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Crime Media Culture7(3) 313–332

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Between the exceptional andthe ordinary: A model for the

comparative analysis of moralpanics and moral regulation

Ragnar Lundström

AbstractThis article aims to further develop the understanding of the relationship and distinction betweenmoral panics and moral regulation. To this end, a model for the comparative analysis of discursive

changes over time, and between different discursive fields, is outlined. The model consists of

three steps: (1) mapping general trends in news reporting; (2) analysing thematical relations in

full-text news articles; and (3) conducting closer qualitative readings of news articles indicated

to be of specific importance in the first two steps. Results from the presented case study – in

which news reporting on benefit fraud in Sweden and the United Kingdom is analysed using the

outlined model – suggest that there is a close relationship between moral panic discourse and

moral regulation discourse. Using different strategies to construct social relations and deviant

subjectivities through moralizing articulations, momentary outbursts of moral panics, and the

more common, routine, forms of moral regulation, draw and depend upon each other to organize

consensus and the management of risks in processes of discursive legitimization.

Keywordsbenefit cheating, moral panic, moral regulation, news discourse, welfare fraud

This article takes the discussion regarding the distinction and relationship between moral panics

and moral regulation (Critcher, 2009; Hier, 2002, 2008; Rohloff and Wright, 2010) as a generalstarting point. Moral panic analysis was initially formulated and developed in works by Cohen

(1972), Cohen and Young (1973), and later also Hall et al. (1978). It has been an important tool

for investigating the ways in which moralizing discourse on deviant subjectivities and practices

establishes symbolic spaces for the legitimization of control and organization of consent. In par-

ticular, the moral panic concept has been employed in the field of critical criminology in analyses

of media representations of phenomena labelled as violent, criminal, or sexually deviant. Through

panic reactions, specific groups are labelled as deviant, and their alleged deviancy is amplified and

Umeå University, Sweden.Email: [email protected]

417608CMCXXX10.1177/17416590114176 08LundströmCri me Media Culture

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314 CRIME MEDIA CULTURE 7(3)

also constructed as representing a threat to, or crisis within, society. In largely media-driven pro-

cesses, journalists and different kinds of moral entrepreneurs collectively establish an ideological

discourse in which the moral boundaries of society are pinned down, the alleged crisis resolved,

consensus is created and dominant social relations are legitimized.

Drawing mainly on the work by Corrigan and Sayer (1985), the concept of moral regulationrefers to slightly different processes. While moral panics refer to the exceptional, momentary,

short-lived storms of outrage, primarily articulated in media contexts, moral regulation refers

rather to the everyday and more conventional forms of discourses and state activities through

which social identities and subjectivities are constituted. The concept of moral regulation, then,

describes processes related to a broader set of discursive practices and institutional arrangements

than the concept of moral panics, but the two concepts also refer to slightly different ways of

constructing the boundaries for the regulation, conduct and care for the subject positions con-

structed in discourse. According to Sean Hier (2002), a key difference between moral panic dis-

course on the one hand, and moral regulation on the other, is the ways in which they relate to the

possibility of treating or reforming the subjects and practices labelled as problematic:

Moral regulation is understood to entail long-term processes of normalization concerning

some field of moralized conduct to the end of the ‘character enhancement’ of those persons

subjected to regulation on the one hand, and the self-[re]affirmation of the identity of the

regulator on the other. … Moral panics, conversely, do not involve any character reformation

of moral deviants. (Hier, 2002: 328–329)

Hier furthermore conceptualizes moral panics ‘as a form of moral regulation’ (Hier, 2002: 312),

and suggests that moral panics are the ‘volatile local manifestation of what can otherwise be

understood as the global project of moral regulation’ (Hier, 2002: 329; emphasis in original). To

fully understand the aberrant and spectacular moments at which specific folk devils are identified

and made the objects of a particular form of moralizing discourse, then, an analysis of the ways

in which this is related to the everyday processes of moral regulation is required. According to

Stanley Cohen (1972), moral panics are highly related to ‘boundary crises’ and to the political and

cultural context of the society in which the panic reaction occurs. Moral panics can also be

described as reactions to situations where the routine processes of moral regulation do not seem

to be working. When regulation processes directed towards the individual management of risks

are perceived as inefficient, panic reactions legitimize collective risk management against individu-als through strategies by which the specific identity of the threatening subjects are constructed in

discourse.

The argument in this article is that an analysis of the relationship between the particular and

volatile moral panics, and the routine project of moral regulation, requires a detailed discursive

contextualization of panic reactions. By studying how discourse on a particular subject develops

over a longer period of time, deeper knowledge regarding the relationship between processes of

moral regulation and moral panics can be reached. Accordingly, this article outlines a model for

studying the relationship between moral panics and moral regulation through an analysis of artic-

ulatory changes over time in different discursive settings. The model is used to analyse how theissue of benefit fraud has been framed in Swedish and British newspapers during the last decade,

and it consists of three steps: first of all, major trends in news reporting on benefit fraud will be


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mapped through statistics retrieved from online news archives; second, conceptual and themati-

cal co-occurrences in newspaper articles on benefit fraud will be analysed in a sample of full-text

articles; third, the analysis is developed further by close readings of a selection of newspaper

articles. The selection of these articles is based on the analysis of reporting trends and conceptual

co-occurrences in the first two steps. Through these processes, articles in which particularly impor-tant concepts and themes occur together, that are published during periods of both intense as

well as limited media coverage, are located. This way, the model enables a comparison of the

ways in which benefit fraud, and concepts significantly related to this issue, are articulated during

periods characterized by very different levels of news coverage.

