Critique of Empire

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The Dido Episode in Ercilla's La Araucana and the Critique of EmpireAuthor(s): Karina GalperinSource: Hispanic Review, Vol. 77, No. 1, Re-Envisioning Early Modern Iberia: Visuality,Materiality, History (Winter, 2009), pp. 31-67Published by: University of Pennsylvania PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40541412.

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The Dido Episode in Ercilla's LaAraucana and the Critique of EmpireKarinaGalperinUniversidad orcuatoDi Telia,Buenos Aires

ABSTRACT This essayexaminesthe Dido episode in Alonso deErcilla's a Araucana. et ntheNew World utreferringo theMediterra-neancontext,his pisodeshouldbe readtogether ithotherdigressionswithin hepoem equally ritical ftheSpanishEmpire,uchas thevisionsof Bellona nd Fitnwhich eaturehe Old Worldbattles f SaintQuentinand Lepanto.Ercillanotonly ssimilates ido's story o that f the Arau-canians, ut also to that f the infidels ntheMediterranean orld: heArabs nd the Ottomans. he geography nderlyinghis pisodewherevirtuous lternativemperialmodel s ocated overs territoryroblemati-cally elated o contemporarypanish onflictsnEurope.The ust empirefounded yDido inthepoem related oplaces uch s Cyprus, unis, ndNorthAfrica parallels ontemporaryerritoriesnderMuslimcontrol,recentlyakenfromChristian ands.Thus,within he frame f thethirdpart f theAraucana thepartmostpessimisticbouttheSpanishprojectand the one that uxtaposesAmerican nd European pisodes he mostthe mplicitlliance uggestedetween ido andPhilip I's European ne-mieshighlightshefragilityfHabsburg ominationnbothAmerican ndMediterraneanronts. y doingthis,Ercilla ubtly istances imself romthepolitical roject f his own monarch.

The Dido episode in the thirdpart of La Araucana constitutes strangemoment withinAlonso de Ercilla's poem.1 Seeminglydigressive nd discon-I wish o thank lizabethWrightnd Barbara uchsfor heir nestimableuggestionsnd refer-ences n an earlier ersion f this ssay.i. La Araucanawas publishedn three arts,n 1569, 578,nd 1509.Citations re trom saasLerner's dition ycanto, tanza, nd,where ecessary,inenumbers.Hispanic eviewwinter 009) - ^ 31Copyright 2009UniversityfPennsylvaniaress.Allrightseserved.

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34 - Hispanic review : winter009ering heNew World vents. y nvokingnthis pisodea territorylreadyalmost ompletelynderOttomanurisdictionfter fewdecadesof unsta-ble Christian ontrol, rcillanotonlyassociates heAraucanianswiththecontemporaryslamicworld a move thatcertainlyontributeso under-scoring hemilitarybility nd political omplexityf the Amerindiansnthepoem but also andmore mportantlye warns oth hereader nd themonarch f how ephemeral nd reversiblemilitarychievementsre justwhen,within hepoem,theSpaniards ecurea resoundinglbeitmorallyquestionable ictoryverthe Chilean ndians n Caete.Thus,within heframe fthe hird art fthepoem accordingocritics,hemostpessimis-tic about theSpanishproject nd the one that huttles he most betweenthe New World nd Europe the mplicitdentificationetweenDido, theAraucanians,nd Islamstrips heSpanishvictorynChile ofanydefinitivetriumphalharacter.n theepisodeof Dido, ErcillapairsthetriumphtCaetewithnotorious hristian efeats ver slam, nd inthat ense, s theendofthepoemapproaches, e chooses oemphasizenceagain hefragilityofcontemporaryabsburgdomination ycharacterizingt as much moreprecariousndreversiblehanone wouldexpectn a celebratorypic.Dido and the WebofProphecyThe mainconflictnErcilla's oem thewarbetween paniardsnd Arau-canians occurs t theNew WorldperipheryfHabsburg ossessions, eryfarfrom hemetropolitanenter f theSpanishEmpire.However, oth npolitical nd literaryerms, urope occupies pivotal ole nLa Araucana,arguablyne of themost ransatlanticoems ntheSpanish radition.t didnotgo unnoticed hatbeginning ith he secondpart,with hepropheticepisodes fthegoddessBellona nd the ndian orcereritn, rcilla ncor-porates ventshatmake ntelligiblehatwastaking lace ntheNew WorldalongsideSpanishmilitary nterprises ack home. WithBellona,Ercillabrings o thepoema detailed ccountof theSpanish apture f the Frenchcity fSaintQuentinn1557, decisive ndtriumphant omentnthe us-tainedwarbetween heHabsburgsnd France hatwould end in 1559withthetreatyfCateau-Cambrsisnd theresultingpanishhegemonyverItaly.WithFitn omesLepanto 1571),o great Christianictoryver hepowerfulOttoman fleet hat a minister f PhilipII, CardinalDiego deEspinosa,went o far s tocompare twith hebiblical efeat ftheEgyptian



