Tourism Review International, Vol. 14, pp. 201–213 1544-2721/11 $60.00 + .00Printed in the USA. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.3727/154427211X13092645880025Copyright 2011 Cognizant Comm. Corp. www.cognizantcommunication.com

COOKED FOOD HAWKING AND ITS MANAGEMENT:

THE CASE OF SINGAPORE

JOAN C. HENDERSON

Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

A case study of cooked food hawkers in Singapore is presented in this article, which also makesreference to activity in the wider Asian region and beyond. A model of cooked food hawkingfunctions and attributes is devised and forms the analytical framework for the discussion of corecharacteristics and future prospects. The sector is shown to serve various purposes, including thatof tourist amenity, and contributes to local lives and economies in the cities where activity isconcentrated. At the same time, hawking poses challenges for authorities concerned about adverseimpacts and traditional hawkers are at risk from modernization and globalization. The officialapproach to dealing with cooked food hawkers in Singapore is revealed to be distinctive regardingthe level of intervention and control, reflecting the history and defining features of the city state.Nevertheless, some lessons can be learned from experiences there about the management of hawk-ing in the 21st century, which include the importance of regulation and maintenance of food safetystandards. A more general conclusion is that the contribution of cooked food hawkers should begiven due recognition in urban planning and tourism marketing.

Key words: Cooked food hawking; Singapore; Southeast Asia

Introduction cooked food hawking is timely in view of currentpressures and future uncertainties, partly due tothe forces of globalization and modernization asThis article identifies and examines key attri-

butes of contemporary cooked food hawkers and well as urban development. Such questions are es-pecially apposite in Southeast Asian cities wherethe variety of roles they perform, including that of

tourism resource. Challenges for government re- food hawking is a well established tradition andthe pace of change is very fast, not least in Singa-garding management are also explored and the

discussion focuses on circumstances in Singapore. pore. The present conditions and prospects ofcooked food hawkers in the city state are assessed,The purpose is to improve knowledge and under-

standing of the sector and the threats it confronts, alongside their marketing to tourists and the offi-cial system of management. Lessons to be learnedcontributing to the existing literature by devising

and applying an original model. A review of from experiences there are also evaluated, with

Address correspondence to Joan C. Henderson, Associate Professor, Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University,Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798. Tel: 65 6790 6116; Fax: 65 6791 3697; E-mail: ahenderson@ntu.edu.sg

201

202 HENDERSON

comments on their wider applicability, and more atively neglected. Specific analyses of the foodtrade tends to be undertaken by environmentalgeneral conclusions are presented. A case study

was chosen as the most appropriate methodology health and food scientists who report on mattersof nutrition, hygiene, and disease (Dardano, 2003;for the purpose of the exercise and findings are

derived from analysis of information in the public Muinde & Kuria, 2005; Subratty, Beeharry, &Chan Sun, 2004). Cooked food hawking emergesdomain, assembled from miscellaneous print and

electronic media. Additional details were supplied as having other meanings besides that of culinarypractice. It is a business and economic activity, anby the official agency responsible for hawker cen-

ters in Singapore and observations made during administrative and policy issue, and a sociocultu-ral resource that embraces tourism. The attributessite visits also inform the account. Despite data

deficiencies, sufficient and suitable material was of these three core functions are summarized inFigure 1, which constitutes the analytical frame-collected to complete the exercise.work for this article and is elaborated on below.

Cooked Food HawkingBusiness/Economic Activity

The hawker label encompasses itinerant ven-dors who carry their goods with them and those Microenterprises are defined as those with a

headcount of less than 10 (European Commission,who sell from pushcarts and stalls of differing de-grees of permanence, usually in public spaces. 2003) and cooked food hawkers can be classed as

such, but they commonly employ far fewer peo-Hawking as a whole tends to be concentrated inthe less economically advanced countries of Af- ple. Businesses are often family based and may

draw on the help of adult and younger childrenrica, Asia, and Latin America (Bhowmik, 2005;Yasmeen, 2001) and is ubiquitous in Southeast (Smart, 1986). Many cooked food hawkers belong

to the formal economy and are subject to officialAsia (McGee & Yeung, 1997). Cooked foodhawking corresponds to this pattern, yet is found licensing, unlike their counterparts in the informal

sector who are without legal recognition or protec-around the world in various forms and locations(Dunnett, 2003). Customers are men and women tion (International Labour Office [ILO], 2000;

