m
ean
s cl
ass
stru
gg
les
wit
hin
the
city
are
in a
co
nst
ant s
tate
o
f flu
x. A
ll th
ese
ph
eno
men
a ar
e
fasc
inat
ing
for
us
as a
rtis
ts w
ho
live
in
a k
ind
of g
lass
ho
use
.
pM
/HM
: Th
e w
ork
s p
rod
uce
d in
thes
e w
ork
sho
ps
tou
ch u
po
n a
wh
ole
arr
ay
of p
ub
lic fa
nta
sies
an
d h
op
es a
bo
ut
Euro
pe,
ho
pes
ab
ou
t urb
an f
utu
res.
In
wh
at w
ay d
oes
su
ch a
n ap
pro
ach
im
plic
ate
art a
s an
ag
ent i
n a
po
litic
al
pro
cess
?
Despoina Sevasti and poka-yio
Ese
nle
rV
ideo
by
Ayl
in G
ün
gö
r, 8
min
., 20
03
Sca
n Is
tan
bu
l, S
ub
urb
s o
f a 2
1st C
entu
ry M
etro
po
lisW
ork
sho
p an
d ex
hib
itio
ns,
org
anis
ed b
y A
-Sta
tio
n,
Ath
ens
Cen
tre
for
Co
nte
mp
ora
ry A
rt, c
ura
ted
by
Og
uz
Içsö
z an
d D
esp
oin
a S
evas
ti, I
stan
bu
l, 20
03-2
005
Gü
ltep
eee
Vid
eo b
y A
nd
reas
Sit
ore
go
, 3 m
in.,
2003
132
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
133
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
gu
aran
tee
of g
oo
d d
esig
n. T
her
e w
as
also
Man
fred
o Ta
furi
an
d hi
s w
ay o
f th
inki
ng
, whi
ch w
as m
ore
or
less
ori
-en
ted
tow
ard
dem
on
stra
ting
that
the
pre
limin
ary
task
of a
rchi
tect
ure
was
co
nn
ecte
d w
ith
hist
ori
cal a
nal
yses
an
d
the
soci
al c
on
text
of t
hes
e an
alys
es,
and
so o
n...
Thi
s o
ften
det
erm
ined
a
spo
nta
neo
us
reac
tion
in te
rms
of t
ry-
ing
to e
stab
lish
real
itie
s in
the
op
po
site
d
irec
tion
, wh
ere
soci
al r
ealm
an
d
des
ign
hav
e au
ton
om
ou
s sp
her
es. I
n
fact
, th
ey w
ork
as
auto
no
mo
us
sph
eres
in
our
so
ciet
y –
they
hav
e d
iffe
ren
t m
eth
od
olo
gie
s an
d re
qu
ire
dif
fere
nt
app
roac
hes
. In
the
case
of d
esig
n,
this
is c
on
nec
ted
wit
h o
ur c
apac
ity
to
inte
gra
te a
nd
op
en u
p th
e fu
ture
, to
in
clu
de
po
ssib
ilitie
s, o
pin
ion
s, th
ing
s,
tho
ug
hts
an
d so
on
. In
the
case
of
our
res
earc
h, it
is m
ore
or
less
str
ictl
y co
nn
ecte
d w
ith
our
cap
acit
y to
act
ual
ly
excl
ud
e fu
ture
po
ssib
ilitie
s, to
sel
ect a
ce
rtai
n p
oss
ibili
ty in
ord
er to
man
ipu
-la
te th
e p
hysi
cal d
imen
sio
n, t
o m
ake
spec
ial s
oci
al c
on
fig
urat
ion
s, a
nd
so
on
. Th
e so
cial
rea
lm a
nd
des
ign
real
m
are
two
com
ple
tely
dif
fere
nt s
ph
eres
, an
d I t
rust
arc
hite
ctur
e to
hav
e th
e ca
pac
ity
to c
om
bin
e th
em w
hile
co
n-
serv
ing
thei
r au
ton
om
y. In
a w
ay, t
his
op
ens
up
the
no
tion
of s
chiz
op
hren
ia,
whi
ch is
an
extr
emel
y im
po
rtan
t fac
tor
in c
urre
nt a
rchi
tect
ure.
I th
ink
schi
zo-
phr
enia
pro
vid
es th
e im
ager
y fo
r h
ow
an a
rchi
tect
mig
ht o
per
ate
and
off
ers
a
go
od
per
spec
tive
for
arch
itec
ture
. I d
on
’t th
ink
we
sho
uld
aban
do
n
des
ign
, an
d o
nly
res
earc
h an
d an
alys
e th
e lo
cal s
oci
al c
on
text
. I’m
sur
e th
ere
are
man
y p
oss
ible
sh
ort
cir
cuit
s o
r un
pre
dic
tab
le s
ynap
ses.
pM
/HM
: Yo
u ar
e co
-fo
und
er o
f th
e re
sear
ch n
etw
ork
Mul
tiplic
ity,
whi
ch is
ac
tive
no
t on
ly in
the
fiel
d o
f arc
hite
c-tu
re b
ut a
lso
art a
nd
com
mun
icat
ion
. W
hat
kin
ds
of p
oss
ibili
ties
are
crea
ted
b
y w
ork
ing
wit
hin
such
net
wo
rked
p
ract
ices
?