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - 35PharaohntheRed Sea (Parker 00-01). Later, oward heend o La Arau-cana,Ercilla etshissight n Europeagain n recountinghe annexation fPortugaln1580.) t has beenargued hat he nclusion fthese vents ringsto thepoemthe mostresonant andmorallyncontestableSpanishvicto-ries n themetropolitantage norder o furnish virtuousounterexampleto theChilean vents romwhich hepoetseems o take ncreasingistance.In this ight, a Araucanadoes notquestionPhilip I's imperial roject nitsentiretyErcillawould not feelanyambivalence oward heEuropeanenterprises)utonly tsAmerican rojectionLagos179).The famous ndian amorousepisodes hat eason La Araucanafrom hesecondparton support hisviewpoint. or RamonaLagos, t is preciselyErcilla'sgrowing evulsionwiththecrueltynd greedhe discoversn theSpaniards f Chile thatpropelshim to look for lternative arrativesnthefashionfAriosto r Boiardo.His empathyoward he ndianheroineshusfunctionss a signof thepoet's ncreasing ejection f the conductof hiscompatriots,nd theresultingragmentationfwritingnthe asttwopartsofthepoemmanifests is oss of heroic llusions. ut thisdisillusionmentspartial ince t affectsnly heChilean ampaign nd not thewhole mperialideology Lagos172-81).The Dido digression,s variouscritics avepointedout, is inseparablefrom he amorous pisodeswith ndian heroines. t is linked o thembothby ocation nd thematicffinity.avid Luphernotesthat heepisodesofLauca (32.32 f.) nd Fresia 33.73 f.) houldbe read nlight f Dido's story.Theyweredesigned, eremarks,toformhe idepanels fa triptychhosehugecentral anel is devoted o theimpeccablyncient,fnon-Virgilian,Dido (308). Butwhydoes Ercilla ncludeDido within his eries, s she istheonlywoman n an amorous pisode nLa Araucanawho liesoutside f4. Quint ubscribesoLagos'sview nEpic ndEmpire 81. adrnpresentsn alternativenter-pretationf heEuropean pisodesn La Araucana.AccordingoPadrn, ven f hemetropolitaneventsre of a very ifferent oral ualityhan hose nChile, hefundamentaloint s that hetext nvites s to behold entralmperialmoments s if hey appenednthemargins, hile heremoteChile provides hepointof view fromwhich heempire s viewed SpaciousWord198-206; uoteon 205).Fuchs, orherpart,nsists n thepoem'sself-consciousnsistencehattheremoteventst narratesrepart f globalwhole Travelingpic 380). n a very ifferentline f nterpretation,orNicolopuloshe ntroductionfEuropean ventshrough hathe termsthewebofprophecy eeks o mbue heperipheralnd uncertain eeds nChilewithmetropoli-tan imperial plendorn order o create a truly olonialepic,a heroicpoem that xplicitlyintegrateshemostremotewith he mostcentralpheres f mperial nterprise Nicolopulos,PoeticsofEmpire65).



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36 - Hispanic review : winter009the New Worldcontext?Whydoes thepoetinvoke hisfigurend closelyconnect er o a group f heroinesnrelation owhom, esides heir haredemphasis n love,fidelity,onor, nd chastity,he is so visibly lien?5 heskillful ay nwhich rcilla stablishes clear,natural,lmost bvious den-tification etween is Dido and the ndian heroines as longoccludedthenot-so-minoretail hatwithin his eries fstories,boveall,Dido repre-sents dissonance.La Schwartz e Lernerhas demonstratedhe literarynatureof the Indian women in Ercilla'spoem. Theyare not charactersinspired yreal-lifendividuals hepoetmight ave met ntheAmericas,swas once thought, ut purely ictitiousreationsmodeled on prestigiousfemale haractersf classical ndRenaissance uropean iterature615-25.6While the Araucanianwomen resemble ido and in thissensetheydoconstitute semantic roup they esemble er n thewaya copymirrorstheoriginal. nd t spreciselyhiskindofrelationship,imilarnmeaningwithin hepoembutdifferentnoriginndprestige,hatweshould ake nto