World Bank, 2005). Informal vendors may operateof every class and occupation, together with chil-dren (Tinker, 2003). Street food is a term some- illegally or semilegally, giving rise to insecurity

and instability, and struggle for the right and spacetimes used interchangeably with cooked foodhawking, but refers to uncooked meals, snacks. to work (Kusakabe, 2006). Due to the unregulated,

mobile, and sometimes seasonal qualities of hawk-and sweets in addition to cooked dishes (Tinker,1997). Influences on the provision of cooked ing, accurate measurement is impossible. Never-

theless, it is estimated that 50% of Asia’s urbanhawker food are indigenous cuisines and eatinghabits and macroenvironmental factors of stage of workers overall are employed informally and the

figure could surpass 70% in some labor forceseconomic development, government policies, soci-ocultural norms, and climate. These determinants such as that of Thailand (National Economic and

Social Development Board and National Statisti-lead to both opportunities and constraints regard-ing demand and supply in Southeast Asia where a cal Office [NESDB & NSO], 2004). Street vend-

ing is claimed to be one of the fastest expandinghigh proportion of hawkers sell cooked food (Wi-narno & Allain, 1991). segments of informal economies, accounting for

the highest shares of total employment and GDPHawking of all sorts is a topic of interest toresearchers whose perspectives cover economics, in trade for selected African and Asian countries

(Women in Informal Employment: Globalizingsociology, politics, and development studies (Ku-sakabe, 2006) as well as geography (Acho-Chi, and Organizing [WIEGO], 2011). Dealing in food

is a popular choice that the unemployed may turn2002; Hays-Mitchell, 1994). Tourism scholarshave also conducted research in the field (Timothy to in times of financial difficulties, assured of

steady demand.& Wall, 1997), although this is limited and thetheme of hawkers as a visitor attraction is compar- Characteristics of cooked food operation are

COOKED FOOD HAWKERS IN SINGAPORE 203

Figure 1. Functions and attributes of cooked food hawking.

ease of entry, unskilled or semiskilled work that hawkers and local economies are further supportedthrough their purchases of raw materials and ag-does not require formal education, low incomes

and prices, basic facilities, poor working condi- ricultural produce (Drakakis-Smith, 1990). Enter-prises are often run by women, bringing benefitstions, and an absence of security (Muzaffar, Huq,

& Mallik, 2009). Although start up and running of female employment and empowerment (Yas-meen, 2001), and a number of self-help groupscosts are modest, microfinance assistance is not

readily available which can have adverse conse- have been formed (WIEGO, 2011). Revenues andprofitability are constrained, whether in the formalquences. Urban food vendors in the Philippines,

for example, are sometimes heavily indebted due or informal domain, but there is scope for entre-preneurship and its financial returns (Mituklah,to extending credit to their customers and conse-

quently at the mercy of loan sharks. Problems are 2003; Universiti Sains Malaysia [USM], 2010).Food hawking is not inevitably concomitant withexacerbated in situations where similar foods are

sold in the same area, leading to very competitive poverty and the earnings of Bangkok vendors areregularly above the country’s minimum wage (Nira-pricing (Approtech Asia, 2011). More positively,

jobs and income are generated by cooked food thron, 2006). Food hawkers can therefore make a

204 HENDERSON

significant economic contribution, depending on tered spatial distribution of hawkers and their mo-bility (Smart, 1986).prevailing national and subnational circumstances

(Allain, 1988; Muzaffar et al., 2009). Nevertheless, there is recognition among au-thorities across Asia that cooked food hawkersneed to be formally managed in the interests of allAdministrative/Policy Issuesstakeholders. Some resultant projects have suc-

Hawking has policy implications such as those ceeded in enhancing both food safety standardspertaining to the legal standing of participants and and vendor incomes and welfare (Tinker, 1997)urban and development planning (Kusakabe, 2006). and nongovernmental agencies are agreed to playCooked food hawking raises additional questions a part in such programs, including various UNof public health (Wanjek, 2005; World Health Or- agencies (Food and Agriculture Organization andganization [WHO], 1996). Unsatisfactory levels of World Health Organization [FAO & WHO], 2011).hygiene and food safety in some countries can These initiatives may be harnessed to poverty re-lead to ailments and diseases of assorted severity duction goals as has happened in Bangkok (Nira-(Lues, Rasephei, Venter, & Theron, 2006; Pang & thon, 2006).Poh, 2008) and there have been criticisms of thenutritional content of the food (Winarno & Allain, Sociocultural Resource1991). There are other possible harmful impactsof congestion and litter and vendors face intimida- The social and personal importance of employ-