Ste
fan
o b
oer
i: W
e’re
tal
kin
g ab
ou
t sy
nap
ses,
rig
ht?
We
coul
d al
so u
se th
e te
rm tr
ansf
er. I
nte
rest
ing
for
me
is th
at
ther
e ar
e id
eas
that
yo
u ca
n d
evel
op
an
d tr
ansf
er. Y
ou
can
ob
serv
e, fo
r ex
-am
ple
, ho
w a
co
nce
pt p
rod
uce
s fr
uit
ful
effe
cts
wh
en it
mov
es fr
om
on
e sp
her
e to
an
oth
er. F
rom
this
po
int o
f vie
w,
ther
e ar
e a
lot o
f po
ssib
le s
ynap
ses:
for
inst
ance
, a c
on
cep
t th
at is
pro
du
ced
or
dev
elo
ped
in th
e co
urse
of r
esea
rch
is
sud
den
ly in
tro
du
ced
to a
rt a
nd
des
ign
. In
do
ing
so, i
t ret
ain
s al
l th
e p
oss
ible
m
isun
der
stan
din
gs
that
su
ch a
mov
e in
volv
es –
no
rmal
ly it
pro
du
ces
a lo
t o
f mis
und
erst
and
ing
s an
yway
. Let
m
e g
ive
you
a co
ncr
ete
exam
ple
: our
M
ultip
licit
y g
rou
p h
as d
on
e a
lot o
f re-
sear
ch o
n th
e M
edit
erra
nea
n as
a s
olid
sea,
as
a so
lid c
on
tinen
t, as
a p
lace
in
crea
sin
gly
ch
arac
teri
zed
by
bar
rier
s,
fro
ntie
rs a
nd
pip
es, b
ord
er d
evic
es
and
so o
n. B
ut i
f I u
se th
e id
ea o
f a
solid
sea
as
a m
etap
ho
r, as
an
anal
og
y,
and
try
to tr
ansl
ate
it in
to a
des
ign
m
eth
od
olo
gy,
it im
med
iate
ly b
eco
mes
h
eavy
an
d b
anal
an
d st
up
id. B
ut i
f yo
u
just
ho
ld o
n to
it a
nd
avai
l yo
urse
lf
of i
t as
a w
orl
d –
Nie
tzsc
he
use
d th
e w
ord
‘wo
rld
’ to
pro
po
se th
e ex
iste
nce
o
f wo
rld
s m
ore
so
lid th
an s
ton
e –
in
your
des
ign
pra
ctic
e an
d si
mp
ly tr
y to
d
eal w
ith
con
serv
ing
its
nat
ure,
this
ca
n p
rod
uce
inte
rest
ing
resu
lts.
Fo
r in
stan
ce, t
he
bu
ildin
g th
at o
ur a
rchi
tec-
ture
stu
dio
des
ign
ed fo
r M
arse
ille,
the
Cen
tre
Rég
ion
al d
e la
Med
iter
ran
ée,
is in
my
view
ver
y st
ron
gly
co
nn
ecte
d
to M
ultip
licit
y re
sear
ch. E
ven
if it
is
a b
uilt
, phy
sica
l arc
hite
ctur
al s
tru
c-tu
re, a
nd
ther
efo
re n
ot a
lin
ear
effe
ct
of r
esea
rch
on
the
Med
iter
ran
ean
, it
con
stit
ute
s a
reac
tion
to th
e co
nce
pt
of s
olid
sea
. It i
s a
bu
ildin
g ca
pab
le o
f h
ost
ing
the
city
wit
hin
it an
d so
is li
ke
a p
ub
lic s
pac
e th
at u
ses
the
sea
as a
co
llect
ive
site
.I c
on
nec
t th
e id
ea o
f net
wo
rks
wit
h
the
idea
of s
amp
ling
. Cu
rren
tly,
at
leas
t in
rese
arch
, th
e ac
t of s
amp
ling
is
bec
om
ing
ever
mo
re c
ruci
al. T
his
is
bec
ause
the
wea
ker
we
bec
om
e in
des
ign
ing
agg
reg
ate
map
s o
f th
e co
nte
mp
ora
ry e
nvi
ron
men
t, th
e m
ore
nec
essa
ry it
bec
om
es to
use
the
idea
of s
amp
ling
. To
day
, in
ord
er to
o
bse
rve
or
com
pre
hen
d th
e st
ate
of
thin
gs
in th
e co
nte
mp
ora
ry E
uro
pea
n
city
, we
do
n’t
cou
nt o
n an
ag
gre
gat
e vi
ew –
this
is b
ecau
se w
e ca
n n
o
lon
ger
off
er a
ny
gen
eral
exp
lan
atio
ns.
H
ow
ever
, wh
at w
e h
ave
bee
n ab
le to
dev
elo
p is
a m
eth
od
olo
gy
to s
amp
le
dif
fere
nt c
on
text
s in
ord
er to
co
m-
par
e th
e re
sult
s o
f th
e sa
mp
les
and
tr
y to
gra
du
ally
pu
t co
nsi
der
atio
ns
on
the
tab
le. I
t’s
a g
rad
ual
pro
cess
of
accu
mu
latin
g kn
ow
led
ge,
a m
eth
od
-
pM
/HM
: Giv
en th
e d
ynam
ics
of t
he
curr
ent t
ran
sfo
rmat
ion
of t
he
cult
ural
la
nd
scap
e in
Eur
op
e, in
whi
ch w
ays
do
you
thin
k th
e fi
eld
of a
rchi
tect
ure
nee
ds
to r
einv
ent i
tsel
f?
