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3

MexicoLynn Stephenstates in Mexico have a in 15L9,

ancestral territories and common lanG. the colontionpreserved in some parts of New Spain. With independence and a

development policy during the ,porfiriato, perioi lfbSl_feiO;vacant land - an measuring and purchase of so-called

::11'.r:ll ItT:.::. and- representative bodiel or go;.i'"u;;"(Baitenmann 199S).land their communal vilmembersThe fo tion ofr:of since the M7Q raillion tiecti ution has

90 per cent of its tand (Bartra tSdZ:Sey' 'Without a doubt, the most enduring legacy of the Mexicanrevolution has been the agrarian reform cdnstitutio under Article 27of the constitution (and formally in a 1920law) that allowed for thel:::*:: ":,!r!y as colective'entities with a iegal stature, ,p".iR.

lnCS

Between NAFTA and Zapata:Responses to Restructuring theCommons in Chtapas and Oaxaca,

the from largeto slightl ficiaries.-c)-.

series of laws aimed at promoting individual prop.rty titring inJttredisentailment of lands held by the Church', tiexico,s i;eGil,peoples began to lose their common lands at a rapid pace. State

(Staventpart of tlindigenrback toThe aregionalwere novalleys aon to silstate's lithese arrmarkedlabourerIn otlMexicarresistaneiido lan1,994:41colonizilabour auntil ththeologgovernlformatir, peasantIn thgovernrand en

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(Stavenhagen 1986:26rt of the rural sectorlgenous common

regionally. In the State of Oaxaca, for example, large landed estateswere not the norm. There, haciendas were confined to the centralvalleys and the coast and indigenous communities managed to holdon to significant amounts of land. Private land was also held by thestate's large indigenous population (Taylor 1,972). Nevertheless, inthese areas where communities had lost land, the formation of eiidosmarked a significant improvement in the lifestyle of landless daylabourers and sharecroppers.In other areas of Mexico, such as some regions of Chiapas, theMexican Revolution was tardy in its arrival and, due to entrenchedresistance to land redistribution, fewer ejidos were formed. Mostejido land in Chiapas was transferred in the 1930s and 1940s (Collier1.99441). The primary source of eiido land was opened throughcolonization of unused forested areas of the jungle. Colonial land,labour and social relations remained intact in many areas of Chiapasuntil the 1970s when a series of forces including Christian liberationtheologists, independent peasant organizations, brutal styles ofgovernment and grinding poverty combined to instigate theformation of new ejidos, regional organizations of eiidos and regionalpeasant organizations.In the 1980s, a series of measures aimed at privalization ofgovernment enterprises, a loosening of federal regulations to permitand encourage foreign investment and ownership, and the individ-ualization of property and social relations between the state and its

the

has

land (Stephen 1997, Harvey 1994). The chafige in the law affectsalmost 50 per cent of Mexico's national"t6rritory.In the 1990s, there has been a r.gide rangel of responses to theNorth American Free Trade Agredment (NAFTA), the structuraladjustments of the lg$Os a{1990s and the reform of agrarianreform. These nnge fromr{overnment progiammes designed to\r/ *i.r,..'";. - ti'ny \ tutr, 7+l,af 5av A ''l u /\4LJN-a( l ds

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/) Between NAFTA and Zapatq^, 77I r- | " .-.'r , / | 'r.7 ' [']) n *"r.- ic '" tnl /n:* -. In addition to ei ido lands, *$BlilUapodan!_s made uo of agrarian comrfrfnities that ho

citizens have found their logical conclusion in agrarianpolicy whichfollowed in the wake of the reformation of A4ietsZT of \he MexicanConstitution in 1992. The reformatj rticle 27;hs part andrcel of a series of policies designed to suthe North Amerlcant6lhe landless and permits (but does not require) izationffile corporate status ?s'tiicto or communal

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:he possibility of holding an individual'e a certificate.:hanges in landholdings for more thancommunities, a new government officea Agraria or Agrarian Attorney's Office.e of the Procuraduria is built aroundtatdrios t}]'rovgh providing them with.rticular plots of land belong to them asrf holding individual title to a piece ofrotivated some ejidataios to formallyfication programme. Upon signing up,information, official visits from lawyersteams to measure their communityplots, invitations to participate inrts and a pile of paper to document the:s is massive state inteNention, andofficials throughout the process and)letion dates for the programme areristrators of the Procuraduria continuallyes between communities, family feuds,mapping errors. The political andhe certification programme are forcings to make explicit decisions about theirr short period of time.res together with free trade policies at a.mall-scale commercial farmers have tolized US agricultural products in thersts generated by producer organizationsrting NAFTA, the Mexican governmentpeasants in 1993 called PROCAMPOMexican Farm Sector). According toprogramme offers a subsidy of aboutiod from 1993-2008 to Mexican farmers:e, soy beans, sorghum and cotton.e supports for these crops were phaseder seasons of 1994-95, pitting MexicanJS imports and aligning Mexican crop. Maize production has stagnated due toility and large debt loads carried byralle Vaquera and L6pez Glmez 1994).record ten million tons of grain, moreal annual grain consumption (Reuters; were phased out, the small subsidy

j to government restittftuf,irg policies.l Basta! The Zapatista Army of Nationall-lberatlonAfter the signing of NAFTA in October of 1993, the free tradeagreement reappeared in the international media on I Jantary 1994.

North Amedcan Free Trade Agreement, which they condemned forcausing impoverishment for the majority. The Zapatistas found theeconomic programme of the then-president Salinas unacceptable.Their mestizo spokesperson and military strategist SubcomandanteMarcos stated, 'What is at stake in Chiapas is no longer iust Chiapasor even Mexico, but perhaps even the free trade agreement or thewhole neoliberal project in Latin America' (Golden 1994:3). Theself-history of the Zapatistas makes it clear that land conflict, thefuture of rural production and indigenous rights are all at the heartof the Zapatista movements, a political agenda built on tlvo decadesof peasant organizing.While little is known about their military history, it is importantto note the slow but steady growth of the EZLN, particularly in thelate 1980s and 1990s. According to their or,Vn oral history, Marcos and

Between NAFTA and Zapata 81, offered by PROCAMPO clearly did not offset the loss of higher cropI prices for small farmers.By the end of 1993, the futuie was lookin! bleak for Mexico,s, farmers and rural workers. As stated succinctly by Barry (1995:145),, r /^.,:^-- .^--^-- r^^^r -:.. ---,-'^ -:, t -. ,'' \Mexican farmers faced six malor changes by the end of the ioircming l, period of Salinas: '1) the withdrawal of government-subslsizedI Vb inputs, 2) high interest rates and lack of access to credit, 3) thb endf 1J , ' of land distriburion and the new status of ejidal land, 4) an incr'eased/] :),,rt1 flow of cheaper food imports, 5) inadequate government qldasures\ ' - to upgrade productivity and competitiveness, and 6) ir widely

, .* { J - r critiiizedrnew subsidy program cailed Procampo'. A cleaisignal had: -.n ; 'been sentput that future policies would weed out die weak from the\ ^ \r'" ^'? ) :strong in the"countryside. In the remainder-offhis chapter, I compare\ ^ \r'n ^' - I ;strong in tile"countryside. In the remainder-offhis chapter, I comparev r\ ^ ,*-v jthe reactions\wo groups of indi.genous rural farmers and workers'Wv ' , to government restiiiTtuTjng policies.

On the same day NAFTA was to take effect, theNational Liberation started a rebellion.communiqu described themselves as thestruggle that began with the fight against slaveryto the present with a stZapatista'

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