ment attributed to hawking should not be over-tion and harassment from criminal elements withinand outside government. They are also sometimes looked, and individuals and households may be

dependent on the sale of street foods for their live-accused of aggressive selling to tourists in certaindestinations, prompting complaints. Hawker man- lihoods (Iyenda, 2001). While patronized by peo-

ple of all walks of life, the ability of cooked foodagement is thus desirable, if not essential, and offi-cials have responded with registration and regula- hawkers to provide sustenance at an affordable

price for the urban poor is vital (Haddad, Ruel, &tory schemes and complementary measures (Codjia,2000). Garrett, 1998), especially in developing countries

such as those of Africa (Iyenda, 2001). In theseEnforcement and monitoring remain formida-ble tasks, however, and deficiencies in the manag- cases, eating anywhere else may be too expensive

and cooking at home could be a more costly op-ing of hawkers by authorities have been observedin the Southeast Asian capitals of Bangkok, Ma- tion. Cooked food hawkers thus usually search out

pitches with the densest pedestrian flows in townsnila, Hanoi, and Phnom Penh (Bhowmik, 2005).Bhowmik (2005) maintains that the strategy in and cities and busy residential areas (Acho-Chi,

2002; Hays-Mitchell, 1994). Vendors can be inKuala Lumpur is more sympathetic and effective,although it too is not without its shortcomings fierce contention for space (Chung, Ritoper, & Ta-

kemoto, 2010; Kusakabe, 2006), yet may possess(Hassan, 2003). Attempts to move traders intogovernment controlled zones in Hong Kong, a strong sense of collective identity as displayed

in Hong Kong where hawkers at large have en-where illegal hawking is also a longstanding prob-lem, have been strongly opposed (Smart, 1986). gaged in common action and protests against gov-

ernment relocation policies (Smart, 1986). VendorPlans to supervise and protect street vendors maythus be devised, but are not always fully or prop- and public disquiet about a proposed tax on the

food shacks known as wartegs in the Indonesianerly implemented. Political commitment to theirexecution can be lacking and the official position capital of Jakarta also led the local governor to

postpone the levy (Soeriaatmadja, 2010), indica-hostile. Corruption such as that endemic in muchof Southeast Asia (Wescott, 2003) undermines ad- tive of the strength of feelings about street foods

and how they can become a political issue.ministrative efforts while inefficiencies engenderconfused and inconsistent rules (Iyenda, 2001). Street food has been hailed as a “natural ex-

pression of culture that cannot be found else-There are often budgetary and other constraints(Pena, 2000) and control is frustrated by the scat- where” (Consumers International, 2011) and

COOKED FOOD HAWKERS IN SINGAPORE 205

cooked food hawkers can be seen as valued repre- ronistic. Globalization and the spread of fast foodchains with internationally recognized brands posesentatives of local distinctiveness in an era of in-

ternationalization. They have acquired a heritage a further challenge, enticing away customers.At the same time, cooked food hawkers havein many locations, illuminating histories and soci-

eties in ways that may appeal to outsiders. Hawk- demonstrated resilience and the enduring con-sumer preference for their products is testimony toers can thereby perform a function of tourist ame-

nity and while hawker food alone is unlikely to be the support they command. Defenders contendthat their disappearance is to be resisted as ita prime motivator of travel in the manner of cer-

tain food cultures (Henderson, 2009), hawkers of- would deny the public a cheap food source andend a long and worthwhile cultural tradition (Con-fer the chance to sample local dishes and lend

color and vitality to destinations. In Southeast sumers International, 2011; Smart, 1986). Ap-preciation of the contribution of cooked foodAsia, vendors of miscellaneous goods congregate

in historic cities, resort town centers and sea- hawkers to societies and cultures, as well as econ-omies, is reflected in the Street Food movement.shores, and at individual attractions that are popu-

lar with tourists (Henderson & Smith, 2009; Smith It celebrates their presence and seeks to improvethe safety of food purchased on the streets and& Henderson, 2008; Timothy & Wall, 1997). Un-

familiar foods may, however, incite fears and be vendor standards of living. Debate about the mer-its and future of cooked food hawkers resonate inavoided due to lack of understanding, communica-

tion barriers, and anxieties about health and hy- the case of Singapore, which is now considered.giene (Cohen & Avieli, 2004). Destination mar-keting organizations are advised to address these Hawking as a Business and Economicimpediments, which pertain to tourist appreciation Activity in Singaporeof foreign food as a whole, in order to inspire con-