Today, benefit fraud is a prominent theme in Swedish as well as in British welfare policy debates

and news reporting. In specific news texts, however, the issue is articulated in distinctly different

ways in the two countries. Understanding the ways in which a particular news story about benefit

fraud takes shape and form requires an analysis of how a number of contextual factors – of pri-

marily cultural, institutional, political and media-related character – interact with the narrative and

ideological structure of moralizing welfare discourse. This article focuses primarily on analysing

specific news stories in relation to the broader discursive context in which they are produced. The

welfare state derives its meaning partly through articulations of the moral relationships and

responsibilities between the state, the labour market and the people. In public discussions about

benefit fraud, these relationships are articulated in specific ways so that certain people, or certain

groups of people, are portrayed as deserving, and others as non-deserving. Research on represen-

tations of benefit fraud – predominantly conducted in British and American settings – has also

shown clear links between moralizing discourse on deservingness and difficulties regarding politi-

cal claims-making for many socially and economically vulnerable and excluded groups (see for

instance Brush, 1997; Chunn and Gavigan, 2004; Fraser and Gordon, 1994; Gilens, 1999; Misra

et al., 2003; Steensland, 2007). Even if news reporting on benefit cheating may not match every

criterion of the moral panic model perfectly – for instance, it often lacks clearly defined victims –

concepts stemming from the literature on moral panics can be of great relevance for understand-

ing how public discourse on this issue is formed. Representations of benefit fraud are often used

to organize support for policy changes and legitimize increased control of recipients. The individu-

als, groups of people, and practices, associated with cheating the welfare system are often con-

structed as markedly deviant through such representations. In these processes, various kinds of

moral entrepreneurs, such as politicians and journalists, articulate the need for counter-measures

and policy changes, and also definitions of certain moral boundaries and how they relate to thewelfare state, its programmes, and social citizenship.

There are a number of reasons for comparing British and Swedish discourse on benefit fraud.

First of all, public discussions about benefit fraud have developed in very different ways, and have

also been articulated in different forms in the two countries. In the UK, welfare debates have

traditionally been marked by a strong focus on benefit fraud. Research on such representations

has furthermore showed that they tend to be intimately linked to stereotypical representations of

certain groups of people as lazy and undeserving (Golding and Middleton, 1982). In Sweden, on

the other hand, the issue of fraud has, prior to the 1990s, been of mainly peripheral character in

public welfare debates (Svallfors, 1996). During the last couple of decades, however, public dis-course in Sweden on welfare issues has changed quite dramatically in this respect (Korsell et al.,

2008). Primarily, fraud discourse in Sweden has been centred on alleged abuse within the health




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insurance programme (Johnson, 2010), but it has also been related to discussions about results

from government reports on the extent of cheating (FUT-delegationen, 2007; RRV, 1995).

Sweden and the UK furthermore represent two distinctly different types of welfare ‘regimes’

(Esping-Andersen, 1990), and in the field of comparative welfare research it is generally argued

that the institutional organization of the welfare state conditions its future development.Accordingly, specific institutional arrangements and programmes also frames and limits the space

for welfare policy discourse (Schmidt, 2010). Social democratic regimes, such as the Swedish, are

traditionally composed of primarily insurance-based general programmes in which a majority of

the citizenry are included according to universalistic principles. Liberal regimes, such as the British,

on the other hand, in general consist of means-tested benefit plans targeted mainly towards the

neediest. Since means-tested programmes are prone to fraud and also linked to a need for mak-

ing a clear distinction between the deserving and the non-deserving, it is not necessarily surprising

that benefit fraud traditionally has been an important topic in liberal welfare contexts. The fact

that general, insurance-based programmes, are less prone to fraud, and to reflections regarding

the deservingness of recipients, suggests that issues regarding benefit fraud should not be quite

as central to welfare policy debates in social democratic settings. For this reason, among others,

universal programmes are sometimes argued to be of self-legitimizing character (Rothstein, 1998).

With this in mind, it seems reasonable to assume that discourse on benefit fraud is configured

according to different logics in the UK and Sweden. It may be the case that fraud discourse in the

two countries focus on different groups of cheaters, different cheating practices, and provide

arguments for different kinds of fraud counter-measures. It may also be the case that they draw

on different definitions of the moral responsibilities between the welfare state and its recipients.

Accordingly, it may furthermore be the case that these differences produce different discursive

spaces for the articulation of counter-arguments.

Data and MethodThe comparative analysis conducted in this article is focused on the ways in which news discourse

on benefit fraud is constructed in two different settings. Establishing significant differences

between these two countries regarding the occurrence and character of fraud discourse is in itself

not necessarily an interesting finding. By studying how news reporting in these two contexts has

developed over time, and examining how fraud has been articulated, the point of the analysis is

rather to find the moments of conformity between the two, on the one hand, and the momentsof particularity, on the other. The outlined model aims to direct analytical attention specifically to

the relationship between the common, everyday processes of moral regulation, and the abnormal

and volatile panic discourses. The model is designed to locate and compare periods where dis-

course on a particular subject can be assumed to be characterized by traits generally associated

with moral panics, and periods when discourse on the same subject is articulated in more com-

mon ways. It is also designed to facilitate a combination of partially quantitative analysis of poten-

tially very large sets of textual data – which is sometimes needed in order to provide an overview

of the discursive processes associated with moral regulation – as well as the more detailed, closer,

qualitative perspective relating to the analysis of specific articulations in discourse.As mentioned previously, the analysis conducted in this article is organized in three parts, each

focusing on different aspects of the ways in which benefit fraud is articulated in newspaper