Ste
fan
o b
oer
i: I d
on
’t b
elie
ve th
at
reth
inki
ng
the
role
of a
rchi
tect
ure
in
con
tem
po
rary
so
ciet
ies
can
be
con
-n
ecte
d so
lely
to e
nh
anci
ng
the
sop
his-
tica
tion
of d
esig
n in
our
dis
cip
line.
Th
e q
ues
tion
tod
ay is
no
t ho
w to
inte
rven
e b
ette
r in
the
com
ple
xitie
s o
f our
so
cie-
ties
and
intr
od
uce
loca
l im
pro
vem
ents
o
r lo
cal s
olu
tion
s. I
do
n’t
qu
ite
tru
st
the
cap
acit
y o
f co
nte
mp
ora
ry a
rchi
-te
ctur
e to
dea
l wit
h a
dim
ensi
on
of
stru
ctur
al d
ynam
ics
that
can
on
ly b
e so
lved
wit
hin
the
po
litic
al s
ph
ere
itse
lf,
and
I do
n’t
adh
ere
to th
e id
ea th
at
arch
itec
ture
can
up
dat
e it
s te
chn
ical
to
ols
by
faci
ng
wh
at’s
hap
pen
ing
in
a lo
cal c
on
text
. Fro
m a
cer
tain
po
int
of v
iew
, thi
s w
oul
d ju
st b
e an
alib
i fo
r p
olit
icia
ns;
whi
le fr
om
an
oth
er p
oin
t of
view
, it w
oul
d b
e a
way
to e
limin
ate
the
assu
mp
tion
that
arc
hite
ctur
e is
ab
le
to c
on
tro
l an
d d
eter
min
e th
e fu
ture
of
phy
sica
l env
iro
nm
ents
. In
stea
d, o
ne
of t
he
mo
st in
tere
stin
g an
d p
rob
ably
im
po
rtan
t thi
ng
s th
at a
rchi
tect
ural
p
ract
ice
can
com
mit
itse
lf to
– a
nd
this
ap
plie
s m
ore
to r
esea
rch
than
des
ign
– is
the
exp
ansi
on
of k
no
wle
dg
e w
ith
re-
gar
d to
wh
at is
occ
urri
ng
and
will
tak
e
pla
ce in
fu
ture
env
iro
nm
ents
an
d lo
cal
spac
es. W
e’ve
bee
n tr
ain
ed to
ob
serv
e th
e su
rfac
e o
f thi
ng
s, a
nd
in th
is s
ense
w
e ar
e ad
ept w
itn
esse
s o
f pro
cess
es
that
on
ly m
anif
est t
hem
selv
es o
n th
e sk
in, o
n th
e p
hysi
cal l
ayer
of o
ur e
nvi-
ron
men
t. O
ur d
isci
plin
e m
ay, i
n fa
ct, b
e o
ne
of t
he
mo
st s
op
hist
icat
ed to
ols
at
our
dis
po
sal f
or
ob
serv
ing
the
phy
sica
l la
yer
of c
on
tem
po
rary
tran
sfo
rma-
tion
s. A
nd
thes
e ca
n in
turn
be
use
d as
m
etap
ho
rs to
des
crib
e th
e so
cial
an
d
stru
ctur
al la
yer
of o
ng
oin
g p
roce
sses
.
pM
/HM
: Yo
u’v
e d
escr
ibed
the
per
-ip
her
y as
a m
ob
ile s
itu
atio
n in
whi
ch
cen
tres
bec
om
e p
erip
her
ies
in th
e se
nse
that
they
hav
e m
oved
ou
tsid
e th
e fo
cus
of h
egem
on
ic p
olit
ical
inte
r-es
t an
d ar
e in
crea
sin
gly
po
pul
ated
b
y w
hat
’s c
on
sid
ered
the
mar
gin
s o
f cu
ltur
e. S
o p
erip
her
ies
hav
e b
eco
me
par
t of a
n ‘a
rchi
pel
ago
’ eco
no
my.
Ho
w
can
arch
itec
ture
rel
ate
to th
is fi
eld
of
per
iph
eral
pro
du
ctiv
ity?