Consumer spending by Singaporeans on eatingfidence and participation (Horng & Tsai, 2010).out has increased significantly in the past decade,fueled by higher disposable incomes and busy life-A Future of Uncertaintystyles (Euromonitor International, 2010a). A di-versity of provision exists from celebrity chef fineThe nature of hawking as a business, much of

which is conducted outside of or on the fringes of dining restaurants to fast-food outlets, but tradi-tional cooked food hawkers housed in centersthe law, in combination with official stances and

intervention, has created both opportunities and managed by the state still occupy a central role ineveryday life (Kong, 2007). Hawker centers areobstacles for cooked food hawker sectors in Asian

countries. The social and cultural dimensions of defined as “open-air complexes that comprisemany stalls selling a wide variety of mostly localhawking interact with those in the economic and

administrative domains and some appear to favor food that is affordably priced” (Tung, 2010). Theyare distinguished from privately run food courtsthe continuation of the trade, but uncertainties lie

ahead, as proposed in Figure 1. Doubts about the that boast modern comforts such as air condition-ing and are found in shopping malls and othersurvival of cooked food hawkers are grounded in

internal weaknesses already outlined and threats in commercial venues. The popularity of hawker cen-ters is explained by their convenience, choice ofthe wider environment. Rapid urban development

and the drive to modernization are depriving food, value for money, and casual environment.Accessibility is a consideration and centers are lo-cooked food hawkers of space throughout Asia,

particularly in cities (Leung, 2005). Street foods cated across the intensively urbanized and indus-trialized island in correspondence with the spatialare also an anomaly in visions of themselves com-

municated to domestic and international audiences distribution of the residential and working popula-tions.by some municipalities. An example is Delhi, and

te Lintelo (2009) writes of Indian government as- There were 78 hawker centers combined withmarkets selling fresh produce and a further 28 andpirations for it to be a “global, clean and orderly

city” (p. 74) where traditional vendors are anach- 3 dealing only in cooked food and fresh produce,

206 HENDERSON

respectively, in 2010 (National Environment lowed by the registration of 18,000 hawkers whowere shifted temporarily from the main thorough-Agency [NEA], 2010a). Of the total stock of 5,883

cooked food stalls that year, all except 149 (2.5%) fares onto side streets, parking lots, and unusedland. Construction of over 140 hawker/marketwere operational. They are usually manned by the

stallholder who is self-employed and an average centers commenced in 1970 and all the hawkershad been resettled by 1986 (NEA, 2010a). The re-of one to two assistants (personal communication,

2010). Hours are long and food preparation can be public’s rulers therefore achieved in two decadeswhat colonial administrators had been attemptingrepetitive and time consuming, particularly if

items are made by hand (R. Tan, 2010a). One from the beginning of the 20th century and theirdecisions have been a powerful influence overhawker recounted in a newspaper interview how

“we cook everything from scratch. . . . We start at hawking ever since. It should be recalled that thePAP has remained in office and transformed the3.30am and don’t finish until 7pm. I even spend

five hours on my day off de-boning dried sole fish, island into a regional economic success story. Itshandling of opposition has prompted censurewhich is used as a topping for our noodles”(Economist Intelligence Unit [EIU], 2009), how-(Huang, 2008). Tasks are carried out in a confinedever, as has the sacrifice of built heritage and thespace in the tropical heat and, during peak hours,natural environment in the quest for growth (Pow-staff must work quickly to meet customer ordersell, 1997; Waller, 2001).so it is perhaps unsurprising that they have a repu-

Currently, the National Environment Agencytation for brusqueness (R. Tan & Yong, 2010). In-(NEA), under the Ministry of Environment andformation about incomes is not released and, whileWater Resources (MEWR), is responsible forthere is anecdotal evidence that some hawkers arehawker/market centers and has a dedicated Hawk-very well remunerated, these cannot be deemeders Department. The MEWR owns 25 centers andtypical. Fierce competition depresses prices chargedfive belong to the JTC development corporation,even as costs rise and profit margins are narrow.located in industrial zones to serve the workforce.The rest are the property of the aforementionedHawking as an AdministrationHDB, the government agency in charge of the ac-and Policy Issue in Singaporecommodation in which the majority of Singapore-