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reporting. The three parts are also related to different techniques for the analysis of text and

media content. In the first part, general trends in news reporting on benefit fraud are mapped by

analysing the number of articles about fraud published every month by a selection of nationally

distributed newspapers in both countries between January 2000 and September 2010. While

studying the number of published newspaper articles about a certain subject does not necessarilysay anything about the qualitative aspects of the media content, it can nevertheless be a good

way of mapping how variations in media attention and public interest develops in relation to a

particular news theme over time. In the context of this article, perhaps the most interesting obser-

vation to be made from such an analysis regards the relationship between particular peaks of

media attention and the more general levels of attention. To enable a more complex analysis of

these relationships, the collected material needs to span a fairly long period of time. By comparing

publishing trends in several different newspapers, this part of the analysis also provides an illustra-

tion of the diversity or homogeneity of this particular discursive field. More specifically, this makes

it possible to investigate whether a particular media reaction manifests itself in newspapers in

general, or only in a select few. While observations of increased general media attention to a

particular subject does not necessarily suggest the occurrence of a moral panic, they can provide

indicators of moments in time when panic reactions may have taken place, and therefore be very

useful in the process of searching for panic-related discourse. Data for the analysis of news pub-

lishing trends was collected using online news archives: Retriever 1 was used to collect data about

Swedish newspapers2 and Google News Archive3 to collect data regarding the British.4

Second, the article analyses thematical relations – or more specifically, co-occurrences of con-

cepts – in newspaper articles. The method used to do this is inspired by the discourse theory of

Laclau and Mouffe (1985) and combines research techniques of bibliometrical analysis (Osareh,

1996) and social network analysis (Wasserman and Faust, 1994). In the terminology developed by

Laclau and Mouffe, a discursive formation is defined as ‘an ensemble of differential positions’

(Laclau and Mouffe, 1985: 106). Through specific articulations, concepts – or moments – are

positioned in relation to each other in particular ways. This way, social categories and social rela-

tions, that could be represented and talked about in many different ways, are given a temporally

fixed meaning. In public debates about benefit fraud, specific ways of articulating social relations

legitimize, or challenge, certain views on what the welfare state is, or should be, by focusing on

certain connections between concepts and themes, and obscuring others. Specific discursive for-

mations are furthermore marked by certain privileged moments, or ‘nodal points’ (Laclau and

Mouffe, 1985: 112), which organize meaning by binding together the ensemble of differentialelements into a discursive totality. Using the software package Bibexcel ,5 developed for biblio-

metrical research (Persson et al., 2009), and tools developed for the simplification and visualiza-

tion of networks and structural change in networks (Edler and Rosvall, 2010), it is possible to

analyse and visualize word frequencies and conceptual co-occurrences in texts in a way that is

reminiscent of how Laclau and Mouffe conceive of discursive formations. In this context, a visuali-

zation produced using this method is called a ‘discursive network’ (see also Lindgren and

Lundström, 2009). The technique is used in this article to map conceptual relations in 367 full-text

newspaper articles published in Sweden and the UK. The Swedish texts6 were collected by search-

ing the previously mentioned online news archive Retriever ,7

and the British texts8

were collectedby searching the online editions of five nationally distributed newspapers.9 The newspapers were

selected to represent conservative as well as liberal political editorial profiles in both countries.




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Third, the analysis is developed further by qualitative readings of a smaller selection of full-text

articles. The selection of articles for closer analysis includes texts in which certain concepts and

themes – indicated to be of particular significance to Swedish and British news discourse in the

conceptual co-occurrence analysis – are used. The readings are focused on conceptual relations in

the selected articles, on patterns of convergence between the two countries, and on the nation-ally specific traits. Furthermore, the readings are also focused on the ways in which articulations

published during periods characterized by different levels of media coverage relate to each other.

The analysis conducted in this part of the study draws on concepts from the theoretical perspec-

tives of discourse theory as well as moral panic and moral regulation analysis. In this final part of

the analysis a particular interest is, accordingly, directed towards the ways in which specific social

relations, groups and practices are represented using moralizing discourse, and how such repre-

sentations in turn establish specific conditions, or discursive spaces, for welfare policy debates.

In actual analytical practice, the described methods and techniques used in this study were not

employed in the straightforward, linear fashion suggested above. The process should rather be

described as continuously switching between the different methods – refining search strings and

specifying analytical themes through closer readings, selecting texts for closer readings through

co-occurrence analysis, re-reading and renegotiating definitions and abstractions – in a manner

similar to the constant comparative technique described by Glaser and Strauss (1967). In particu-

lar, selecting the concepts and categories to be included in a co-occurrence analysis requires a

deeper knowledge about the ways in which the material in question is structured – how words

are used in practice – which is best attained through closer readings of the collected articles.

General Trends in Newspaper Reporting on Benefit FraudFigure 1 shows the number of articles about benefit fraud published per quarter in the four

selected Swedish newspapers between January 2000 and September 2010. As can be seen in the

figure, very little was written about benefit fraud in any of the Swedish papers during the first two

years of the decade, and it is only after 2002 that any significant news reporting on the subject

actually occurs. After the beginning of 2002,10 however, all of the selected newspapers write

quite extensively about fraud. In general, after this point, Swedish news reporting on fraud is

furthermore characterized by some periods of high levels of attention, and other periods of more

limited reporting.