Ste
fan
o b
oer
i: A
s ar
chit
ects
, it’
s fu
nd
amen
tal t
hat
our
vo
cab
ular
y re
pre
sen
ts th
e ac
tual
sen
se o
f thi
ng
s,
par
ticu
larl
y in
rel
atio
n to
phy
sica
l tr
ansf
orm
atio
ns
that
mig
ht b
e ta
kin
g
pla
ce. F
rom
this
po
int o
f vie
w, t
he
no
tion
of p
erip
her
y is
no
w e
xtre
mel
y w
eak,
an
d w
hat
hap
pen
ed in
the
Pari
s b
anlie
ues
in N
ovem
ber
200
5 w
as a
d
emo
nst
ratio
n o
f thi
s. T
he
per
iph
ery
of t
he
con
tem
po
rary
Eur
op
ean
city
is
mo
re li
ke a
n ar
chip
elag
o th
an a
rin
g, i
n
term
s o
f its
geo
met
rica
l dis
tan
ce fr
om
a
city
’s c
entr
al a
reas
. Nap
les,
Gen
oa
and
Pari
s d
isp
lay,
for
exam
ple
, man
y p
erip
her
ies
or
hyp
er-c
entr
al n
ich
es. I
n
fact
, th
e n
otio
n o
f per
iph
ery
sho
uld
be
com
ple
tely
red
efin
ed fr
om
our
ow
n
per
spec
tive
, fro
m th
at o
f a p
rofe
ssio
n
that
is c
lose
to th
e p
hysi
cal c
on
text
. T
his
is s
om
ethi
ng
we
can
actu
ally
d
o as
arc
hite
cts,
bec
ause
it’s
our
un
-eq
uiv
oca
l so
cial
cap
acit
y. T
he
fact
that
I’ve
spen
t a lo
t of t
ime
in th
e la
st y
ears
d
emo
nst
ratin
g h
ow
, in
my
op
inio
n,
des
ign
and
rese
arch
op
erat
e in
co
m-
ple
tely
dif
fere
nt s
ph
eres
is p
rob
ably
co
nn
ecte
d to
my
per
son
al b
ackg
roun
d
in It
aly.
As
you
kno
w, t
his
invo
lved
the
exp
erie
nce
of t
he
Ital
ian
ten
den
za in
th
e 19
70s:
Fo
uca
uld
ian
dis
cour
se in
w
hich
thin
kers
, su
ch a
s A
ldo
Ro
ssi a
nd
V
itto
rio
Gre
go
tti m
ade
a g
reat
eff
ort
to
dem
on
stra
te h
ow
des
ign
and
rese
arch
, o
r d
esig
n an
d an
alys
is, s
ho
uld
hav
e a
dir
ect a
nd
linea
r re
latio
n, a
nd
at-
tem
pte
d to
illu
stra
te h
ow
res
earc
h w
as
in fa
ct a
pre
con
dit
ion
for
des
ign
or
a
Stefano boeri
Cen
tre
Rég
ion
al d
e la
Méd
iter
ran
éeC
om
pet
itio
n, M
arse
illes
, Fra
nce
, 200
4; w
inn
ing
entr
y b
y B
oer
i Stu
dio
, vie
w f
rom
th
e w
ater
Cen
tre
Rég
ion
al d
e la
Méd
iter
ran
éeC
om
pet
itio
n si
te, M
arse
illes
, Fra
nce
, 200
4
US
E –
Un
cert
ain
Sta
tes
of E
uro
pe
Mu
ltip
licit
y, T
rien
nal
e d
i Mila
no
, 200
2
134
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
135
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
olo
gy
that
nee
ds
to b
e lo
cally
ho
sted
an
d co
un
ts o
n th
e p
rese
nce
of l
oca
l n
etw
ork
s. If
yo
u w
ant t
o sa
mp
le w
hat
is
hap
pen
ing
in th
e b
anlie
ues
of P
aris
, yo
u ca
n g
o th
ere,
bu
t it i
s fu
nd
amen
-ta
l to
inte
rfac
e an
d in
tera
ct w
ith
the
loca
l net
wo
rk. I
n a
way
net
wo
rkin
g
and
sam
plin
g ar
e p
art o
f on
e an
d th
e sa
me
way
of d
ealin
g w
ith
loca
l sp
aces
. It
is v
ery
imp
ort
ant t
o co
mp
are
the
idea
of b
rid
gin
g so
cial
cap
ital
s w
ith
th
at o
f bin
din
g th
em, b
ecau
se th
ere’
s an
inte
nti
on
to in
tro
du
ce n
oti
on
s o
f d
iffe
ren
ce. A
nd
this
un
der
sco
res
ho
w
the
pre
sen
ce o
f mu
ltic
ult
ura
l an
d
po
lyet
hn
ic c
om
mu
nit
ies
is n
eces
sary
in
ord
er to
ap
pea
se o
ur
soci
al c
on
-sc
ien
ce. F
rom
a d
iffe
ren
t po
int o
f vie
w,
it is
als
o im
po
rtan
t to
un
der
stan
d th
e d
imen
sio
ns
of e
ach
on
e o
f th
e lo
cal
iden
titi
es th
at m
akes
up
a m
ult
ieth
nic
so
ciet
y. D
iffe
ren
ces
are
an in
gre
die
nt,
b
ut t
hey
sh
ou
ld b
e g
rad
uat
ed in
a v
ery
sop
his
tica
ted
and
del
icat
e w
ay. S
o
fro
m th
is p
oin
t of v
iew
, net
wo
rks
are
abo
ut b
rin
gin
g to
get
her
dif
fere
nce
s an
d th
is a
lso
app
lies
to r
esea
rch
: yo
u n
eed
to s
har
e so
me
com
mo
n
valu
es, m
eth
od
olo
gie
s an
d g
oal
s;
oth
erw
ise
it’s
pu
re c
hao
s o
r p
ure
re
sear
ch ‘a
esth
etic
s’ a
nd
no
t rea
lly
abo
ut a
ccu
mu
latin
g kn
ow
led
ge.
Fro
m
a ce
rtai
n p
oin
t of v
iew
– a
nd
this
will
h
elp
me
answ
er y
ou
r q
ues
tio
n ab
ou
t th
e fi
eld
of a
rt –
it’s
ver
y im
po
rtan
t to
crea
te a
net
wo
rk, t
o sh
are
com
mo
n
net
wo
rks.