Hawking of all sorts has been common in Sin- ans live (NEA, 2010a). Most stalls are rented, butgapore since the 19th century, and unhygienic an ownership program was started in 1994 that al-practices, litter, and the obstruction of streets and lowed incumbents to buy their stalls on a 20-yearpavements by carts and roadside stalls were causes lease at a discounted price (Ministry of Environ-of concern to colonial administrators (Henderson, ment, 2002). The arrangement was discontinued in2000). There were efforts at supervision and li- 1998 and, at the end of 2010 there were 927 pri-censing before and after World War II (Colony of vately owned cooked food stalls (personal com-Singapore, 1950; Colony of Singapore and Straits munication, 2010). Rental procedures for the re-Settlement, 1931), but these were largely unsuc- mainder consist of a monthly exercise in whichcessful. By the early 1960s, 6,486 licensed and ap- tender documents are bought and submitted in re-proximately 20,000 unlicensed hawkers were at sponse to advertised details about vacancies. Ifwork, or one to every 27 inhabitants (Tung, 2010). there are no other applicants, the stall will be prof-

Following independence in 1965, the new gov- fered at the market rate; otherwise, bidding takesernment of the People’s Action Party (PAP) de- place. Applications also have to be made to thecided to centralize street hawkers. Premises were NEA to register hawker assistants and the job isprimarily to be integrated into the public apart- restricted to Singapore citizens, permanent resi-ment blocks being built by the forerunner of the dents, and official work permit holders (NEA,Housing Development Board (HDB) to improve 2010a).living conditions and ease pressures in the crow- A proportion of cooked food and market stall-ded inner city, much of which was slated for rede- holders are entitled to rent subsidies, their number

dropping steadily to 5,919 in 2010 out of a totalvelopment. A census completed in 1969 was fol-

COOKED FOOD HAWKERS IN SINGAPORE 207

in excess of 15,000 (Lim, 2009; personal commu- their “vibrancy and attractiveness” and “sustainand differentiate” them from competing food out-nication, 2010). The arrangement dates back to the

1960s relocation and covers hawkers who were al- lets (NEA, 2010c). The Workforce DevelopmentAgency (WDA) has cooperated with the NEA inlocated stalls under a hardship scheme, open to the

unemployed or people in financial trouble. Known training designed to upgrade hawker skills gener-ally and specifically in customer service, stall dis-as first-generation hawkers, they pay from be-

tween $160 and $320 a month compared to con- plays, and hygiene. Over 1,000 hawkers from 12centers participated in the pilot module under thetested rents, which can reach $4,500 for a stall

with a good position in a popular center. Market Food and Beverage Workforce Skills Qualifica-tion System (F&B WSQ) and there has been dis-rents are assessed by professional valuators based

on factors such as location and economic condi- cussion about aligning the NEA course with theWSQ curriculum and assessment (WDA, 2007).tions and generally fall within the $1,500–$2,500

band (personal communication, 2010). Upon re- These steps are an element of a wider plan to raiseservice quality in Singapore, which is believed totirement, a close relative can take over a subsi-

dized stall at the same fee if certain provisos are be disappointing in comparison with rival Asianmet; new tenants must pay market rates. While cities (Ministry of Finance, 2006).regular stallholders are allowed to sublet their The food itself has been the focus of other gov-stalls, sometimes at a price above that imposed by ernment campaigns such as the Healthier Hawkerthe NEA if demand is sufficiently high, subsidized Food Programme in which hawkers are urged tohawkers may not. sell, and customers to request, meals with reduced