Figure 1 also indicates that reporting on benefit fraud after 2002, on average, increases overtime in Sweden, and it can also be noted that media attention to the issue never fades away com-

pletely during this period. This suggests that even though fraud reporting does vary quite exten-

sively over time, it is also a theme which in certain respects has become fairly well integrated in

everyday Swedish welfare debates. Intensified media attention to benefit fraud during specific

moments in time, then, is perhaps better understood as fluctuations in a general media aware-

ness, or attentiveness, to issues of fraud rather than as short-lived and passing aberrations from

ordinary news discourse. Nevertheless, the registered periods of heightened media focus on fraud

do exhibit notably increased numbers of published articles, and in relation to the moments of

more limited attention, these periods are also significantly shorter. It can also be noted that themoments at which media attention is at its highest levels in the figure, all of the selected newspa-

pers show sharply increased numbers of published articles about fraud. By looking exclusively at




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fluctuations over time, then, Figure 1 indicates that Swedish news reporting on benefit fraud dur-

ing certain periods is characterized by changes generally associated with moral panics. In the case

of Swedish news reporting, articles published in the first months of 2005 and the last months of

2007 were selected for closer readings in the final part of the analysis. For fairly short periods at

these specific times, all of the selected Swedish newspapers published an unusually large numberof articles about benefit fraud. Even though this does not necessarily mean that discourse during

these periods is in fact part of a moral panic, the sharply increased general media attention, and

subsequent decrease, do suggest it. Articles published in early 2006, and towards the end of

2008, were also selected for further analysis. During these periods, all of the analysed newspapers

publish only a limited number of articles about benefit fraud. Articles produced at these particular

moments in time are not likely to be permeated by panic discourse, and can rather be expected

to represent how benefit fraud is commonly articulated.

Furthermore, it can be noted that the only social democratic paper in the Swedish selection,

Aftonbladet , in general publishes fewer articles about benefit fraud than the other, liberal and

conservative, newspapers do. The fact that this pattern is consistent over a fairly long period of

time suggests that social democratic media accredit stories related to benefit fraud other news

values than other media do. Moreover, it can also be noted that the liberal Dagens Nyheter gener-

ally publishes more articles about fraud than the other papers, and especially so during periods of

increased overall media attention. Taken together, these observations – both consistent over the

entire studied period – indicate that media-specific circumstances, such as editorial practices and

Figure 1. Newspaper articles about benefit fraud in Sweden, January 2000–September 2010.




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attitudes, significantly shapes the space in which public discourse on welfare policy issues is

formed.

Looking at Figure 2 – in which the number of published articles per quarter in the selected

British newspapers are shown – the differences between individual newspapers are more appar-

ent. In fact, the perhaps most notable difference between the Swedish and British contexts is thatSwedish reporting trends seem to be characterized by a much higher degree of convergence than

the British. In the Swedish case, the selected newspapers all largely follow a similar trend, whereas

the British papers only rarely seem to devote equal attention to benefit fraud. Mainly, this is linked

to a difference in the British data between The Times and the Daily Telegraph – which both show

relatively similar publishing trends – on the one hand, and the Sun and the Guardian – both dis-

playing fairly unique patterns – on the other. Still, while there are some discernible similarities

between the British newspapers, they clearly devote very different levels of attention to the issue,

and furthermore this divergence increases during the analysed period.

Even though these differences may be related in part to British news media being of a generally

more fragmented character than the Swedish, the differences between the individual UK news-

papers, in a similar fashion to the differences between the Swedish newspapers, largely correlate

with their political profiles. The centre-right broadsheets (The Times and the Daily Telegraph) both

devote similar amounts of attention, and follow largely similar trends, which indicates that there

indeed exists a common news media attentiveness to benefit fraud in the UK. The right-wing

populist tabloid (the Sun) also displays a similar publishing pattern during the first part of the

analysed decade, but after 2007 it is clearly separated from the other newspapers in the figure.

Figure 2. Newspaper articles about benefit fraud in the UK, January 2000–September 2010.




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Additionally, the only socially liberal newspaper (the Guardian) in general publishes fewer articles

about fraud than all the other newspapers in the selection.

The comparison of these trends suggests that, while a nationally widespread discourse on

benefit fraud seems to permeate welfare debates in both Sweden and the UK, Swedish news

media collectively follow more similar patterns in reporting about this issue than the British.However, the fact that news reporting in the UK on average shows less dramatic fluctuations

between different periods than Swedish reporting – only very rarely do the periods of less intense

attention in Britain display as few published articles per quarter as corresponding low-interest

periods in Sweden – supports the conclusion that benefit fraud, as a news theme, in general per-

meates British everyday news reporting more than Swedish news reporting.

The observed patterns suggest that news reporting in Sweden more clearly resembles the nar-

rative structure of moral panics than in Britain – mainly because the Swedish newspapers all follow

largely similar trends, and sometimes show significant changes in attention over fairly short peri-

ods of time – which indicates that certain Swedish media reactions can be understood and ana-

lysed as such. The convergence of Swedish publishing patterns also suggests that benefit fraud is

not necessarily articulated in relation to specific political interests and parties in Sweden. If that

was the case, more aparent differences between the selected newspapers would likely be regis-

tered. The more divergent patterns among the British papers, on the other hand, suggest that

public discourse on fraud is more clearly linked to specific political interests in the UK. Taken

together, these observations also suggest that discourse on fraud in Sweden is characterized by a

higher level of homogeneity, and by more collectively articulated reactions, than British discourse.

Furthermore, publishing patterns in both countries also support the notion that fraud discourse in

general is rather well integrated in regulatory discourse, since media attention to fraud seems to

be more or less stable over a rather long period of time and never completely disappears as a

subject in news reporting.

For the British case, articles published during early 2003 and mid 2007, when all, or most, of

the analysed newspapers published only a very limited number of articles about benefit fraud,

were selected to represent articulations during a period in time when no apparent panic saturated

public discourse. For opposite reasons, articles published in early 2007 and during the summer of

2009 were also selected for further closer readings.