5. Beatriz astor odmer dentifieshese ualitiess thebasicvirtues f theAraucanian eroines(226).6. Lupher oesnotdeny hegeneral ertinencef Schwartz e Lerners argumentsutclaimsthat elativelyecent ocumentaryindingsuggesthat ome femalendianheroines erebasedon real-lifendividuals. e calls ttentiono the fundamentalistoricityf theFresia pisode,confirmedytheCrnica relacinopiosa verdaderae osReinos eChile 1558) yGernimode Vivar or Bibar), lso an eyewitnessf theAraucanian evolt308). It has also been noticedthat rcillamodelednotonlyhis heroines ut also hisAraucanian arriorsccordingo conven-tionsofEuropean pic and chivalric iction. hemeaning fthis,however, as beendiverselyinterpreted.orAdorno, hisway frepresentingndian haracterspracticed yErcilla ut alsobyother uthors f fiction f histime) ddressed rcilla's eed to find commonanguagewithhismetropolitaneadersnorder oconvey is admirationor heAraucanians. utmoregener-ally,Adorno egardshismediated haracterizationf theAraucanianss a way hat rcilla on-trols he nterpretationverhis charactersy imitinghem o the conventionalnd schematicpatternsfepicand chivalric iction17).The Occidentalizednd stylized epresentationf theAraucanians asbeengiven pposite nterpretationsyCevallos nd Pastor odmer. orCevallos,Ercilla epictsheAraucanianss valorous n order ohighlighthepower ndhonorabilityftheSpaniards1-6).ForPastor odmer,ar rom eing sign fEurocentrism,he haracterizationftheAraucaniansollowinguropean ictionis a literarytrategyhat xpressesrcilla's etermi-nation odefend he uperior ature f differenteople nd thevalueoftheir ulture 230-40;quotefrom 35). n a very nterestingrticle n theAmericaneceptionfthe morous pisodesofLa Araucana,Nicolopuloshowshow Oa rewritesndvigorouslyorrects rcilla'sdealizingportraitf theAraucanians rom hepoint fview f the ncomenderos.icolopulosffirmshatamong hePetrarchistoets f the ncomenderolassof the1590s . . , Ercilla's ighlyuccessfulliteraryepresentationf the ndigenous omen s chaste nd articulatepeaking ubjectswhodominated heprivilegedodes ofPetrarchist/Garcilasistiscoursewas interpreteds a directassault n therhetoricfdehumanizationhat nderlayhe conomic oundationfthe oloniz-er's ristocraticifestyle Reading ndResponding 27-47; uotefrom 43).



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 37accountwhen xamining hatErcilla sdoingwhen,ate nLa Araucana, edecides o connect wo uchdisparateworlds.Quintrightlybserveshat, eyond heir hared alues,t s Dido's charac-terizations a barbariannrelation o theSpanishEmpire hat inksher tothe ndian heroines fthe amorousdigressions.he heroines f these pi-sodes,evenifcrafted ollowing uropean iterarymodels, nsistentlynddeliberatelyefer o therealm f theAmericas. hey reChilean, hey igurein thetextbyvirtue f their elationshipsithAraucanianmen, nd theirtragic tories esult rom heSpanishpresencen the New World.There snothing mericanboutDido, however,esides he ocation f her torynthepoem, detail hat hepoethimself emarks henhe mentions he nopensadacoyuntura here Spanish oldier ecallsher 32.48.3). n literaryterms,he directs s to the mostprestigiousuropean iteraryraditionyvirtue f herrelationshipo theAeneid, he classical picmostrevered yRenaissance uthors nd readers.n historicalerms, ido bringswithherthe ontext f heRomanEmpirend tsrenownedivalry ith heCarthagi-nians. n historicalermsontemporaryoErcilla, ido pulls hereaderwayfrom outh America o the conflictive editerraneanealm. n this ense,Ercilla'snclusion f Dido within seriesof stories xclusivelyocused nnative eroines ulfillshedoublepurpose f inkinghem ogethernd alsosettinghem part, fplacing hemwithin he ame structuralchemewith-outfailingopointout their ifferences.r, better, rcilla lacesthese to-ries nthe amegroup pecificallyecausethisdouble bondallows hepoetto relate hem o twoworlds, o twoplacesso seeminglylien. n thisway,the uxtapositionfDido and theAraucanian eroines esponds o Ercilla'sdesire o link theSouthAmerican vents and judgmentsolicited ytheSpanish onquest)to a broadergeographicalontext. nce we see Spain'sChileanconflict s being nseparable rom pain'sOld World truggles,eare then nvited o consider heSpanishpresencenChile as partofa widerimperial nterprise. e can thereforeeadtheepisodeof Dido as part f theweb ofepic prophecy, s Nicolopuloscalls it (Poetics fEmpire 5-117).AlongwithBellona'sand Fitn'svisions, he Dido episodeinsists n theneedto ntegrateheperiphery ith hecenterwhen nvisioningheSpanishimperial roject.And like thesevisions, t also highlightshe dark side ofempire t its mostglorious oints.Before oingdeeper nto theepisodeofDido, then, t is worth xaminingnce againthe battles f SaintQuentinand Lepanto s they ppear n La Araucana n the visionsofBellona andFitn.



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38 - Hispanic review : winter009Recent riticism, ith heexceptionfNicolopuloswhoplaces hebattlesof SaintQuentinand Lepantowithin he tradition f the encomiasticprophecy haracteristicf imperialistpics Poetics fEmpire 5-117), ascalled intoquestion heseemingly elebratoryature f the narrations fthese ombatswithin hepoem.Fromvariousperspectives,uthors uchasQuint,Fuchs, nd Padrnstress ow thesepropheticmomentsespeciallyFitn's) xpress rather im viewoftheSpanish mpire. orQuint,Ercilla'spurposefuluxtapositionf theVirgiliannd Lucanmodelsthroughoutis