As well as acting as landlord, the public sector fat and salt content and extra vegetables. Theoversees matters of food and personal hygiene and NEA, together with the HPB and Singapore Tour-routine checks are undertaken by teams of NEA ism Board (STB), endorses the City Hawker Foodinspectors. It is compulsory for hawkers to be vac- Hunt, which is organized jointly by a newspapercinated against typhoid and for food handlers aged and gas company and bestows various awards re-45 and above to be screened for tuberculosis lated to hygienic and authentic hawker food(NEA, 2010a). Operators have to pass a manda- (Baker, 2010). Most recently in 2009, the NEA settory Basic Food Hygiene Course and then a re- up an interactive website that disseminates infor-fresher course every 3 years. A comprehensive mation about hawker centers and the measuressystem of foodservice grading was introduced in taken to enhance these “unique icons of Singa-1997 and ranges from A (a score of 85% or more) pore.” Users are asked to recommend and rateto D (less than 50%) founded on criteria of cleanli- their favorite centers and stalls and comment onness, housekeeping, and hygiene. The grade is de- shortcomings (NEA, 2010d). The NEA also pro-termined after an initial inspection, repeated annu- fesses to be in regular contact with hawkers andally, and must be displayed at the stall (NEA, holds dialogue sessions every 3 months to com-2010a). Demerit points are given for public health municate policies and invite feedback (personaloffences categorized as minor, major, or serious communications, 2010). Long-term policies areand their accumulation leads to the suspension or unclear, however, and official ambiguities are re-revocation of licenses (Tung, 2010). turned to in the penultimate section.

The Hawker Centres Upgrading Programmewas launched in 2001 with a budget of S$420 mil- Hawking as a Socioculturallion and aims to improve the physical infrastruc- Resource in Singaporeture, cleanliness, and hygiene of centers while “re-

Commentators and citizens concur that food istaining their unique flavour” (NEA, 2010b, p. 20).of great importance to Singaporeans and can beA total of 84 had been renovated by early 2010described as something of a national passion (Hen-with rentals adjusted accordingly (I. Ong, 2010).derson, 2004). Singapore is distinguished in theThe NEA also encourages approved entertain-region by its relative prosperity and is classed asments such as busking and portrait painting at

hawker centers, the stated purpose being to add to a high-income non-OECD economy by the World

208 HENDERSON

Bank with a GNI per capita of US$37,220 com- respectively, agreed that hawker centers arepared to an average for East Asia and the Pacific unique to Singapore and worthy of preservationof US$3,172 (World Bank, 2011). Nevertheless, (NEA, 2005). Singapore’s food in general is a sell-not everyone is affluent and cheap hawker food is ing point for the STB, the statutory organizationwelcomed by the poorer members of society. It dealing with tourism promotion and development,was estimated in the mid-1970s that 100,000 de- and frequent references are made to a “food para-pended on cooked hawker fare for at least one dise” in its marketing. Hawker centers are deemeddaily meal (Cheng, 1985). According to a Health a novelty, promising “authentically SingaporeanPromotion Board (HPB) survey in 2004, most Sin- dining,” and five of the more accessible are adver-gaporeans eat hawker food regularly and 50% of tised on the Tourism Board website with advicerespondents do so at least six times a week (Euro- about speciality dishes that tourists are exhortedmonitor International, 2010a). to try (STB, 2010a). Although termed “humble,”

Hawker food represents a window onto the his- hawker centers are presented as one facet of atory of Singapore, which was claimed by Stamford “multi-racial population” with a “rich and distinc-Raffles on behalf on the East India Company in tive cultural heritage that is showcased beautifully1819. It evolved into a major international port in the unique and varied cuisines offered by thethereafter, later absorbed into the British Empire. four main ethnic groups” (STB, 2010b, p. 14). AInward migration of workers from around the study (S. Y. Ong, Poon, & Xu, 2011) disclosesworld ensued, but particularly from China. A size- that most visitors who have eaten at hawker cen-able community of Indians also established itself, ters have enjoyed it as a cultural experience.together with groups such as Arabs (National Her- Hawking thereby helps in upholding and reinforc-itage Board, 1998). Singapore’s food sellers thus ing the multicultural ambience of Singapore and,had to satisfy the tastes of numerous nationalities in turn, its overall appeal as a destination.and a rapidly expanding population in which in-digenous Malays were soon a minority. Former

Future Prospects of Singaporesocial and cultural conditions have left a legacyCooked Food Hawkersapparent in hawker fare associated with the main

ancestral races and dishes that are Western andThe state and prospects of food hawking are aEurasian in origin. Other outside influences are