Conceptual and Thematical Co-occurrenceFigure 3 shows a discursive network illustrating the relationships between a selection of dominant

analytical themes and concepts in a sample of both Swedish and British newspaper articles about

benefit fraud. In the figure, a concept or theme is represented by a vertex, whose size corresponds

to the number of sentences in the texts in which the concept occurs.11 A line between two vertices

represents the co-occurrence of the two connected concepts within a sentence in the texts, and

the thickness of the line indicates the number of sentences in which they co-occur. The centrality

of the vertices in the network reflects the number of lines going in or out of it. Large, centrally

placed vertices connected by several thick lines, then, represent the more ‘nodal’ concepts in the

analysed material. Peripheral, smaller vertices connected by thinner lines represent concepts whichdo not co-occur with the other concepts that often and are articulated in a fewer number of sen-

tences in the collected material.




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The discursive network shown in Figure 3 reveals that the most central themes and concepts in

the analysed material, besides benefit fraud and benefit cheaters, are judicial terms (closely related

to the police/prison), representations of people (in the figure divided into two separate vertices,

individuals and groups of people), and employment . Together, these nodes constitute the core of

the network. They are the largest and most central, and the lines connecting them are the thick-est, which indicates that among the selected analytical themes, these are the most prominent in

the material. Furthermore, Figure 3 shows that a number of additional themes are intimately

linked to the core of the network. These are themes relating to money and taxes, as well as the

state (the state/government and politicians) and the welfare state (welfare system, the DWP 12 / FK ,13

authorities,14 benefit programmes and counter-measures).

While the fact that these concepts and themes register as central in news discourse on benefit

fraud is not particularly surprising – they are all related to common ways of conceptualizing social

relations in discussions about issues of welfare – a number of interesting observations can be made

by looking more closely at the ways in which the relationships between them are organized in the

network. Examining the core of the network and the nodes more closely linked to benefit fraud,

the registered relations indicate that the issue of benefit fraud is largely constructed by reference

to people’s relation to, or position in, the labour market, and also by linking the issue of fraud to

Figure 3. Discursive network showing relations between dominant themes in Swedish and Britishnewspaper articles about benefit fraud, January 2000–September 2010.




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representations of the collective of the taxpayers. The fact that employment and taxes/taxpayers

register as more closely related to groups of people, than to individuals, suggest that relationships

between these concepts and benefit fraud are primarily articulated in more general discussions

about welfare policy issues. The centrality of judicial terms, and the connections between this node

and the nodes representing the police/prison in the network, also suggest that benefit fraud, to arelatively large extent, is constructed by articulating benefit fraud as a criminal practice. The strong

link between judicial terms and individuals furthermore indicates that such representations are

more common in relation to representations of individual cheaters, than more collective definitions

of people. This indicates that news reporting on benefit fraud is characterized by the representa-

tional strategies of crime journalism and articles describing individual cases of cheating.

Another important relation to note is that, while politicians register as fairly central, the govern-

ment agencies responsible for the administration of programmes (the DWP/FK) actually register as

more central, and more closely linked, to benefit fraud and the other core nodes in the network.

This indicates that benefit fraud is often talked about in news contexts that are not necessarily con-

nected to welfare debates in which politicians and political parties are mentioned, or are active

participators. The relationships in the figure rather suggest that the issue of benefit fraud is more

often represented in ways that do not explicitly connect it to politically linked interests.

With these general thematical relations in mind, a comparison of the relative pervasiveness of

the analysed themes in Sweden and Britain respectively shows some highly interesting differences

between the two settings. In Figure 4, this is achieved by relating the national co-occurrence fre-

quencies to each other. The ordering of blocks in the figure illustrates the relative importance of

the analytical themes in the two countries. Blocks appearing at the bottom of the figure represent

the themes registered as occurring in the largest number of co-occurrence pairs, and blocks appear-

ing at the top represent themes occurring fewer times in the material. In the figure, some themes,

whose relative position in the two countries was relatively similar, were not included for reasons of

space and clarity. More specifically, the excluded blocks were the ones representing benefit fraud ,

benefit cheaters, taxes/taxpayers, employment and the police/prison. The fact that the core themes

relating to employment and taxes are equally pervasive in both Sweden and Britain further strength-

ens the observations regarding the centrality of linking fraud to representations articulating social

relations employing these particular elements. In particular, these similarities indicate that the issue

is framed similarly in general welfare policy debates. Even though the Swedish and British welfare

states are different in many respects, these observations suggest that the issue of benefit fraud

nevertheless is constructed using similar strategies in the two countries.In addition to this, however, Figure 4 also shows some striking differences regarding the rela-

tive importance of several – in fact most – of the other analysed themes. In the figure, emphasis

is placed on the differences related to judicial terms, money and individuals. In the following sec-

tion of the article, in which the qualitative readings are discussed in more detail, the differences

relating to these three themes in particular will be elaborated upon further. In this article, themati-

cal co-occurrence differences are used to select the parts of the collected material to be subjected

to the more detailed examination. As mentioned previously, this selection is also guided by the

analysis of general news reporting trends, focusing on the points in time when coverage is intense,

in relation to the periods of less significant reporting. In most cases such combination of selectionstrategies is probably the best course of action when trying to locate moments of routine, as well

as more exceptional, forms of discursive practices.




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Individualization, Criminalization and FinancializationAs Figure 4 shows, the core theme of judicial terms registers very differently in the two countries.

In the UK, it is actually one of the most pervasive themes in the material, whereas it is one of the

less significant themes in Sweden. News reporting about benefit fraud, that simultaneously acti-

vate representations of the judicial system and the legal handling of fraud, are in other words alot more common in the UK than in Sweden. This also suggests that these particular relations are

Figure 4. Dominant themes in newspaper articles about benefit fraud, January 2000–September2010. Sweden and Great Britain compared.




