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Craftsmen's Work Patterns in Unnished Tombs at Amarna

Gwil Owen and Barry Kemp

Cambridge Archaeological Journal / Volume 4 / Issue 01 / April 1994, pp 121 - 129DOI: 10.1017/S0959774300000998, Published online: 22 December 2008

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0959774300000998

How to cite this article:Gwil Owen and Barry Kemp (1994). Craftsmen's Work Patterns in Unnished Tombs at Amarna. Cambridge ArchaeologicalJournal, 4, pp 121-129 doi:10.1017/S0959774300000998

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Cambridge Archaeological Journal 4:1 (1994), pp. 121-46

Shorter Notes

Craftsmen's Work Patterns in UnfinishedTombs at Amarna

Gwil Owen & Barry Kemp

The brief life of Akhenaten's city at Tell el-Amarnaleft many projects unfinished, amongst them everysingle one of the forty-three or so rock tombs of theking's courtiers and senior officials. The state of in-completion varies a good deal from one to another,and collectively the evidence has something to sayabout patterns of work and the availability of crafts-men. As a contribution to this subject we presenthere three photographs from the first results of a newphotographic mission in the Amarna tombs, togetherwith annotated sketches and interpretation.

All of the known private rock tombs at Amarnawere open early this century, when a detailed recordof their design and decoration was made by Normande Garis Davies for the Archaeological Survey ofEgypt of the Egypt Exploration Fund (Davies 1903-8). The decorated tombs were fitted with stout irondoors and have remained accessible, but the remain-der, some of them quite large, were left open and, asa result, became choked with sand which had alsoentered through rock-fissures which run out to thedesert surface. The 1993 season of fieldwork atAmarna saw the start of a project to compile a newphotographic archive of the interiors of the tombs,beginning with the southern group. During the courseof a week in March photographs were taken in threeof the decorated tombs (nos. 7,14, and 25). By goodfortune eight of the largest undecorated tombs hadalso just been cleared of sand and made accessibleagain, and protected by the fitting of iron doors. Twoof them, numbers 13 and 21, were especially impres-sive as examples of unfinished work and so werephotographed as well. Figures 1,2, and 3 are some ofthe results. Tomb number 13 does actually still bearthe name and title of the intended owner, carved onthe facade panels flanking the front door. He wasNeferkheperu-her-sekheper, the 'Mayor' of Akhen-aten's city.

The Amarna tombs were continuing a develop-

ment in rock-tomb architecture which had only re-cently started at Thebes, in which the interior cham-bers were sometimes turned into spacious columnedhalls as if they were small temples. The tomb of theVizier Ramose is an example well known to modernvisitors to the Theban necropolis (Davies 1941). Thesame echelon of most-senior officials and courtiers(though not necessarily the same individuals) wasnow transplanted to the new capital, and provisionfor their tombs in the eastern cliffs was sufficiently apriority for it to be included in the king's foundationdecrees, which were also carved in the cliffs (Murnane& van Siclen 1993, 41). Our two tombs, numbers 13and 21, are good examples of the ambitious designswhich were now set in train. The former was to havehad a transverse hall containing a single row of sixclustered papyrus-bud columns, and probably a fur-ther hall behind; the latter was planned for an effectin which the outer hall was like an avenue betweencolonnades which would have led back to an in-tended inner hall. When work stopped for the lasttime all of the ceiling of the front hall of number 13and the greater part of that of number 21 had beencut to their intended final dimensions, but leavingstill a great deal of stone to be removed lower down.For the rear halls all that had been achieved was thecarving of the surround for the interconnecting doorin number 13.