It m
ay s
ou
nd
a b
it d
eter
-m
inis
tic,
bu
t if y
ou
do
n’t
shar
e so
me
com
mo
n m
eth
od
olo
gic
al, a
nal
ytic
al
and
rese
arch
val
ues
, it b
eco
mes
ver
y d
ang
ero
us.
I th
ink
ou
r fi
eld
is im
po
r-ta
nt b
ecau
se it
’s o
ne
of t
he
last
fiel
ds
wh
ere
you
’re
ob
liged
or
con
dem
ned
to
sho
w th
e o
utc
om
e o
f yo
ur
wo
rk, w
hile
al
so r
evea
ling
the
crit
eria
det
erm
in-
ing
you
r re
sear
ch p
ract
ices
. Fro
m th
is
ang
le, o
ur
Mu
ltip
licit
y p
roje
cts
hav
e b
een
extr
emel
y in
tere
stin
g fo
r m
e,
bec
ause
wit
h th
em w
e’ve
bee
n fo
rced
to
co
nd
uct
res
earc
h an
d at
the
sam
e ti
me
pro
du
ce e
xhib
itio
ns,
inst
alla
tio
ns
and
so o
n. A
t th
e b
egin
nin
g th
is w
as
real
ly m
ad, b
ecau
se o
f th
e te
mp
ora
l an
d st
ruct
ura
l dif
fere
nce
s b
etw
een
re-
sear
ch a
nd
inst
alla
tio
n. Y
et a
t a c
erta
in
po
int w
e al
so r
ealiz
ed th
at a
pp
lyin
g
ou
rsel
ves
to c
om
mu
nic
atio
n w
as a
n
amaz
ing
hel
p. W
e w
ere
imm
edia
tely
as
ked
wh
at w
e w
ere
dev
elo
pin
g an
d to
re
flec
t on
ho
w w
e m
igh
t co
mm
un
icat
e th
e st
eps
and
eth
ics
un
der
lyin
g o
ur
rese
arch
. Th
is p
rove
d ve
ry in
tere
stin
g
bec
ause
it e
nab
led
us
at e
xhib
itio
ns
to o
ffer
the
pu
blic
an
op
po
rtu
nit
y to
ev
alu
ate
ou
r cr
iter
ia.
pM
/HM
: Hac
kite
ctur
a.n
et h
as p
rod
uce
d
a se
ries
of c
ritic
al e
nga
gem
ents
rel
ated
to
how
con
tem
por
ary
spac
e is
no
t onl
y st
ruct
ured
by
phy
sica
l bui
ldin
gs
bu
t al
so b
y el
ectr
onic
too
ls s
uch
as
info
r-m
atio
n n
etw
orks
, sur
veill
ance
sys
tem
s or
trac
kin
g d
evic
es. H
ow h
as th
is in
ter-
est i
n th
e vi
rtua
l led
yo
u to
focu
s on
b
ord
er s
pac
es?
pab
lo d
e S
oto
: Th
e b
egin
nin
g o
f h
acki
tect
ura
.net
was
rel
ated
to o
ur
acti
viti
es w
ith
the
Inte
rnet
an
d th
e d
e-si
re to
go
bey
on
d th
e id
ea o
f sp
ace
as
pre
sen
ted
to u
s at
arc
hit
ectu
re s
cho
ol.
We
tho
ug
ht a
new
wo
rld
was
em
er-
gin
g an
d n
o o
ne
at s
cho
ol w
as t
alki
ng
ab
ou
t it.
Fro
m th
e st
art w
e w
ante
d to
tr
y to
exp
erie
nce
so
me
of t
he
new
as-
pec
ts o
f tel
emat
ic n
etw
ork
s an
d fi
gu
re
ou
t ho
w to
ach
ieve
dif
fere
nt l
evel
s o
f p
rese
nce
. In
2002
we
hel
d a
fou
nd
ing
ev
ent:
ou
r id
ea in
volv
ed g
oin
g to
a
spac
e an
d lin
kin
g it
to, l
et’s
say
, five
o
r m
ore
dif
fere
nt s
pac
es in
the
wo
rld
. A
t th
e ti
me
I had
a fi
lmm
aker
fri
end
in
Sev
ille
and
I ask
ed h
im if
he
was
go
ing
to
be
wo
rkin
g o
n a
mo
vie
abo
ut S
evill
e in
the
futu
re, b
ecau
se w
e w
ou
ld li
ke
to p
rovi
de
a sc
ene
for
it. I
n th
is s
cen
e,
hac
kers
wo
uld
pla
y a
dec
isio
n-m
akin
g
role
in th
e ci
ty. T
he
even
t was
en
titl
ed
Pure
Dat
a B
eta
Rav
e an
d it
s sl
og
an
was
: ‘T
he
wo
rld
is in
terc
on
nec
ted
, w
e ca
nn
ot w
ait a
ny
lon
ger
!’