narration f the battlegeneratesontradictorynd problematicdentifica-tions, uch s theone between heSpaniardsnLepanto nd theAraucaniansinChile 157-59). uchs mphasizeshefact hat ydint fconcentratingnLepantoFitn avoids showing hepoet the outcome of theChileanwar(Mimesis nd Empire 9-46). Hence,she reads thisepisodeas a failure fclassicalepic prophecy,n whichvisualizing he future would lead thereader afely rom hetimeof thenarrative o thegloriouspresent f thepoet's patron-ruler 44). Insteadofanticipatingheacquisition f futureterritories,itn imitshimself o enumeratingand showing)presentndpastpossessions.Where hereadermightxpect strong rophecyfSpan-ishconquestn thevarious andsdescribed, uchs oncludes,Ercillapro-vides nstead non-committalist fplace-names, ithfewverbs ttached(46). Padrn, orhispart, inpointsn this pisode everal etails hat llowhimto read t as a parody fgeographical anegyricsimed at uncoveringthehollowness ather han heglories fempire SpaciousWord 06).Allthese eadings, owever,akeforgrantedhat t s either he tructuralframe f these pisodes, r their elationshipo cartography,r the charac-tersthroughwhichwe gain access to thebattles, r even theseepisodes'problematic epresentationf the Chilean vents hat llowsus to interpretthem s criticalmperialmoments.n fact, venPadrn, criticwho moststronglymphasizeshe dissident haracter f the visionof the ndian sor-cerer, escribes he ccount fLepanto s Ercilla'smost xultant elebrationofSpain's mperialismntheOld World SpaciousWorld 02).Nonetheless,I believe hat he SaintQuentin nd Lepanto ccountspresent s criticalperspectivef theSpanishvictoriesn Europeas Ercilla'sview of violentSpanish mpositionn the Americas.Not onlydoes Ercillanot regard heEuropeanbattles s luminous ounterexampleso the ominousbrutalityftheChilean truggles,ut rather perhaps s a consequence fhisownexpe-rience n theNew World he can envision panishmoments f glory nEurope onlythroughheall-darkeningens of the South American vents.



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 39Progressively,he Chilean war and its horrors ush Ercilla ntoa critical,indeed ntoan antiwar osition hatviews venthegreatestictories s evi-dencefor heveryweaknesses fthevictors.n this ense, t leastbeginningwith he econdpart fthepoem, t would be correct ogeneralize adrnipoint bouttheepisodeofFitnwhenhe affirmshat nthe orcerer'smap-pamundi [t]heperiphery, ith ll itsbrutality,ecomes hepointof viewfromwhichwe are nvited o consider hecenter SpaciousWord 05).Andcertainly,t least n the accounts f SaintQuentin nd Lepanto, t is as ifErcilla ould not avoid seeing n theEuropeanenterprises projection fSpain'sNew Worlddeeds.What he seesin SouthAmerica aints isglobalperceptionfall imperial ndeavors: he ame flaws rive heSpaniards,ndthe amedestructionesults rom heir onductneither lace.The battle fSaintQuentinncanto18ofLa Araucana romises celebra-tory ccount fPhilip I's greatmilitaryuccess. t is thus nticipated ythepoetat thevery eginningf thecanto:

Cul er l atrevidoue presumareducirl valor uestro grandezaa trminoequeoybreve uma,ya tanhumildestilo anta lteza?18.1.1-4)Nothing eems o hinder his riumphantpirit ntil tanza15,when ftervery rduousfightheSpaniards inallyeachvictory.hisclimax, owever,is not followed,s one would expect, ypoetic praiseof thebraverynddexterityf thevictors.nstead,while hepoet ndeedpausesto focus n thevanquishers, hathe sees is notglory utgreed, he same evil thatErcilladenounces hroughouthepoemintheSpaniards ngagedntheAmericas.As soon as they scertain heir ictory,

sinhacermsgolpe, rremetieron,vuelto n codicia quelfurorangriento,al esperadoaco de la tierra,premio e la comngente eguerra.18.17.5-8; y mphasis)Ifthe asttwo ines nsinuate justificationafter ll,plundering ould benothingutanaccepted abit fwar), hefollowingtanzas,with heir nsis-tence on thedestructiveenacityf greed,denytheSpanishsoldiers ny



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - 41Furthermore,ustas he does inthe ntercalatedmorous tories et n theNewWorld, rcilla uicklyurns iscompassionate yes oward hewomen,inthis aseFrenchwomen,who become synecdocheor hevanquishednSaintQuentin.Through hem, hepoetexpressesheSpaniards' ppallinglackofmercy,mercy hatErcillademands f all victorsnthe ntroductionto theepisodeof Dido. The poetfinds hecrueltyhownto thesewomenutterlyeprehensible:No losruegos,lamores querellas,quelos distantesielospenetraban,de viudasyhurfanasoncellasla insaciableodiciamoderaban;antes, ompiendoinpiedadporellas,a lo msdefendidoearrojaban,creyendouemayor anancia abadondemsresistenciaehaca. 18.21.1-8)