The south tombs were cut into a low terrace, nomore than 20m high and formed of badly fissuredlimestone. In tomb 21 the fissures contain a naturalsecondary deposit of cemented limestone scree,browny-yellow in colour, which contrasts with thenear-white of the cut limestone creating a markedlyblotchy appearance. Where the limestone was rea-sonably homogeneous it was always possible (as intomb no. 8) to treat the tomb as a quarry and toremove it in blocks by first separating them from theparent rock with narrow vertical trenches and thensplitting them from their bed. Such blocks wouldfind a ready use in building works in the city. At theback of number 21 (Fig. 2c) are the remains of whatappears to be trenching, approximately 9cm wide,running diagonally across the floor. Both trenchescoincide with fissures in the rock, however, and, inview of the absence of other signs of block removal,we are inclined to think that this technique was used

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Figure 1. Tomb 21 (ownerunknown), showing the areaon the right side of thedoorway, including thecolonnade on the right of theaxis.

neither in this tomb nor innumber 13.

The rock surfaceswhich appear to representthe arrested progress of theinitial rough cutting arescored with marks from atool used to break away therock in chips. Huge quanti-ties of limestone chippingswhich lie on the slopes infront of the tombs are theresult. The tool marks arequite widely spaced andmostly at a slight angle tothe vertical, slanting down-wards from right to left as ifdelivered by a right-handedperson or persons, although,when close to the ceiling orundersurface of a lintel, theyare virtually horizontal. Thelength of the scars varies agreat deal, from very shortones which presumably re-flect detachment of a flakewith a single blow, to longerones derived from severalblows which left a series ofsteps in the tool mark as alarger piece of limestonewas gradually split off. The marks are consistent withthe use of a metal bar chisel, rounded in section andabout lcm in diameter (of the kind illustrated inArnold 1991,257, fig. 6.10, right, and previously foundby Pendlebury at Amarna: Pendlebury 1951, 72, pi.LXXIX.3.30; 82, pi. LXXII.10.1).

The stonecutters worked first to open up a partof the outer hall at ceiling level but, at a point whichpresumably suited their own convenience, they alsobegan to cut lower and to reach what was almost theintended floor level over a part of the tomb. In tomb21 the part fully hollowed out in this way comprisedthe transverse space at the front (Fig. 1) and the aislebetween the colonnades (Fig. 2). This would havecreated more space for the labourers carrying out the

baskets of chippings, and would also have increasedthe supply of air. From this stage they resumed theirdownwards progress in other parts, normally pick-ing stone away from a vertical face which was rela-tively low, presumably because they worked in asquatting position. The result, when left unfinished,is often a series of irregular steps or terraces (Fig. 3h).

From a very early stage the overall design ofthe tomb had to be taken into consideration, some-thing which involved leaving roughly blocked-outlintels and column tops. In working thus the stone-cutters had to make sure that they left sufficient sur-plus stone for the subsequent finer surface dressingand modelling of carved features. Columns were cutin the shape of a cone (Fig. 1) to accommodate the

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column base as well as the column itself. Sometimesthe stonecutters overcut slightly (for example in Fig.lg) into the vertical face of an end wall or into theceiling. This would, however, have added only a fewfurther minor irregularities to the host created by thefissures in the rock, all of which would be patchedwith white plaster made from gypsum. A great dealof this was going to be necessary in tomb 21 and itseems to have been treated as an adjunct to the dress-ing stage for there are many places (Figs. 1 & 2e)where it, too, has been left unfinished. Indeed, Figure1 shows how gypsum filling was added even earlier,as part of the initial rough cutting of the columns.The columns were subjected to a second round ofcoarse cutting to bring them closer to their intended

Key to labelled parts ofFigures 1-3.

(a) areas of initial stone-cutting are hatched;(b) areas of stone-dressing areleft blank;(c) fissures in the rock floor;(d) ceiling fissure awaitingfilling with gypsum;(e) gypsum-plastered surfacesare shaded;(f) area of possible rough-dressing with flat chisel;(g) areas that have beenovercut during the initialstone-cutting stage;(h) area where the initialstone-cutting has been donein layers.

diameter, but, as Figure 3shows, even this could bestarted well before the bot-tom of the column wasfreed from the parent rock.The stonecutters seem notto have felt that any advan-tage would come from anoverall view of the columnroughed-out for its fullheight.

The finer surfacedressing was done with anarrow-bladed implementwith a straight edge, pre-sumably a metal chisel withflat blade-like edge (e.g.