topic of public discussion in Singapore, illustratedevident and certain recipes are a fusion of cuisinesby attention given to it in the media with callsand cooking styles. In addition, hawker centers af-for heightened awareness and conservation of itsford insights into the contemporary culture andheritage. One printed food guide (Seetoh, 2010)lifestyle of residents of Singapore where the afore-features Hawker Legends whose dishes are classedmentioned enthusiasm for food is both a unifyingas outstanding and the principal national newspa-force among citizens of mixed races and a markerper inaugurated a Singapore Hawker Masters com-of ethnicity. They are democratic, affluent execu-petition in 2010 in which readers vote and finaltives queuing and dining next to those on the tight-winners are chosen by a panel of judges (Quek,est of budgets, and patronized by people of all2010b). A food journalist has proposed a Culinaryages. Families are habitual customers and the oc-Medallion, akin to the Cultural Medallion for at-casion is an opportunity for social exchange.tainment in the arts, to honor the ablest hawkersHawkers can thus be seen as a manifestation ofand the National Heritage Board Chairman sug-the republic’s modern society, multicultural heri-gests a cookery school devoted to hawker faretage, and historical experiences. The notion of a(Tay, 2010). There may, however, be reluctancediscrete hawker heritage, usually conceived of ason the part of hawkers to divulge their oftena component of national heritage, has emerged andclosely guarded professional secrets and there areis acknowledged by hawkers who show pride inno definitive versions of the country’s favoritetheir craft and a commitment to conserving its tra-dishes. The identification, articulation, and safe-ditions (H. Tan, 2010). In an official survey, over

64% and 98% of local respondents and tourists, guarding of hawker heritage thus pose dilemmas

COOKED FOOD HAWKERS IN SINGAPORE 209

as do the protection of the existing industry and hawkers are excluded, precipitating retirement ina similar effect to the closure of centers while up-its future.

Despite positive attitudes towards hawkers grading is being completed (Quek, 2010a). In onerecent case, stallholders (many of whom are own-evinced by residents and tourists, enticing new en-

trants is difficult due to the nature of the job and ers under the 1994 scheme) have petitioned thegovernment not to tear down their center whenbroader social and socioeconomic changes. Most

young Singaporeans would not consider hawking the lease expires in 2014 and the land reverts tothe state. The official response is that they may bea desirable career option and no special courses

are taught at further education and technical insti- permitted to remain if the land is not affected bydevelopment plans (Teo, 2010), an outcome thattutions where catering students reportedly prefer

learning about Western cooking and aspire to appears unlikely given its commercial potential.The instance highlights the need to take steps towork in fine dining restaurants (R. Tan, 2010b).

Recruitment is a pressing issue as hawkers active protect the cooked food hawking sector throughmeans such as the safeguarding of trading spacesince the 1950s and 1960s are reaching an age

when they are ready or compelled by their health and involving hawkers in the decision making pro-to retire. Many had little schooling and followed cess.in the footsteps of elder relatives, but their ownchildren have had better educational and employ- Conclusionsment opportunities. The offspring of first-genera-

Cooked food hawkers in Singapore thus exhibittion hawkers may not fulfill the criteria for theseveral of the features outlined in Figure 1. Theytransfer of a subsidized stall and therefore faceare very small and basic enterprises, sell inexpen-substantially higher operating costs should theysive goods, yield relatively low incomes, and havetake over the enterprise. Some hawkers may dis-modest funding requirements. An urban phenome-courage descendants from joining the trade to savenon, they command popular support and benefitthem from the hardships they themselves have en-residents by supplying inexpensive foods in acces-dured and, even if children feel an obligation tosible locations and providing jobs suitable for thecarry on the family business and are keen to doless skilled. They are a source of novelty and in-so, they do not necessarily possess the flair andterest for tourists, instilling destination vibrancydiscipline to succeed. Hawkers have few rivals re-and adding to the dining options of both locals andgarding price among casual eateries, but the foodvisitors. As practitioners of a cultural tradition, itand beverage industry in Singapore at large is in-can be argued that cooked food hawkers enrichtensely competitive and customers are becomingcontemporary society and provide reassuring con-more demanding (Euromonitor International, 2010b).tinuity in a period of great change.There are already complaints of a decline in

The relevance of certain attributes listed in Fig-hawker food quality and authenticity. Critics be-ure 1 is, however, less certain. Matters of debatemoan how cheaper modern ingredients are replac-are ease of entry, limited skills, poor working con-ing traditional and more expensive items and slowditions, and insecurity. Some obstacles such asmethods are being abandoned for those that arehealth and hygiene qualifications may be fairlyfaster (Brooks, 2010).easily overcome, but the shortage of empty stallsIn addition, the number of hawker/market cen-is a serious barrier to entry. It can be argued thatters has fallen from 150 to 114 in the last decadethe best hawkers are very talented and all are ben-and there are fears that contraction is an ongoingefiting from improvements to the work environ-trend. Certain centers are at risk from urban rede-ment. Singapore’s cooked food hawkers are notvelopment, which is constantly occurring in Sin-immune from assorted threats to their trade, yetgapore (Soh & Yuen, 2011) where land, most ofthey are more secure than many vendors in neigh-which is state owned, is scarce and property is ex-boring countries.pensive (Sau, Loo, & Lai, 2004). Construction

