Belfast Monthly Magazine

Contrast between Britain and the United States of North AmericaSource: The Belfast Monthly Magazine, Vol. 6, No. 31 (Feb. 28, 1811), pp. 92-95Published by: Belfast Monthly MagazineStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30073828 .

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92 Contrast between Britain and Norlh America. [Feb.

that to receive any benefits from Erasmus Smith's funds, the masters, and ashers of all schools aided from then) must subscribe to the two first canons of the church of Ireland; In the act of last session refer-- red to at page 17, of the last Belfast Magazine, the restriction is still fur- ther confirmed, by making it in- cumbent, to have the consent of the bishop of the diocese to any grant, under the circumstances of the act, for erecting the additional school-houses proposed to be built under the plan of extending the schools of Erasmus Smith. Such restrictions will essentially limit the benefits to be derived from this fund, and it is painful to observe that this act which was intro- duced into parliament under the auspices of the Primate, tends to continue restrictions, which are illiberal, and which are likely to defeat the full effects of a plan cal- culated in other respects to do so much good.

This circumstance with many others of a similhr nature, confirms the sentiment, that xthe temper of the times as manifested in the pre- sent svsIem of legislation will not permit us to hope at present for the establishment of a national systemi of education on liberal principles. To effict the important advantages of education, the exertions of in- dividuals must be persevered in, unaided by assistance from the na- tional purse, which would only be granted on a sacrifice of indepen- dence, by submittinig to the domi- nancy of the church establishment, and by increasing the patronage

and influence of the executive go-

vernment. K.

Jior thie Belfast llonthly 31iagazine.

HAVING lately had an opportu- nity of seeing a parcel of Ame-

rican newspapers, I was struck with some statements in the following pa- per, which appeared to me to be just. If they teach us duly to ap- preciate the advantages of a free go- vernment, and prove the absurdfity of an overweening confidence in all which belong to ourselves, merely because they are our own, they may be of service in your pages. Two great errors are often combined, to think too highly of ourselves, and too meanly of our neighbours. It appears to be the prevailing fashion, unjustly and unreasonably, to des. pise America. In the following es- say justice is dotne to their institu- tions, without misrepresenting the tendency of the manners, laws, and institutions of the old country. If we ever grow wiser, we must he willing to see our errors. Neitlier individuals nor nations advance in knowledge without cherishing a dis- position to search out and acknow- ledge their defects. A READE",

CONTRAST BETWEEN BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH A *MAERIC A.

(Extracted from the National Intel- ligencer, published at I'Washington.)

WVHA'r then are the peculiar cau- ses of this unrivalled felicity ?

We confidently answer, the pur- suit of a political course in most re- spects directly th-e reverse of that pursued by the nations of the old world.

in those nations governments are usurpations. on public opinion; Ihere they are direct emanations from it.

With them the great end of go- vernment is to controul the public will; here its great end is to carry it into effect.

In thre old world government is the monopoly of a few, by means of which corruption and fraud riot in extravagance, on the blood and la-

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1811.] Contrast betweenl Brilain and. North America. 93

bour of the people; ihere it is the conmmon property of all, deriving its existence from the will of the whole nation, and dispensing its blessings impartially among all.

In the old world government is the great source of crime ; here it is its most efflectual restraint.

In the old world government is' mainitained by force; here it is sup- ported by aflection.

Hence, in the old world gigantic navies and vast standing armies are indispensablle; while here they are almost enti:ely unnecessary, and ill- jurious, instead of beneficial to the popularity and energy of those in power.

Hence, too, while in the old world war is the constant aim arnd occupa- tion, peace is here interwoven with our wishes and interests.

In the old world, religion is the eflect of coercion and hypocrisy, and is only maintained by oppres- sive taxes: while here it is the free emanation of the conscience, is sin- cere, and is supported by voluntary contribution.

In the old world, the pursuits of' individuals are restrained by unjust and pernicious regulations, and ini- quitous monopolies ; here every man is permitted to employ his time, his talents and his money in the occupa- tion most congenial to his own mind.