Arnold 1991,257, fig. 6.10, left). Finished surfaces arecompletely covered in shallow chisel marks whichrun at a greater variety of angles than those from thestonecutters' chisels. Sometimes they run at an anglefrom top left to bottom right, but this could reflectupwards blows by a right-handed person as much asdownwards blows from someone left-handed. Mostlyit would seem that dressing was done in a singlestage. A small area in the front part of tomb 21 (Fig.If) might have been dressed in two stages, for it wasleft with a rough surface even though it had beendressed with a flat chisel, although one which seemsto have had a serrated edge.

The work of stone-dressing was highly skilled,for on it depended the architecture's final appearance.

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Figured Tomb21. Theview is towards the rear ofthe tomb and the unfinishedcolonnade on the left of thetomb's axis.

Surfaces, including ceil-ings, had to be made flat,pronounced linear featureshad to run true, and col-umns be symmetrical over-all and in their complicatedvertical subdivisions. Theunfinished state of thetombs reveals that thedressers found it unneces-sary to work to a networkof markers cut and meas-ured into the rock aheadof them which might alsohave provided scope forthe use of boning rods (forwhich see Arnold 1991,256-7). They simply wentahead, relying on a trainedand experienced eye. Thisdegree of skill adds to theoverall impression, createdby the general pattern ofthe arrested work, that theywere a separate group ofworkers different from thestonecutters.

The chisel marks could have been removed,presumably by rubbing, but it was common atAmarna to produce a fine, even finish by laying athin coat of gypsum plaster over all exposed surfacesother than floors. Again this was, for preference,started from the ceiling. It extended to the columnswhere, although the detailed fluting had been cutinto the limestone, an overall gypsum coat was stillapplied. In tomb 21 this stage of the work was neverbegun but, in the case of tomb 13, the plasterers hadmanaged to cover a good deal of the dressed sur-faces. In Figure 3 virtually every visible finished sur-face has its gypsum coat which, on the rear and left-hand walls, extends down to the very edge of thefirst-stage cutting, occasionally overlapping it slightly.The exceptions are the central, lowest part of thedoor at the back of the hall, and the short band be-neath the capital of the second column. In the case ofthe former this shows that the intention was to go onat a later stage to create a real doorway, leading into

what would probably have been a small shrine con-taining a statue of the tomb owner (as in tombs 8,14,and 16). The latter unfinished patch, on the secondcolumn, suggests that the plasterers were not the lastto work in the tomb, but that, before the tomb wasfinally abandoned, a stone-dresser had been in for ashort time.

Beyond the stages of preparation illustrated intombs 13 and 21 lay three more. The next involved adraftsman outlining in black pigment the scenes andhieroglyphic texts that would eventually cover allwalls and doorframes, and the geometric patternsand bands of hieroglyphs that would decorate theceilings. Scenes and texts were then carved in shal-low sunk relief which cut into the gypsum skim andsometimes down into the underlying limestone. Thefinal stage belonged to the colourist who filled fig-ures and hieroglyphs with pigment and picked outin colour the ceiling patterns.

Thus a minimum of six clearly-differentiated

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tasks was involved in creating one of these tombs.The tasks were not of the same order of magnitude,but each could have been carried out by a singlemaster craftsman or artist assisted by differing num-bers of labourers. They would have been most nu-merous for the initial stone-cutting, but this was a jobwhere less-expert supervision of labour would havesufficed. From the way that the work progressed, it islikely that the different craftsmen did not work as asingle team of tomb-makers but were drawn, often atseparate times, from a pool. One result was that thepoint at which a particular skill became available,often for a very limited period of time, varied a gooddeal from one tomb to another. The owner of number13 was able to bring in a plasterer at a prematurestage before the floor had been reached on either sideof the central aisle and thus before a single completewall surface was ready; unlike the owner of number21 who had seen the stone cutters complete one cor-ner of the transverse hall and had only a small area

awaiting dressing on therear and side walls. Al-though the fissures hadbeen filled with gypsumno surface plastering hadbeen started. This variabil-ity in scheduling is foundgenerally through both thenorthern and southerngroups of tombs at Am-arna.