At t
he
time,
we
wer
en’t
just
wo
rkin
g
loca
lly w
ith
vid
eo a
nd
aud
io, b
ut a
lso
w
ith
rem
ote
inp
uts
. We
talk
ed w
ith
d
iffe
ren
t gro
up
s, w
ith
peo
ple
in
Mex
ico,
for
exam
ple
, wh
o w
ere
org
aniz
ing
the
bo
rder
hac
kin
g ev
ent
in T
ijuan
a in
200
1. W
e le
arn
ed a
lot
fro
m th
em a
nd
we
aske
d: d
o yo
u w
ant
to te
ll p
eop
le a
bo
ut y
our
exp
erie
nce
s
via
live
stre
amin
g?
Mo
re in
pu
t arr
ived
fr
om
Tar
ifa,
Sp
ain
– fr
om
an
acti
vist
re
adin
g a
man
ifes
to a
bo
ut n
ew la
ws
that
dis
crim
inat
ed a
gai
nst
ref
ug
ees.
O
ne
year
late
r w
e su
gg
este
d th
e In
dym
edia
Est
rech
o (I
nd
ymed
ia S
trai
ts)
pro
ject
. It w
as th
e se
ed o
f all
that
cam
e af
terw
ard
s.T
his
bo
rder
in s
ou
thw
este
rn E
uro
pe
is
abso
lute
ly h
ard
-co
re: i
t was
mili
tari
zed
in
200
2 w
hen
SIV
E (a
bo
rder
sur
veil-
lan
ce s
yste
m) b
egan
to b
e im
ple
men
t-ed
. It c
on
sist
s o
f a n
etw
ork
of s
enso
rs
alo
ng
the
coas
t of A
nd
alu
sia
and
the
Can
ary
Isla
nd
s th
at a
re c
on
nec
ted
to
an in
terc
eptio
n sy
stem
. A n
ew k
ind
o
f co
ntr
ol s
pac
e h
as c
om
e in
to b
ein
g;
it’s
no
t bas
ed o
nly
on
phy
sica
l bu
t al
so o
n n
on
-phy
sica
l ch
eckp
oin
ts th
at
mig
ran
ts s
in p
apel
es –
wit
ho
ut p
aper
s –
can
’t cr
oss
.W
ith
in th
e co
nte
xt o
f th
e EU
’s b
ord
er
man
agem
ent p
olic
y, th
e S
pan
ish
stat
e h
as b
een
a p
ion
eer
in th
is k
ind
of
elec
tro
nic
def
ence
bar
rier
. Th
e U
nit
ed
Sta
tes
bu
ilt a
wal
l alo
ng
the
Mex
ican
b
ord
er w
ith
equ
ipm
ent l
eft o
ver
fro
m
the
Gu
lf W
ar (
Op
erat
ion
Gat
ekee
per
, 19
94),
bu
t th
is w
all w
ent u
p in
a, l
et’s
sa
y, m
ore
‘po
st-m
od
ern
’ way
: it’
s an
ele
ctro
nic
wal
l th
at r
esem
ble
s m
edie
val s
urv
eilla
nce
tow
ers,
yet
al
so u
ses
rad
ar, i
nfr
ared
an
d o
ptr
on
ic
sen
sors
. US
an
d EU
pro
pag
and
a is
se
llin
g th
e sy
stem
to fi
gh
t org
aniz
ed
dru
g tr
affi
ckin
g an
d p
eop
le s
mu
g-
glin
g. B
ut s
ince
SIV
E h
as b
een
in
op
erat
ion
, bo
at p
eop
le –
wh
o in
the
pas
t cro
ssed
the
Str
aits
of G
ibra
ltar
w
her
e it
was
nar
row
est (
bet
wee
n 14
an
d 40
kilo
met
res)
– h
ave
bee
n fo
rced
to t
ake
mu
ch lo
ng
er a
nd
mo
re d
ang
er-
ou
s ro
ute
s to
avo
id b
ein
g tr
acke
d an
d
inte
rcep
ted
. So
her
e th
e re
st o
f us
are,
liv
ing
in w
ealt
hy
Euro
pe,
oft
en w
ith
ou
t an
y kn
ow
led
ge
of t
he
up
gra
des
bei
ng
m
ade
to th
is h
igh
-tec
h w
all –
the
wal
l b
etw
een
us
and
the
unfo
rtun
ate
peo
ple
on
the
oth
er s
ide.
pM
/HM
: In
con
tras
t to
thes
e ca
ses
in
whi
ch n
ew te
chn
olo
gie
s ar
e im
ple
-m
ente
d to
sec
ure
the
div
isio
n o
f sp
ace,
an
d se
par
atio
n o
f po
pul
atio
ns
and
cu
ltur
es, h
acki
tect
ura.
net
is w
ork
ing
o
n st
rate
gie
s to
dev
elo
p su
bve
rsiv
e in
form
atio
n n
etw
ork
s th
at e
nab
le
pablo de Soto
Bo
rder
Dev
ice
(s) –
Bo
rder
Mat
rix
Mu
ltip
licit
y, 2
003
So
lid S
eaM
ult
iplic
ity,
firs
t pre
sen
ted
at d
ocu
men
ta 1
1, 2
002
– o
ng
oin
g
fad
a’ia
t B
ord
erlin
e ac
adem
y, T
arif
a, S
pai
n, 2
005
Tech
no
-Bed
ou
ins,
200
5
136
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
137
Co
nte
sted
Sp
aces
In
terv
iew
men
t, w
hich
has
a 2
5-ye
ar h
isto
ry.