The emphasison the cowardly buse of the weak ( viudas y hurfanasdoncellas ) and the moral distancebetweenhimself nd the Spaniardsimpliedby creyendo,whichhalf-concealsn a masterly ayhis dissentwith hevaluesofhiscompatriots,omplete dreadful ritical icture f thesoldiers ightingn Europeforthe same imperial ause as those n Chile,whomthey egin o resembleignificantly.hefinal emark bouthow thekinghad issued n order efore nteringhe French ity rging is soldiersto respect las mujeresy casas de oraciones 18.23.4), n orderthattheyobeyonlyby repressingheir irstnstincts, atters ery ittle. he poemimmediatelyedirectstsfocus o thesufferingsnflictedyPhilip Fs sol-diers, husdisposinghereader o feel ompassion or hevanquished atherthan dentifyith ictors f dubiousqualities:Atodaspartes ritosastimososen vanoporel aireresonabany os tristesrancesesemerososen as contrariasrmas earrojaban.18.27.1-4)

As we can see,then, heaccount of SaintQuentinfinishes eryfarfrompoetical anegyricsf mperial elebration.What t eaves n themindoftheaudiences nottheglory uttheundeniablemiseryfSpain.Ercilla oesnot



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42 f hispanic review : winter009close the pisodewith he choesofa resounding ictoryutwith he hameofunjustifiablend brutal lunder.As Padrnacutely bserves, henat theendof this mbiguous riumphBellona ttemptso show hepoeta vast eries fconquests yPhilip I,thustryingo seduce thepoet awayfromhis American ubjectmatter ndtoward hecomposition fa metropolitanpic, Ercilla nsists n highlight-inghis American ocus of enunciationSpaciousWord 03).This insistenceis cruciallymportantecause thisgeographicalocationhas political ndmoralmeaning. een from heAmericas,aintQuentinno longer ppears sa uniqueandexceptionallylorious ccasion nwhich paindisplays or herest ftheworld hevirtues hatmake tworthyf a great mpire.Rather,tbecomes one more event n which Ercilla's ompatriots istinctly isplayonceagain likemany ther imes ntheNew World the tark eficienciesthat xplainwhy heHabsburgEmpirewillneverdeserve hegrandeur fRome.Somethingimilar ccurswith he accountofLepanto.The narration fthebattle s long itoccupies he whole of canto24), and it includesmanycharactersdmired ythepoet.SaintQuentin,we haveseen,wasportrayedas a combat fmostly nonymousoldiers, ominated y owpassions, ndfightingnder heorders f a virtuous ingwho couldonlypartiallyontainhisunrestrainedroops.This snot thecase withLepanto.Lepanto s repre-sented s a collective eed withmultiple ommendable ctors dentifiedyname.This ection fthepoem, s well s Herrera's 572 elacin e aguerradeCipreysuceso e la batallanavaldeLepanto n whichErcilla's ccount sbased,mentions nebyone the llustriousersonalitiesnboardofthefleetof theHoly League as the alliancebetween paniards, enetians,nd thePapalState hat oughtnthisbattlewascalled)and also on board theOtto-manformation.8hemilitarytaturehat rcilla scribes o this ombat er-8. AmongheremarkableoldiersdentifiedyErcillaremarkableor hemselves,or heir amilyor for heir osition)we find on Juan eAustria,llegitimateon ofCharles andcommander-in-chief f the fleet f theHoly League;JuanAndreaDoria,son ofthedistinguishedenoeseadmiralAndrea oriaand, ccordingoBraudel,n no smallpart esponsibleor he riumphtLepanto; heVenetian gostino arbarigo,ogether ithMarcoQuirini, esponsibleor heprovi-sion ofsixty alleyso thefleet f the llies;Don Alvaro e Bazn,Marquis f SantaCruz, hijode aquelfamoso . Alonsoque reconoci a Goleta uando a ganel emperador, nHerrera'swords;MarcoAntonio olona,viceroyfSicily; nd Sebastin eniero,aptain f theVenetianfleet. he Turkish leetncluded qually enowned igures. mong hem reSiroco,viceroyfAlexandria; ehemet ey, corsario granmaestro ccordingoErcilla;ndEuldjAli Ochal),a Calabrian enegade hobecameking fAlgeria etween 568 nd1572, asresponsibleor he



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 43tainly arexceedsthat of SaintQuentin, nd theChristian roops n thisbattle re nnoway ubject o the amemoralrebuke s theSpanish oldiersinFrance.They re heroes mbarked n a holy,memorable,ndultimatelysuccessfulction gainst n infidel pponent.However, he accountof Le-pantodoesnot succeed ompletelynofferingnunqualifiedelebration.At thispoint nthepoem,bythe end of the secondpartof La Araucanaand well into thefierce onfrontation iththeChileanrebels,Ercillanolonger eems apableof dentifyingholeheartedlyith nymilitarynter-prise, o matter ow egitimatetscausemaybe.Any nstance fdestructionanddeathmoveshimand claimshisattentionmore han hemostresonantvictory. hus,almost t the exact middleof canto24, in the midstof thebattle, rcilla urnshisgazeto the airadagente 24.49.1), o the namelessandobscure oldierswhofightnder heorders f the llustriousommand-ers.Ercilladoes not see them s protagonistsf heroicdeeds, s he does inthe case of thehigh-rankingombatants,mongwhomtheChristiansreclearly istinguishedrom heOttomans, hegood from he evil.Whenfocusingn the ow ranks and in thisLa Araucanadeparts romHerrera'saccount Ercilla resentsllsoldiers,panishnd Ottomanslike, s wretchedobjects f enormous iolence ossessedbya despicablewrath,whobitterlyfightn dreadful and-to-hand ombat.Dead bodiescover hebloody ea,menattack ach otherwith uriousnergy,ecklesspears lyinghroughheairpierce nemyoldiers:

lamardesangrebito ubierta,comenz recebiragentemuerta24.49.7-8)* * *seacometen ofendenin osiego:unoscayendomuerenhogados,otros purohierro,tros fuego24.50.2-3)* * *Quinpor altar n elbajelcontrarioeraen mediodel salto travesado;quinporherir intiempol adversariocaaen elmar, e su furorlevado.24.51.1-4)

recapturefTunis, nd played keyrole n reconstructinghe Turkish leet fter tsdefeat nLepanto. orDoria andBarbarigo,ee Braudel 102, 110. or Don lvaro azn, ee Herrera19.ForAli Pash withnformationrom aedo'sTopografahistoriaeneral eArgel)seeJohnson120-21. or Herrera's elacin,eeGaylord andel.



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44 * Hispanic review : winter009Thebrutalityf thedescription,imilar o Lucanin exposing he reader othebloody ealityfwar, omes npartfromHerrera's ccount f a battlenwhich, s he says, en todaspartes aanmuertos on ostinadadureza decorazn 359).9Butonly npart.Elizabeth avispoints ut howHerrera,unlikeRufo nhisAustriada,schews llemphasis n thedreadof hand-to-handcombat n his account fLepanto 70-77). 0 etErcillanotonly xhib-its hehorror fwarbuteven uspends is narrationt this oint, orcinghereader oaccompany im n amentingheunfortunateives ostto violence.Unexpectedly,egretor hedead soldiers akespriorityver heprogressftheglorious attle.11he account fLepanto, therwisedynamic arrative,takeshere n anomalouspause:

Culser quel quenotemblase iendoelfin el mundoy a total uina,tantas entes untiempo ereciendo,tanto an, ombarda culebrina?Elsol os claros ayos ecogiendo,confaz urbada e color anguina,entreasnegras ubes eesconda,porno ver l destrozo eaquelda. 24.52.1-8)

The rhetoricaluestion n the first our inesengages he readerwithaninvitationobehold, ogether ith hepoet, hedevastatingceneofdestruc-

9. Quint dentifiesn Lucan an inclinationo describe kindof war where horror s real; hepoetwants o rub the nosesofhisreaders n thegory acts f civilwar, o violate Virgiliandecorum hat, or ll thebloodydescriptionsf battlentheAeneid, owseems,ncontrast,ohave estheticized ar ndpolitics 140-47; uotefrom 43).10. For Davis,whose nterpretationiffers rommine,Ercilla hares his traitwithHerrera(70-77).11. Herrera oes include horrificescriptionfthehumancost oftriumphn thenight fvictorytLepanto: parecia l mar rdiendo n llamasunmonte e fuego, en todo el espaciode labatalla e vio teido nsangrenfiel cristiana,lenodecuerposmuertos despedazados evariasmaneras, cubierto e bajelesrotos, e fuegos, e remos, e astasyarmas, ue ningnsuceso se pudo verde mayor erribilidad,i ms dina consideracin e la miseria umana.Nevertheless,delightednumeration f Turkish ossesfollows.Herrera ees in the Ottomancasualties clear ign f ustice: [N]uncaaquellaferocsimaente ecibi angrande erida,onla cualpagen un da todos os daos hechos. Besides,fErcilla egretshristiannd Muslimsufferingnequalmeasure, errera eems he distinctionelevant:apenasse pudocreer antamultitud ebajeles errotosypresos on no igualdao de los vencedores Herrera 70).Lossesare to be regrettednlywhen heyffectheSpaniards utcelebrated hen heyffectheTurks.