The degree of co-or-dination amongst the vari-ous craftsmen is noticeablylower than can be seen inthe five tombs of the RoyalValley group, which arealso unfinished but displaya more orderly sequencingof the stages of work. Thisadds to the impressionthat the private tombs areshowing the effect of morepeople having been desir-ous of tombs than therewere adequate numbersof craftsmen available.Whether the owners wereentitled, as a gift from theking, to a given number ofdays from craftsmen orsimply employed them orcoerced them we do not

know. But it is an interesting comment on their realposition at the head of society's elite that what, forthem, would have been a major indication of theirstatus only advanced through competition for scarceresources. There is no basis at present for assessingproperly how many man-hours for each task are rep-resented in each tomb, but for the later stages one canguess that the owner might have had to wait for ayear or two before a craftsman could be persuaded toput in a brief spell of work before being obliged todrop it in order to do the same in someone else'stomb.

Akhenaten's stone buildings within the city atAmarna must have required the skills of substantialnumbers of craftsmen. If, as is likely, the main con-structions had been finished by his closing years,then there might have been more craftsmen to sparefor the lesser job of working on tombs. The reasonwhy this seems not to have been the case lies in theidentity of the tomb craftsmen themselves. The initial

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Figure 3. Tomb 13, of Neferkheperu-her-sekheper, the 'Mayor' of the city. The doorway is just off the left ofthe picture and the view is into the left side of the front hall.

cutting and the gypsum plastering were skills pecu-liar to rock-tomb construction. They were neededalso for the tombs for Akhenaten and his family whichwere carved in the much more distant Royal Valleyand which were also left unfinished. Although it re-mains frustratingly difficult either to prove or to dis-prove, a good case remains for considering that theWorkmen's Village, situated at a central location inthe Amarna plain, housed a community of tomb work-ers (Kemp 1987 reviews the case). It would thus havebeen from this group of fixed size that the elusivecraftsmen would have been drawn. Indeed, towardsthe end of the period competition for their services islikely to have increased. Work was commenced inthe Royal Valley on several new tombs, one of themsurely intended for Tutankhamun (el-Khouly & Mar-tin 1987; Murnane & Van Siclen 1993, 174-5), whilstyounger or newer officials would have wanted to seetheir tombs started even though none of the older

ones had been finished. Several tombs had scarcelyprogressed beyond the cutting of their doorways.

It was a not uncommon fate for senior figures inancient Egypt to plan a handsome tomb but fail tocomplete it. Rock tombs in similar stages of incom-pletion are known from many other sites, includingwestern Thebes and (for the Middle Kingdom) BeniHasan. So, too, many of the royal tombs in the Valleyof the Kings were left unfinished, even some belong-ing to powerful and long-reigning kings (Cerny 1973,11). Royal tombs were, however, special cases in thatburial took place within the decorated halls, whereasfor many private rock tombs, including those atAmarna, the halls were for a perpetual offering-cer-emony, the burial place being a chamber more deeplyhewn and accessible only by means of a shaft ornarrow corridor. The point at which the cutting ofthe burial chamber began also varied greatly, how-ever, and is unlikely to be a guide as to whether or

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not it became necessary to make a burial. We knowthat the owner of number 25, Ay, did not die atAmarna, for he went on to become king for a shorttime; yet the staircase down to an intended burialchamber had clearly been given a greater prioritythan in other tombs which had advanced muchfurther without a start on the burial place itself. Con-versely, if an owner died before even the burial cham-ber was ready, presumably the unfinished offering-chapel would have sufficed.