After this rapid view of the dis- cordancy between our principles and conduct, and those of the nations oft

eEurope,. it is natural to enqnire into the points of resemblance.

This may enable us to decide

whlether the system which we have

adopted is merely a modification in its details of the systemns practised in the old world, or w\hether it is not a system fundamently different.

This is an imnportant enquiry. It is not merely a speculation amusing to the phlilosopher in his closet; its

decision necessarily leads to prac- tical effects of the urtmost impor- tance. On it will depend the pro- prietv, even safety, of consulting forei.gn pfecedents, and of being guided, in doubtful cases, by the experience of foreign nations.

If our system be in a higher de- gree homogeneous with, than discor- dant front the systems of foreign pow- ers, we may perha,ps safely be guided by the course they have pursued; but if, on the contrary, for one point of resemblance there be tea of hostility, our great diuty must be in doubtful cases, to avoid an exam- ple so pregnant with ruin.

We have shown that in the poli. tical structure of our goverimen:ts, the:re is scarcely any coincidence; that, in fact, the fundamental prin- ciiples of the one are in absolute and direct hostility to the other.

WVe have likewise shown that our condition is equally different fromn the condition of the nations of Eu- rope.

So far, then, as these two impor- taut considerations go, the inference is irresistible, and we must pro- nounce the experience of the old world on iv worthy of our attention as a beacon to guard us against error and misery.

The only branch of enquiry that remains for consideration, is how far our system reseimbles the foreign systemr in the security it establi- shes for the maintenance of civil rights.

These, we are told, are the great ends of government, and that the government that secures thenm must be good; and here we are referred to England. Of that country it is the boast, that the life, personal liberty, property, and good name of her citizens are defended with un- impeachable justice. The coinmmo law is vaunted as their great guar- dian; and, inasmuach as we have

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04 Contrast between Britain and Ncrth America. [ Feb.

naturalised it, we are said to have adopted a system similar to that of Britain.

Let us examine this subject con- cisely in detail. That the jurispru- dence of England has deservedly ranked her high among her sister na- tions of Europe, is indisputable. That it cherishes fewer seeds of sla- very, and that it pays more respect to the natural rights of man than any other system of cotempoianeous origin will not he deniied When, therefore, we look back upon thp lot of the old world, we behold with

de.- light the comparatively bright dis- plays of justice, liberty, and huma- nity, made in that distinguished is- land; and we see her towering iinfi- nitely above her neighbours.

But let us not be infatuated by thlis contrast. The present enquiry is not into the relative conditicod of the British and Frtenchn nations, or inll.o the relative advantages of their sY,:- tems of government. It is confinedl entirely to Great Britain and the United States. It may be, that Britain will, pn this comparison, sink as low, as in the other she rosp high.

It is true that hwe have naturalised the coAmon law o4f Eingland; but it

is equally true that thiscotmmon law has been so modified tby our ownM statutory law, that a marked di fdr- ence exists bet ween th e tio sys- ten s.

In England the life of the subject is said to be secure against unjust in- vasion. It is secured by indepen- dent judges,

and. an impartial ju-

ry. Let this be granted, fbro til sake of argument; still the existing laws may be, and in fact are devised in such a way as awfully to jeopar- dize human life. How many crimnes in the British code, compareLl to the American, are capital; and what a prodigal forfeiture of life constant- ly takes place for light and trivial

offences ! Besides, can the lives of subjects be stecure when it is ii the power of an irresponsible govern- ment, whenever it pleases, to hurry the nation into war, and to consign its subjects to distant and danueroiu expeditions, where the cfhance of surviving is very inconsiderable? And wlhre. is the difference to the wretched victim, whether he dies irn the field of

bi.ttle, or in an hospital,

at the call oCf an ambitions goveru- went, or on a

sc.afwhi d in expiation

of his offences? When too we con- sider that these oftnceOs are, fo;r the greater part, the ol:flpring of bad government, and the wl'etched pe. nury tq b hich