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articulated in very different ways in Britain and Sweden. Similarly, the theme of representations of

individuals also registers as fairly dominant in the UK, while appearing as one of the most periph-

eral in Sweden. Looking more closely at the articles in which these two themes occur, it becomes

clear that one particular type of news story is very dominant and occurs in similar forms during the

entire examined decade in the British material, and that this kind of story largely explains theobserved national differences. Of the following three quotes, the first two, from the Guardian and

the Daily Telegraph, were produced during periods when those newspapers published compara-

tively few articles about benefit fraud. The third quote, from The Times, was published during a

period of extensive news coverage on the issue. They all illustrate some very common and signifi-

cant traits in this type of news story:

JAIL FOR CHEAT … who claimed more than £22,000 in disability benefits … Paul Appleby, 47,

told officials that he was largely confined to a wheelchair … the former miner from Kirkby in

Ashfield, Nottinghamshire, was actually a club runner who regularly completed full and half

marathons. (Taylor, Guardian, 2007).

DISABILITY BENEFITS CHEAT CAUGHT ON CAMERA PLAYING ROUNDS OF GOLF. A lady …

who claimed £8,000 in benefits by saying she had problems walking was caught out when

investigators filmed her playing rounds with friends. (Bunyan, Daily Telegraph, 2009).

BROTHEL MADAM JAILED AS BENEFIT CHEAT … Mary-Anne Allen, 51, was jailed for nine

months … after claiming more than £20,000 in illegal benefits … She claimed she could not

work because she was forced to care for her sick stepfather. (The Times, 2007).

In articles such as these – which are very common in the UK and almost invariably structured

according to a similar narrative – benefit fraud is articulated in stories about individual ‘fraudsters’

or ‘cheats’ caught cheating the system for large sums of money, while simultaneously living lives

allegedly characterized by luxury, leisure activities and/or criminality. The articles are in many ways

permeated by discursive strategies often associated with moral panics: a specific deviant subject is

labelled and, using exaggerated images of a set of discursively linked practices and phenomena,

it is constructed through highly moralizing discourse as a threat to society. At the same time, the

stories do not portray the deviant subjects using the more extreme forms of demonizing represen-

tations common in some panic reactions, and they often use humorous rhetorics in ways that donot necessarily correlate with the ways in which moral panic discourse often constructs deviancy.

These stories are often centred on describing the legal handling of the case – which explains the

dominant position of the analytical theme judicial terms – on the one hand, and highly detailed

descriptions of the individual cheater’s personal life and family relations on the other. Through

such individualizing and criminalizing discursive strategies, the needs and claims of benefit recipi-

ents are reduced to individual preferences and questionable moral characteristics. The deserving-

ness of individual benefit claimants, as well as the legitimacy of the welfare state and its institutions

in general, are thereby discursively disconnected from structural circumstances and social relations

defined through collectivizing representations. Linking benefit recipients so clearly to individualcases, criminality and/or apparent non-deservingness effectively limits the discursive space




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available for articulating the issue of benefit fraud in relation to collective needs and discussions

about structural, social and economic exclusion.

The individualization and criminalization of benefit recipients and dependency also character-

izes discourse on benefit fraud in British newspapers in other kinds of news articles. During peri-

ods of more limited news coverage on the issue, when articles describing cases of convictedindividual cheaters are not as dominant, these strategies are also found in articles where more

traditional forms of welfare policy debates are articulated. In such articles, it is not individual cases

predominantly, but rather the practices and behaviours of the larger collective of claimants, that

are targeted in discourse:

HOW TO BE A MODERN CITIZEN: CHEAT, LIE, SELF-DESTRUCT AND BE ANTI-SOCIAL. Our wel-

fare state [has created] a sub-world in which it is advantageous to behave irresponsibly, self-

destructively and anti-socially. The welfare state leads to an unpleasant paradox, … that while

some in our society are rewarded for a simple refusal to work or to conduct themselves in a

minimally responsible fashion, those who, through no fault of their own, suffer from crippling

diseases are often denied the assistance that any averagely compassionate person would think

appropriate. (Dalrymple, The Times, 2003).

In articles like this one, the needs and claims of the non-deserving are linked to questionable

moral standards of the individual and portrayed as a threat to society. But the cheating is also

described as a more or less common practice among the citizens. In the analysed British newspa-

pers, representations of fraud as common practice do not occur as often as those depicting indi-

vidual cheaters, and the two ways of representing cheaters are furthermore often articulated in

different kinds of news texts. These two representational strategies constitute distinctly separate

ways of articulating the issue of benefit fraud, and while some of these representations are

marked by traits often associated with panic discourse, others are not. Nevertheless, both kinds of

articulation draw on and are therefore also legitimized by, each other. Out of context, the sub-

jectivities, practices and crises that these forms of narrative construct would appear more clearly

as unreasonably exaggerated and dramatized. The legitimacy of individualizing and criminalizing

discourse on benefit fraud in the UK is, in other words, organized through processes in which

different kinds of news narrative, and different ways of articulating the relationship between the

welfare state and benefit recipients, intersect over time.

When looking closer at representations of welfare cheaters in Swedish news texts, the previ-ously discussed constructions of individual cases of convicted benefit cheaters in the UK appear

to be a largely British phenomena. Even though they do exist in the Swedish material too, they

definitely belong to the more peripheral of Swedish fraud narratives. In Sweden, it is much more

common to represent benefit cheaters using predominantly collectivizing strategies. In particu-

lar, such representations are found in Swedish articles published during periods of hightened

media interest. In the following two quotes, both published during times of highly intense

media coverage on benefit fraud in Sweden, from Expressen and Dagens Nyheter , this strategy

is exemplified:

CHEATING SWEDEN. Sweden is an honest … country with a high work ethic. Or is it? The

traditional image of Sweden unfortunately no longer seems to be correct. Instead, images of a




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Lundström

327

country of low work ethic, where almost all citizens, to the best of their abilities, try to cheat

the system [emerge]. (Expressen, 2005) [Translated here from Swedish to English by the author].