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 45tionresultingrom hebattle nd to share hepoet'sdistress. he last fourlines,fortheirpart, ssignto nature hepoet'sreaction. he horror ndshame felt ythe sun belong, n fact, o thepoet.And they hreaten henarrativeontinuityf he ccount. ike he un,Ercillawouldratheremovehimselfrom heghastlypectaclendstopwatching,ven fhe knows it sthus nticipatedn the first tanzaofthis anto that greatChristian ic-torywaits t theend.12 lthoughhe tory uickly esumes ts gilenarrativerhythm,he final efeat f the Ottoman nemynever uitesucceeds t dis-pelling his ombermoment f horror ndgrief theonlymoment,nfact,inwhich epantomoves henarrator which ontinues o haunt he rest fthenarration.ts shadow clipses hecelebratorypirit hatgeneric onven-tionswoulddrive s toexpect f thisprophetic ision.The conclusion o the accountof the battle lso insists n avoiding nyexpressionftriumphalism,erhaps ecausebythe timeErcilla s compos-ingthe secondpartofthepoemit has already ecomeagonizinglyvidentthatLepanto, o quoteBraudel, ad been a great pectacle, glorious neeven,butin the end leadingnowhere 1103).Focused on the astmilitaryactionsOchali'sflightnd the ubsequent ersecutionyDon Juan e Aus-tria,Bazn,and Oria), toward he end of the cantovictoryomesprema-turely nd incompletelyo Ercilla.As soon as the Ottomanssurrender,instead fallowing hepoetto witness ndsing heglories ftriumphletusrememberhatHerrera's ccount loseswith song enalabanzade la divinamajestad or a vitoria el seordonJuan ), itnunexpectedlytirs he irof his crystal allwith rushand makesthe visionofLepantodisappear,forever nfinished.n this ense, he pisodeof Fitndisplayshe amepref-erence or penness ndprovisional losure hatJaime oncha dentifiesntheendings f the three arts f thepoemand thatQuintreads s yetonemore ign f theLucanesque endency ithwhich rcillahighlightsheten-tative,ontingentharacter f mperial ictories.1312. The canto penswith hefollowingines: La sazn,gran elipe, sya legada enquemivoz,de vosfavorecida,cante a universal granornada 24.1.1-3).t s worth oting, owever,hatthisfirsttanza lso anticipatesheenormousmportancehatErcilla ttaches n this pisode othenegative spects fwar.He closesthisfirstctava ealby statinghathis voicewill ing lasoberbia tomana errocada u martimauerza estruida, os varios ados, iferentesuertes,el sangriento estrozoy crudas muertes 24.1.5-8; myemphasis).13.Concha observes hat heendings fthethree arts f thepoemdifferde una concepcindel desenlace omo extremidadrgnica ponennfasis n su aspecto e detencin rovisional,de estado uspensivoe la accin. ForConcha, his trategy anifestsn enormous apacityo



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Galperin the dido episode in erc il la 's la araucana - > 471574,t becamepainfullypparent hatthe granbatalla naval neverdidsecure or painthemuch-desiredontrol f heMediterraneanea.Present-dayhistoriansgree lmost nanimouslyntheir leakdiagnosis fLepanto:thegreatesthristianictoryf the ixteenthenturyadveryimited on-crete ffects.16utthis erdict as not lien o someofErcilla's ontemporar-iesnor to thepoethimself,s can be inferredromhispoem.Thewhollyunrealisticmperial rojects hatmany paniards ontinued o schemedur-ingthe first alfof the1570s nder he mpulse fLepanto lreadyookedchimerical nd delirious o theeyesof a significantumber f sixteenth-centuryritics.n thissense, t is worthmentioninghedevastatingetterwrittenytheFrench mbassador aint-Gouardn November 6,1574,nwhichhe commentsn theSpanish lansto attack izerta, ortoFarina ndAlgiers ith skepticalndlaconic I shallbelieve t when see it (Braudel655). It seemstrue, hen, hatthe disillusionmentisplayedn the secondand third arts f La Araucana s partly result f Ercilla's wn NewWorldexperience. ut thedejection artially ffectinghe mood in Spain on theContinentlso played ts roleand,combinedwithwhatErcilla aw in theNew World,projected nto thepoem a lugubrious nd criticalmageofHabsburgmperialistnterprise.

Dido and theMediterraneanontextA few antos ndmore han decade ater,heepisodeofDido reintroducesthe context f theEuropeanwar intoLa Araucana.The waythisepisodeproceeds s far essexplicit han thoseof the visions f Bellonaand Fitn.Here,Ercilla ppeals o theOldWorld ettinghroughn ancient eographyalready aturatedwith mperial onflict, ehindwhich one can actually16. Braudel,who nonethelessemarksow mportanthis attlewas nboosting panish pirits,also observes hat nly hreeyears fter hefamous attle, Spainwasmore lone that ver nfacing er dversaryn theEast 1141). lliot cknowledgeshat epantowas thegreatesthris-tianvictorygainstslam ver ince he onquest fGranada n1492, uthe considerstspoliticalandmilitaryonsequences tterlyisappointing:Lepanto ailed owinfor heChristianssingleyard f and {Europe ivided 28).Hess,forhispart, greeswith his nterpretation.ven f heEuropeaneaders,nd especially hilip I, thoughtnitiallyhatLepantohadputan endto theOttomanhreat,contraryoSpanish ndPapal udgments,heOttomans ebuilt heir avy fterthebattle . . andproceededoprojectheir owernto he asternMediterraneanasin hroughtherecapturefTunis n1574 122).