There is clearer divergence from the model inprojects can lead to the demolition of older struc-tures and the erection of buildings from which the administrative arena and the city state’s hawker

210 HENDERSON

sector is confined to the formal economy. It func- suit wealthier societies. They have the potential toretain a valued, albeit modified, place in advanc-tions in accordance with the law, which does not

tolerate informal vending and stipulates compli- ing economies despite the challenges attendant onsuch progress.ance with a comprehensive set of rules, incorpo-

rating hygiene. Laws are occasionally flouted, but However, the stance adopted in Singapore mayhave disadvantages. Overzealous efforts to orga-the level of formal involvement and strict regula-

tion is one of the most striking characteristics of nize cooked food hawkers constrain activity andspatial distribution in ways that could have ad-cooked food hawking in Singapore. The approach

is perhaps typical of a government defined by its verse socioeconomic consequences. A degree ofspontaneity and diffusion in trading may be morefinancial reserves, pursuit of order, and exercise of

control. However, there are policy dilemmas to be convenient for some urban residents than central-ized facilities and add to the street life that en-resolved and the economic goal of realizing the

development potential of scarce land must be rec- gages tourists. Individual hawkers might baulk atbeing moved into premises to be shared with rivalsonciled with the social goal of ensuring the popu-

lace has affordable food. It seems that many of the and resent the denial of freedom and mobility, aswell as relatively high rents. Enforced relocationscooked food hawker initiatives cited are opera-

tional rather than strategic, focusing on enhancing can be interpreted as a restructuring of urban spacedecided by governments following their own eco-the quality of the existing product. They do not

appear to address the fundamental threat to hawk- nomic, social, and political agendas. The hawkercommunity and citizens as a whole may finders caused by the priority attached to financial re-

turns in many land use decisions. The result is a themselves without much of a voice in the pro-cess, which would seem to favor business andposition of some ambivalence whereby there is an

appreciation of the positive aspects of hawkers, other elites. Questions of hawker opinions seem tobe neglected by policy makers and researchers inbut also a sense that their activities should not im-

pede the urban development that is central to eco- Singapore, as elsewhere, but warrant attention inorder to understand their expectations and experi-nomic progress.

Singapore’s political and administrative sys- ences better.In conclusion, this article has confirmed thattem, alongside a society accepting of official inter-

vention and dictates in return for stability and hawkers play miscellaneous roles and serve manyfunctions. These should be recognized in specificprosperity, means that modes of doing public and

private sector business are not readily transferable. policies, integrated into more general urban plan-ning program, aimed at making the most of oppor-Nevertheless, some lessons can be learned about

the management of hawking by authorities. Legal- tunities and containing the negative repercussionsof rampant hawking. The decline and ultimate dis-ization and rigid enforcement of licensing allows

close supervision and reduces the possibilities of appearance of cooked food hawkers would be aloss to both residents and tourists and it is to becriminality. The imposition and monitoring of hy-

giene standards also cultivates confidence in food hoped that a sustainable future for them can beattained in ways satisfactory to all stakeholders.safety and reduces dangers to public health. In-

vestment in centers that provide clean water, Possible supportive measures have been identified,based upon the case of Singapore, and encompasswashrooms, a reliable energy supply, and proper

waste disposal strengthens the collective competi- the allocation of appropriate and affordable sites.Nevertheless, it must be admitted that the long-tiveness of hawkers. Attempts to burnish and cele-

brate hawker competences through education and term survival of hawking in traditional forms can-not be guaranteed in rapidly developing citiestraining and the endorsement of awards are com-

mendable. Presentation and promotion as a tourist where other economic sectors and the imperativesof growth take precedence. The future is thereforeattraction too can help generate revenues. Finally,

the Singapore case indicates that cooked food one of uncertainty and the many aspects of cookedfood hawking, including administrative strategies,hawkers need not be synonymous with the world’s

poorest countries and are capable of adaptation to merit further study in view of the contribution it

COOKED FOOD HAWKERS IN SINGAPORE 211

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