It is not possible, therefore, to judge from thestate of incompletion of a tomb whether any burialhad ever been made. Only in one case can we befairly sure that the owner's death cut off further work.This is tomb number 23, of the scribe Any, whichuniquely had a little collection of memorial tabletswhich had presumably been left by his colleagues.Tomb number 14 illustrates another vagary of fate.The way that the figure of the owner has been plas-tered over and his name excised in all but one in-stance points to disgrace, although it is now thoughtthat the same man, the Chancellor May (Maya), re-

turned to favour following Akhenaten's death to be-come a key official at Tutankhamun's court and ownerof a splendid tomb at Saqqara. In general, however, itis reasonable to conclude that it was the departure ofthe court to Memphis and /or Thebes which was re-sponsible for incompletion. The consequent straight-forward explanation that work on most of the tombswas abandoned more or less at the same time doesnot altogether agree, however, with textual and icono-graphic evidence.

Davies, in his edition of the tombs, attempted ageneralized chronology for them based on certainsite and architectural observations, and what haveremained standard criteria for Amarna iconography(principally the number of Akhenaten's daughtersdepicted and whether or not the early or late form ofthe name of the Aten was used). His conclusion wasthat the burial-place for the city's officials was at firstthe site of the South Tombs, but that subsequently itwas shifted to the site of the North Tombs (Davies1903-8, II, 6-8; IV, 9). If this means that the twogroups of tombs were successive, an awkward

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question is raised. Since almost all tombs were leftunfinished, where should we suppose that the tomb-owners of the southern group intended to be buried?None of them turns up in the north.

Aside from how generally reliable this kind ofevidence is for dating, the way that progress on thetombs was subject to fitful and probably largely un-predictable access to craftsmen seriously weakensthe value of iconographic criteria in this particularcase. What is being dated is not even the bulk of thework on any tomb but the point when the decorationwas laid out. The services of artists seem to havebeen particularly scarce. Tomb number 16 was tohave been, in Davies' words, 'one of the finest rock-hewn burial-places in Egypt' (Davies 1903-8, V, 13),and the entire front hall of twelve columns had beenfinished. But whereas in many tombs, some muchless ambitious, artist and sculptor were brought in ata fairly early stage, even if only to decorate the door-way, number 16 is blank even of a graffito. We havealready noted that the scribe Any, of tomb 23 (with'late' cartouches), is the most likely case of death andburial having taken place at Amarna, on account of agroup of memorial tablets cemented into the wall ofthe vestibule. All cutting and dressing in his fairlyunambitious tomb had been completed and the wallsgypsum-coated ready for the artists, but the onlyproperly-finished decoration achieved was on theoutside faces of the door jambs. A pair of roughpainted scenes in the shrine and another in the door-way had presumably been added at the last momentin the same spirit of loyalty that had produced thememorial tablets.

Another factor which makes comparison diffi-cult is how an individual's access to craftsmen re-lated to the intended scale of his tomb. Two of thenorthern group (nos. 1 & 4) with late Aten cartouchesachieved considerably more decoration than thosewith early cartouches in either group, including thatof Ay (no. 25), who was later to become king. Ay'stomb was, however, to have been much grander,with twenty-four columns in the front chamber in-stead of four. Progress might then have been slower,but had the occupation of Amarna not ended so soon,Ay might in time have gone on to see the decorationcontinued, presumably by this time with the use ofthe later form of the Aten's name and perhaps withadditional daughters of Akhenaten shown. It is worthnoting, too, that there is no correlation between 'early'and 'late' cartouches and presence or absence of burialchamber.

The number of occurrences of Aten cartouches,the dating criterion that carries most weight, is, in

any case, quite small. The South Tombs comprisetwenty-five tombs to which Davies gave numbers(and sometimes letters); only eight contain legibleAten cartouches, divided into five with the early ver-sion only, two with the late version only, and onecontaining both forms. It is unjustifiable to arguefrom this basis that the remaining seventeen tombsare early. Eighteen tombs were begun in the northerngroup, of which six were left with legible Atencartouches. Early forms numbered two, later formsthree, and one contained both. Again not a very con-vincing set of figures. In the light of the variability ofthe factors involved in bringing a tomb to completionit is unwise to look for an internal chronology for thetwo groups. From the state of both cemeteries, withtombs at all stages of progress but none properlycomplete, it is logical to judge that work was pro-ceeding or intended on many or most of them whenthe final abandonment took place.