SWEDES COLLECT 10 BILLION BY CHEATING. The Swedish people swindle around 10 billion

annually from the welfare systems. (Carlbom, Dagens Nyheter , 2007) [Translated here fromSwedish to English by the author].

In relation to the portrayals of individual cheaters dominant in the British context, these articula-

tions appear as markedly different. In quotes such as these, it is not through images of individuals,

but rather the entire citizenry, that the problem of benefit fraud is constructed. In relation to the

British representations of fraud as common practice, these images also do not limit cheating to a

‘sub-world’ in society, where only ‘some’ people are engaged in cheating. In Sweden, cheating is

more often constructed as something all citizens do. The phenomenon of benefit fraud in Sweden

is often linked to an allegedly significant change in the work ethic, and welfare ethic, of the general

population, that is, a collectively defined crisis of decidedly moral character. Primarily, it is through

exaggerated images of this change that Swedish discourse on fraud attains its most dramatic form,

and it is in relation to this alleged collective change, and the risks it introduces, that arguments for

policy changes are introduced most effectively. These articulations employ strategies through

which a distinct crisis and threat are constructed, and at certain moments in time – often related to

the publishing of government reports about the extent and character of benefit cheating – they are

also of very prominent character in all of the studied Swedish newspapers. During such moments

in time, different kinds of moral entrepreneurs – such as journalists, politicians and government

officials – take part in orchestrating a consensus regarding the need for increased control of benefit

recipients. In many ways, then, these news stories are also marked by traits associated with panic

reactions, and they represent discursive strategies where collective risk management is legitimized

through images of a clearly labelled, although often collectively defined, target group.

During periods of limited media coverage on fraud in Sweden, stories about other, smaller

groups of cheaters appear more clearly. In such stories, narratives resembling those observed in

the previously discussed British news articles are found. However, they rarely include portrayals of

individual cheaters, but rather depict specific groups of people where fraud is described as com-

mon practice. The following quote, where health insurance fraud among criminal bikers is

described, illustrates this kind of Swedish news story:

DEPRESSED BIKERS. Seven out of ten Hells Angels members in Stockholm receive sickness

compensation, most of them have been sick-listed by the same doctor. This was revealed yes-

terday when the joint efforts of local police and the social insurance agency to monitor and

prevent the criminal activities of motorcycle gangs were presented. (Wierup, Dagens Nyheter ,

2006) [Translated here from Swedish to English by the author].

As previously mentioned, a common trait in stories about individual fraudsters in the UK – but

also in articles about the smaller groups of cheaters in Sweden, as in the quote above – is the use

of a humorous and/or sarcastic tone when describing cheating among the allegedly non-deservingclaimants. While this representational strategy in certain respects distinguishes news reporting

about benefit fraud from more typical forms of panic reactions, which normally constructs




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deviants in significantly more demonizing ways, it is one of the more prominent strategies through

which exaggerated images of insufficient control and exessively generous programmes within the

welfare state are constructed and legitimized in news discourse in the UK as well as Sweden.

In part, the dominant focus on representations of individual cheaters in Britain, and the larger

collective in Sweden, needs to be related to the universal and insurance-based character of theSwedish welfare state, and the predominantly residual and means-tested programmes of the

British. It is primarily through discursive strategies that construct the majority of the population as

lazy welfare abusers that the legitimacy of the Swedish system is questioned most effectively; and,

conversely, it is through representations of individually contextualized images of shameless cheats

that the British system is undermined. When looking more closely at news reporting during peri-

ods of different levels of news coverage, however, other differences between constructions of

benefit cheaters in Sweden and the UK appear. While the image of the individual fraudster being

caught funding a lavish lifestyle through excessive cheating only appears in Swedish newspapers

on very rare occasions, representations of more specific kinds of benefit fraud among smaller

groups of people also contribute to the legitimacy of the more frequently occurring descriptions

of fraud among the entire population. And while images of cheating among the population in

general are less common in the UK, such representations also draw on similar strategies as the

more common images of individual cheaters. In both countries, then, different kinds of news

stories and narratives reproduce corresponding strategies that discursively disconnect social wel-

fare policies from collective needs and social relations while simultaneously reducing dependency

and benefit claims to the moral character of the individual. At certain moments in time, these

representations are marked by many of the traits common to moral panics, while at other times

they are not. In the case of news reporting on benefit fraud, in Sweden as well as the UK, the

specific form which panic reactions take – the deviancy they label and amplify, the collective risk

management they advocate, and the consensus they organize – must also be understood in rela-

tion to the ways in which more routine forms of regulatory discourse condition individual risk

management.

One of the most significant aspects of the moralizing strategies through which benefit fraud is

constructed in news reporting is the strong focus on financial definitions of fraud. The third

emphasized difference in Figure 4 relates to the theme of money, which registers as a dominant

theme in Sweden and a somewhat less central, although still clearly significant, theme in the UK.

In both countries, representations of money are extremely common in news articles. These repre-

sentations almost always take the form of specified sums, and most often denote the amount ofmoney allegedly lost to cheating. In several of the above quoted articles, examples of such repre-

sentations can be found. According to Maurizio Lazzarato (2009: 111), the ‘financialization’ and

‘monetarization of state administration’ are core dimensions of neo-liberal discourse on welfare

issues. Through the financializing articulations of fraud in particular, but also welfare benefits and,

additionally, welfare in general, social policy becomes redefined and renegotiated according to

discursive strategies that locate risks at the level of the individual, and define social policies primar-

ily in terms of financial costs and specified sums of money. In the case of Sweden, these financial-

izing representations of fraud are commonly articulated through aggregate estimates of how

much money all forms of fraud within the welfare system allegedly cost. In the UK, on the otherhand, representations of how much money individual fraudsters have falsely collected are much

more common. In both countries, financializing strategies are used to amplify the alarming




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Lundström

329

character of the described phenomenon, and to legitimize the need for increased control. The

specific discursive form of the strategy, however, is also related to the ways in which fraud is gen-

erally constructed, through either individuallly oriented or collectivizing representations in the two

countries.