.thousands are thereby

reduc.ed, te Eox erimeit becomes the c mrninal iistead of the nominal ettxnder, and the murder or theft fir uhich thpe latter ifortfeits his life, is in fct the act ,of

the former. How opposite to this is our situa-

tions? Capital punishments are rave; atrocious ofiences almost e- qually so; a1id war, with all its horrors, knoiwn ouL v as a theme of

.execration. If ie view the infliuence of the c,mninon law of

Eiiglan, on personal

liberty, we shall fiid it equaflly dif, ferent from our system. There a sentiment of avarice apipears to have

ainaed so coniplete an ascendant, that the least invasion of property produces a sacrifice of liberty, if not life. Allusion is not here meant exclusively to fraudS which ought in evcry well regulated society to be severely puniished; hut to lthose mis- fortunets ifn buiness w hibh often make an honest man the debtor of another. In England, a jai) is his lot -ther he he languishes for years- perhaps he dies. How diffkrent the lot of misfortune in the United States. The law, on a surrender of his effects, screens the person of the debtor from confinement--IIe be- gins a new career---Tie smiles of

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1811.] On the Use of Translations. 95

prosperity agamn irradiate his path. fle soon retrieves the errors of' in- discretion or confidence, and rises to respectability, perhaps distinc- tion.

But, the advocates of the British system, driven fro-om those strong holds, fly to their fortress. Pro- perty, say they, is in England bet- ter protected than in any otber coun,. try on earth. Whatever guards you have formed around it, you have borrowed from us. But in this vivid eulogi.um we behold the illusion of dc;yssthat are past! 'There are two circumstances that mont

strikin,,ly contrast the situation of the United States and England in this respect. The f'irst relates to the relative ex- penses of conducting law suits, the second to the relative taxes imposed on property, whose value, it is evi- dent, must materially depend on these ci cumstances. Now under

tbe boasted common'iaw of England a debt cannot be g'ecovered, without a previous delay of several years, or without the payment of extrava, gaot fees to lawyers; and if the con- troversy relate to landed property, a life may be spent before the deci- sion of the suit. Can that property be said to b.e secure, '-which is expos- ed to such invasions, whereby its

;'igh0t-f&l owner may be kept out of its enjoyment for his whole life ? Is it not the irievitable tendency of such a system to place the scales of jus- tice exclusively in the hands of the rich, who if they are not invested with the power of turning the beam, are cloathed with the equally dan- gerous prerogative of keeping it in equilibrio as long as thley please; thereby unjustly preserving in jheir own hands the property of others.

With regard to taxes, it may be safely affirmed, that the assessment in England is ten times as high as iu the United States,

For the Belfast Monthly Magazine.

ON THE USE OF TRANSLATIONS ; APPLIED TO PRECEPTORS AND PU. PT LS. F not partial to my religion and country, I would be inclined to

think that in the British dominions, the learned languages are taught on plans the most rational, and withal by persons having a greater regard to the cause of christianity and truLh, and of instilling into the mind the principles of true philo- sophy, than in most other places in Europe. But even here the views of the community are not combinid, nor are they willing they should be established by the same common laws, asthose of individuals. Forexample, in the case now before us, some are disposed to admit and encourage the constant use of translations as a help for making proficiency in the language to which tile attention of their pupils is directed; others, a- gain, 'wish to discard such a prac- tice, or at the farthest, to use it only on certain occasions. Hence a sort of extravagance clearly pre- vails on both sides, which it is my intention to exhibit. But the only satisfactory method I can have re- course to in performing this is, by examining the sentiments of a trans- lator, and endeavouring to point out their conformity or

non-confor, mity to the promotion of classical learning. The individual, then, whom I chose for this purpose is Mr. John Clarke,* (once master of the -public grammar school at Hull) who has been of infinite service in

* The reason which induced me to select Mr. Clarke is, that he has written a prdfessed treatise on the advantages of translations. Wherefore, the observations made on their use in the Latin tongue, may also apply to those in the Greek, &c.

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