This conclusion leads to points of more generalinterest concerning rates of building completion andgeneral sense of urgency. The senior men who movedto Amarna with the king settled down and livedthere for probably at least twelve years. Amongstmany of the large excavated houses, whose ownersmostly remain unidentified, must be several who werealso owners of rock tombs. A unique case is the priestPanehsy for whom we can identify his tomb (no. 6)and both an official residence and a large privatehouse in the city, the latter being one of the very fewequipped with a private chapel of decorated stone-work. For all of these men aspirations for a fine house(for which see Shaw 1992) had to match the resourcesavailable in order quickly to provide somewhere tolive. Dreams of a fine tomb, on the other hand, per-mitted a lesser sense of urgency and it would seemgenerally that people were tempted into a schemethat was beyond the scope of likely resources if it wasto be completed within a reasonable period of time. Itis possible, too, that in the minds of some ownersacquiescence in a slow rate of progress encouragedfate to be generous with their lifespan. One is leftwondering, supposing the city had continued to flour-ish, how many of these tombs would ever have beenfinished, particularly in view of the poor rate of com-pletion of tombs in the Valley of the Kings at Thebes,mentioned earlier.

It is a common view of the ancient Egyptiansthat preparing for death was an overriding priority,at least for their elite. But the way that they actuallyproceeded rather tempers this view. A fine tomb wasnot, in fact, made an absolute priority in the alloca-tion of available resources, and the attempt to

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provide one was pursued with a good measure ofwishful thinking.

Photographic procedure

The photography was done on a 5 x 4 Cambo mono-rail, with 35mm slides taken at the same time. Thoughtaken from the same viewpoint, small differences inrelative focal length of lens and format shape meantthat the 35mm record is not an exact mirror image ofthe larger format. Various lenses were tried. Finally afocal length of 90mm was chosen. A 65mm lens didnot give sufficient movement on the camera for thetaller tombs; a longer lens would have been usefulonly for detail shots.

Film stock was Ilford FP4 and Kodak VCH forthe formal shots, and Fuji 100D for the slides. Colouris a useful tool in the South Tombs, for the veins ofweaker material in the rock are of a different colourand show poorly in monochrome. Polaroid tests weremade for each shot. Exposure times were long enoughthat normal metering was likely to be affected byreciprocity failure. Tests were needed also to checkalignment of the camera, which was not possible todo accurately on the camera screen because of thelow levels of light and the fall-off on the screen due tothe wide-angle lens chosen.

The lighting was provided by two 800-watt fo-cusable floodlights, powered by a portable genera-tor. Dichronic filters were added to balance the tung-sten lamps with respect to the daylight from the opendoorways. Lighting was added generally to supple-ment natural daylight in order to express in the bestway the general shape of a tomb's design, occasion-ally to emphasize a particular moulding or similarfeature.

Acknowledgements

The project, which forms part of the work carried outeach year at Amama by the Egypt Exploration Society,was supported by a grant from the fieldwork fund ofthe McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Keith Johnson & Pelling Ltd, through their Notting-ham branch, kindly supplied the lights, a lightweightheavy-duty tripod, and a 65mm lens. The removal ofsand and fitting of iron doors to the eight southerntombs was carried out under the auspices of the Egyp-

tian Antiquities Organization and was paid for by agenerous donation from Robert A. Hanawalt of Au-rora, Colorado. Our thanks are also due to the officialsof the Egyptian Antiquities Organization, in particularto the Chairman, Professor Dr M. Ibrahim Bakr andMotawe Balboush in Cairo, and to Adel Hasan, YahyiaZakaria, Mohammed Abd el-Hamid, Helmi Huseinand Assam Ahmed, the last three the inspectors whoworked with the expedition.

Gwil OwenFaculty of Archaeology & Anthropology

Downing StreetCambridgeCB2 3DZ

Barry KempMcDonald Institute for Archaeological Research

62 Sidney StreetCambridge

CB2 3JW

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