Concluding RemarksConceptualizing moral panics as the extreme forms of the general processes of moral regulation

suggests, in part, that the momentary, volatile discourse of the panic reaction is legitimized and

supported through general everyday discourse. It furthermore suggests that it is important to

actually study the various ways in which different discursive practices produce, support and condi-

tion certain discursive spaces in society. The analysis of a particular discursive form, such as a moral

panic, requires an analysis not only of the material, or institutional, context, but also of the discur-

sive context in which it is formed. The analysis presented in this article suggests that there is

indeed a close relationship between discursive practices generally associated with moral panics,

and processes of moral regulation. In the case of news reporting about benefit fraud, discourses

that legitimize and promote the control of others on the one hand, and the care for the self on

the other, both draw on and reproduce similar constructions of subjectivities and social relations.

In Sweden as well as the UK, fraud discourse employs various strategies of amplification, individu-

alization and financialization to construct the relationship between the welfare state and the

people in specific ways. During different moments in time and in different discursive contexts,

these strategies are articulated in slightly different, but also similar, ways that sometimes are

clearly marked by panic discourse. At the symbolic level, then, the narrative logic of panic reac-

tions, and the everyday representations of regulatory discourse, are intimately related, and they

condition and reproduce each other in continuous processes of discursive legitimization.

This article suggests a model for the comparative analysis of discursive changes over time, and

between different discursive fields, that provides a method for mapping general trends, and

conceptual relations, in larger data sets. In the case of the presented research project, the model

is used to locate the ordinary, routine discourse on benefit fraud, as well as the more exceptional

and extreme forms. While this article analyses media content exclusively, there are a large num-

ber of arguments for analysing discursive practices in other sectors of society as well when con-

ducting an analysis of the kind that is outlined here. It should therefore be noted that the

suggested model can be used to analyse many different kinds of text-based data. Furthermore,the specific comparison that the model is used for in this article, focusing on country-level differ-

ences and changes during a period of one decade, is not a requirement of the model. It could,

for instance, also be employed in an analysis of differences and changes between a larger selec-

tion of discursive fields – for instance, between different institutional settings, social groups, or

political parties – over longer as well as shorter periods of time. In the presented case study,

discourse produced in two different countries was compared. The results of this kind of com-

parative analysis enable, in this particular case, an institutional contextualization of discursive

practices that is of particular interest for the case of news discourse on benefit fraud. In part,

some of the observed differences are clearly related to the organization of the programmes andinstitutions of the Swedish and British welfare states. The differences indicate that the conditions

for constructing the relationship between the welfare state and the people through neo-liberal




18/20


strategies – such as individualization and financialization – are shaped by the discursive as well as

the institutional context. In order to theorize the more specific relationship between moral panics

and moral regulation, an analysis of the relationship between discursive practices and different

kinds of societal processes is required. A final conclusion of this article accordingly relates to the

need to widen the empirical focus of ideological, and moral panic, analysis. By critically engagingwith the ways in which discursive practices intersect with different kinds of institutional settings

and contextual factors in different sectors of society, and how such processes develop over time,

crucial knowledge can be produced regarding the ideological legitimizations of social relations.

Notes 1. http://www.retriever.se

2. For the Swedish case, the four biggest nationally distributed papers were selected: the evening tabloids

Aftonbladet (social democratic) and Expressen (liberal), and the morning broadsheets Dagens Nyheter (liberal) and Svenska Dagbladet (conservative).

3. http://news.google.com/archivesearch

4. For the British case, the newspapers that produced the most consistent search patterns using the Google

News Archive search engine were selected. These were the three morning broadsheets The Times

(centre-right), the Daily Telegraph (centre-right) and the Guardian (liberal), and the daily tabloid the Sun

(right-wing, populist).

5. http://www.umu.se/inforsk/Bibexcel

6. 216 Swedish articles, published by the largest nationally distributed Swedish newspapers Dagens Nyheter

(80 articles), Aftonbladet (40), Svenska Dagbladet (70) and Expressen (26), were collected.

7. http://www.retriever.se

8. 181 British articles were collected. The articles were published by the Daily Mail (tabloid, conservative; 62articles collected), the Daily Telegraph (42), the Guardian (35), the Independent (broadsheet, liberal; 16)

and The Times (26). The newspapers were selected because their websites allowed searching for, and

retrieival of, full-text copies of articles published between 2000 and 2010.

9. The British articles were collected by searching for texts containing the truncated words ‘benefit*’ and

‘cheat*’. The Swedish search terms were ‘bidrag*’ [benefit] and ‘fusk*’ [cheating] and ‘bidragsfusk*’

[benefit cheating].

10. The sudden intensification in fraud reporting in 2002 is related almost exclusively to a discussion about

abuse within the health insurance programme (Johnson, 2010).

11. It should be noted that an individual vertex does not simply represent occurrences of one unique combi-

nation of letters. A vertex corresponds to combinations of truncated search terms that, in the context of

the particular discursive field, represent analytical concepts or themes.12. The (British) Department for Work and Pensions.

13. The (Swedish) Social Insurance Agency [Försäkringskassan].

14. This node represents authorities related to plans and programmes not administered by the DWP/FK.

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