Follo
win
g th
e In
dym
edia
Est
rech
o
pro
ject
, Fad
a’ia
t was
ou
r n
ext s
ug
ges
-ti
on
for
inte
rfer
ing
wit
h th
e S
pan
ish
-M
oro
ccan
bo
rder
. Th
is p
roje
ct is
ab
ou
t sy
mb
olic
ally
op
enin
g th
is c
ruel
bo
rder
an
d im
pro
vin
g co
mm
un
icat
ion
fro
m
bo
tto
m to
top,
an
d so
gen
erat
ing
cr
itic
al o
utp
ut b
eyo
nd
wh
at w
e h
ear
in th
e co
rpo
rate
med
ia a
bo
ut w
hat
is
go
ing
on
in th
is g
eog
rap
hic
al r
egio
n.
In 2
005,
du
rin
g an
offi
cial
su
mm
it
bet
wee
n S
pai
n an
d M
oro
cco,
thre
e su
b-S
ahar
an m
igra
nts
die
d at
the
bo
rder
. Th
e b
ord
er p
olic
e m
ove
d th
e b
od
ies
very
qu
ickl
y fr
om
on
e si
de
to
the
oth
er, i
.e. t
hey
die
d o
n th
e S
pan
ish
si
de
and
wer
e th
en tr
ansp
ort
ed to
th
e M
oro
ccan
sid
e. T
her
e’s
a n
eed
to
mak
e th
is r
ealit
y vi
sib
le a
nd
to c
han
ge
ho
w m
any
see
it: a
low
-in
ten
sity
war
is
go
ing
on
at th
e b
ord
er.
A n
ew e
con
om
y is
em
erg
ing
in r
elat
ion
to
this
mili
tari
zatio
n. W
ithi
n th
e EU
’s
bo
rder
man
agem
ent p
olic
y, S
pai
n is
p
ion
eeri
ng
new
mea
ns
of c
on
tro
llin
g
geo
gra
phi
es. S
uch
terr
ito
rial
co
ntr
ol
tech
no
log
y h
as a
lso
bee
n so
ld to
G
reec
e an
d to
Po
lan
d fo
r it
s b
ord
er
wit
h B
elar
us.
S
o h
acki
tect
ura.
net
– w
ith
its
pla
tfo
rm
for
tact
ical
car
tog
rap
hy in
200
3 an
d it
s Fa
da’
iat l
abo
rato
ries
fro
m 2
004
to th
e p
rese
nt –
str
ives
to d
o st
rate
gic
wo
rk
for
this
geo
gra
phy
an
d it
s co
unte
r-
geo
gra
phy
, sim
ilar
to w
hat
oth
ers
hav
e al
read
y d
on
e in
Tiju
ana
/San
Die
go
or
Isra
el. O
ur o
bje
ctiv
e is
to m
ap th
e b
or-
der
as
an e
con
om
ic a
nd
soci
al s
pac
e w
ith
its
stru
gg
les
and
coun
ter-
heg
e-m
on
ic (
or
real
ity-
hac
kin
g) a
ctiv
itie
s.
peo
ple
to c
ross
thes
e d
ivis
ion
s an
d
con
nec
t dif
fere
nt c
om
mun
itie
s.
Wh
at a
re th
e ex
pec
tatio
ns
linke
d
to th
ese
coun
ter-
net
wo
rks?
pab
lo d
e S
oto
: As
hac
kite
ctur
a.n
et,
we
wer
e o
ne
of t
he
foun
der
s o
f th
e In
dym
edia
Est
rech
o p
roje
ct. I
t was
la
unch
ed in
200
3 af
ter
a p
revi
ou
sly
unsu
cces
sful
att
emp
t to
crea
te a
loca
l In
dym
edia
sit
e in
Sev
ille.
It h
app
ened
w
ithi
n th
e sc
op
e o
f an
acti
vist
an
d
arti
st m
eetin
g in
An
dal
usi
a to
whi
ch
UN
IA –
the
Inte
rnat
ion
al U
niv
ersi
ty o
f A
nd
alu
sia
– h
ad in
vite
d u
s an
d o
ther
g
rou
ps,
art
ists
an
d vi
deo
mak
ers.
We
sug
ges
ted
usi
ng
this
gat
her
ing
to s
tart
an
exp
erim
enta
l In
dym
edia
Est
rech
o
pro
ject
. We
wer
en’t
alo
ne
in th
is p
ro-
cess
: peo
ple
– m
ain
ly th
ose
wh
o h
ad
bee
n w
ork
ing
wit
h m
igra
nts
for
eig
ht
year
s al
read
y at
the
Cas
a d
e In
icia
tiva
s,
a so
cial
cen
tre
occ
up
ied
by
squ
atte
rs
in M
alag
a –
sup
po
rted
our
ind
epen
d-
ent m
edia
init
iati
ve. T
hey
had
lots
of
gra
ssro
ots
kn
ow
-ho
w a
nd
pra
ctic
e w
ith
mig
ratio
n p
hen
om
ena,
so
it w
as
a ve
ry n
ice
allia
nce
. A
t th
e b
egin
nin
g o
f th
e en
tire
pro
-ce
ss th
ere
was
an
amaz
ing
dis
cuss
ion
ab
ou
t wh
eth
er w
e sh
oul
d fo
cus
on
the
Str
aits
idea
or
crea
te a
mo
re r
egio
nal
A
nd
alu
sian
Ind
ymed
ia. W
e re
mar
ked
th
at in
this
glo
bal
ized
wo
rld
we
hav
e th
e ch
oic
e, t
acti
cally
sp
eaki
ng
, to
wo
rk
fro
m p
ost
-sta
te id
enti
ties.
Cap
ital
is
glo
bal
an
d co
nst
antl
y re
loca
ting
com
-p
anie
s fr
om
her
e to
ther
e fo
r ch
eap
er
lab
our
(i.e
., S
pan
ish
com
pan
ies
hav
e m
oved
maq
uila
s to
Mo
rocc
o).
Wh
en
it co
mes
to w
ork
ers’
rig
hts
, yo
u ca
n
fig
ht f
or
them
in y
our
nei
gh
bo
ur-
ho
od
; ho
wev
er, i
t mig
ht b
e m
ore
hel
pfu
l to
do
so o
n b
oth
the
loca
l an
d
glo
bal
leve
l. S
o if
we
wan
t to
chan
ge
or
to im
pro
ve th
ing
s at
the
sou
ther
n
Euro
pea
n b
ord
er, i
t’s
no
t en
ou
gh
to d
o
so m
erel
y fr
om
the
per
spec
tive
of a
ra
ther
no
rth
ern
iden
tity
. Th
e id
ea w
as
to p
roje
ct o
ur id
enti
ty in
to th
e o
cean
, in
to th
e w
ater
s in
bet
wee
n. F
rom
the
oce
an –
an
d th
e id
ea o
f th
e S
trai
ts –
w
e w
oul
d b
e ab
le to
see
no
rth
and
so
uth
, up
and
do
wn
...
Rig
ht n
ow
ther
e ar
e n
od
es in
sev
eral
ci
ties
ou
tsid
e A
nd
alu
sia,
in n
ort
her
n
Mo
rocc
o, fo
r in
stan
ce, i
n Ta
ng
iers
an
d
Lara
che
– b
ut t
hey
are
n’t
very
act
ive.
T
ho
ug
h I c
an s
till s
ay th
at a
t thi
s ve
ry
mo
men
t In
dym
edia
Est
rech
o w
ork
s as
an
info
rmat
ion
net
wo
rk a
nd
po
litic
al
pla
tfo
rm fo
r ac
tivi
sts
in th
e ar
ea; i
t p
rom
ote
s a
pre
vio
usl
y n
on
-exi
sten
t Pa
n-A
nd
alu
sian
mov
emen
t, as
wel
l as
pro
vid
es a
n in
form
atio
n p
latf
orm
fo
r p
eop
le w
ho
wan
t to
kno
w w
hat
is
go
ing
on
her
e: in
tern
auts
fro
m th
e U
nit
ed S
tate
s, F
ran
ce, e
tc.
pM
/HM
: Th
e Fa
da’
iat p
roje
ct, w
ith
w
hich
yo
u’v
e b
een
invo
lved
sin
ce
2004
, in
terv
enes
in th
e co
nte
sted
rea
l-it
ies
of t
he
Mo
rocc
an-S
pan
ish
bo
rder
b
y se
ttin
g u
p d
igit
al in
fras
tru
ctur
es
and
virt
ual
net
wo
rks,
an
d th
us
con
-n
ectin
g d
iffe
ren
t lo
calit
ies
to a
glo
bal
re
alm
of i
nfo
rmat
ion
. Wh
at is
yo
ur t
ake
on
this
inte
rtw
ined
en
gag
emen
t in
phy
sica
l an
d vi
rtu
al s
pac
e in
rel
atio
n to
co
nte
mp
ora
ry a
rchi
tect
ural
pra
ctic
e?
pab
lo d
e S
oto
: Whi
le a
rchi
tect
s o
nce
re
acte
d to
un
defi
ned
bo
rder
sp
aces
b
y sa
yin
g, ‘
this
is n
ot f
or
us’
, we
no
w
see
them
as
spac
es w
her
e n
ew s
tru
g-
gle
s an
d re
volu
tion
s ar
e in
pro
gre
ss.
Act
ual
ly w
e h
ad w
ante
d to
be
acti
ve in
su
ch a
sp
ace
fro
m th
e b
egin
nin
g. I
n a
way
I th
ink
we
dec
ided
to fo
cus
on
this
sp
ace
and
mak
e it
a lo
ng
-ter
m p
roje
ct
afte
r re
flec
ting
on
the
Zap
atis
ta m
ove-
hu
man
gro
up
s –
inst
anta
neo
us
2005
Fro
m fa
da’
iat:
lib
erta
d d
e m
ovim
ien
to +
lib
erta
d d
e co
no
cim
ien
to,
a b
oo
k b
y o
bse
rvat
ori
o te
cno
lóg
ico
del
est
rech
o, 2
006
Th
e el
ectr
on
ic b
ord
erFr
om
fad
a’ia
t: li
ber
tad
de
mov
imie
nto
+ li
ber
tad
de
con
oci
mie
nto
, a
bo
ok
by
ob
serv
ato
rio
tecn
oló
gic
o d
el e
stre
cho
, 200
6
Tran
sacc
ion
es/f
ada’
iat
Car
tog
rap
hy
of t
he
geo
po
litic
al t
erri
tori
es o
f th
e S
trai
ts o
f Gib
ralt
ar, 1
1/20
04