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48 f- Hispanic review : winter009glimpse hereal tage f confrontationetween hristian nd Islamicforcesinearlymodern urope.Ercilla ocates heepisodeof Dido between woChileanevents: fter heAraucanian efeatn Caete and before he execution f the ndian eaderCaupolicn.Returningo theSpanish ampafter hebattle, hepoetoffersthe true toryfDido tohis fellowoldiersohelppassthe ime.Reactingto a comradewhoimpugns rcilla's ulogy f thequeen's fidelitynd chas-tity, e setsout to correctwhathe considers he distorted ersion f DidothatVirgil resentsnbookIV of hisAeneid,whichhadoriginatedhe falselegend itedbytheSpanish oldier. hetale s long.Comprising02 tanzas(32.43-33.54),t constituteshe ongest igression ithin hepoem (Lupher307). Itslength,extuallyustified ythe distance etweenCaeteand thecamp, lsohighlightshe ingularmportancettached o itbythe uthor.Thisalternative,on-Virgilianersion fthestory f Dido is narratednminute etail. n this ccount,Dido is no longer hequeen inflamedwithlove forAeneaswhosepassion eads to thedoubledestructionf herempireandherself. ere,whereAeneasdoes noteven xist vemospor ostiemposhaber sido / Eneas cien aos antesque fue Dido 32.46.7-8),the storyrevolves rounda virtuous emalewidowwho founds peaceful, ast, ndjustempire,nd who endsup committinguicide norder o both afeguardherkingdomndpreserve erfidelityo her deadhusband.Theparticularsofthis ale, speciallyoncerningtsgeographicaletting,re mportantndmight xplain whyErcilla dwells so thoroughlyn its telling.After erbrother ygmalionmurders ido's husbandSichaeus n order o seize hiswealth, ido, pretendingo feelno resentment,sks her brother o shelterher t hishouse n a distant and. Obsessedwith ichaeus's old,Pygmalionagrees o therequest, ounting n the fact hathis sisterwouldbring longherconjugal iches.nstead, efore oarding he hip, he oads it withbagsfull fsand thatPygmalion'smbassadors elieve o be gold. Mid-journeyand in front f the ambassadors' stonished nd resigned aze,thequeendecides o getrid of thebags,blaming hemfor he deathof her husband.She then edirects er ourse oward yprus,nd recruitshere ightyirginsforher future mpire.She changesher course once again towardTunis,where he foundsCarthagewithoutnybloodshed fter egotiating fairpricefor he and with tsnativenhabitants.hortlyhereafter,neighbor-ingking alled arbasproposes o Dido. Ifshe does notaccept, ewarns, ewillwagewaragainstCarthage.After series fdilatorymoves, hequeenkillsherselfn frontf herpeople mueropormipuebloyguardo ntera



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 49con inviolablemor a feprimera 3.49.7-8), huspreservingerkingdomand also her oyaltyoSichaeus.The threadinkinghis alewithwhat omesbefore nd after s semantic,and Ercillamakes deliberate fforto enablehisaudience o perceive heconnection.n fact, venthough heepisodeof Dido occupies he ength fan entire anto, t nonethelessppears s a diptych,ivided n two halves(the econdhalf f canto32and thefirst f canto33). tshares anto32withthestory f Lauca and 33with hat fCaupolicn.Whattriggershe narra-tion about Carthage s Ercilla's encounterwithLauca, a fifteen-year-oldAraucanian omanwho has ust ostherrecent usband nCaete ndwho,possessed yan unbearable rief, egs hepoettohelpherputan end to heryoung ife. he inkbetween ido and Lauca (underscoredythepoethim-self)rests n their hared onjugalfidelity.he figuref Dido is meant oenhance he virtue f the Araucanianwoman,who according o thepoeteven urpasseshe lassical haractern virtue puesnoguard a castaElisaDido / a fe on msrigor su marido 32.43.7-8]).n this ense, s pointedoutbefore,heepisodeof Dido integrateshe eries f nterpolatedmorousstories hat,n the fashion f the talianromanzo,dd thematic arietyo apoemotherwise ominated ywarandtemporarilyeplace heusual martial(masculine) ncidentswith ove stories entered n female haracters.helink f this pisodewithwhatfollows,hecapture f the ndian eaderCau-policn nd hissubsequentmpalementndexecution,svery ifferentndless obvious.Here,the implicit ssociation uggested y the text s notbetween wowomen dentifieds amorous ubjects utbetween wopoliticalleaderswho die in front f their eople,one as theperfectmbodimentfpublicand private irtues,he othermanifestinghe barbarism fSpanishconquistadorshroughheextraordinaryrutalitynflicted n him.Thus,the pisode fDido, immediatelyrecedinghat fCaupolicn, laims y tsveryocation reading hat s not restrictedo the Phoenician ueen as afemale,morousfigure.nstead,t also insists n thepolitical,masculinedimension f the characternd, therefore,f theepisodeas a whole. t isworth oting,nthisrespect,heemphasis rcilla laceson Dido's politicalnaturen contrast o his classical redecessor. irgil'smain move had beento transformido as queenofbookI (a Dido stemmingnlargepartfromthe samepre-Virgilianraditionnforminga Araucana) nto theDido asabandoned overof book IV. In book IV,Virgil efers o Dido as queen nonlyseven nstances ompared o the nineteen imes he is referredo asa queen in Ercilla's pisode.The Castilianpoet insistentlyalls herReina,



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 51numbermultiplied etween 480 nd1609),while herewas no comparablecuriosityor exts n thenewly iscovered mericanands.18The ourneyftheAfricanueen helps o turn he ttention ftheSpanishmetropolitaneader o thezoneofcontemporaryoncerns ear the home-landthrough storyhat ncouragesn association etween astandpres-ent.As in Ercilla's ime,Dido's classicalMediterranean as also a site ofimperial rivalry. he earlier confrontation etweenCarthaginiansndRomansrecalls hepresentonflict etween painand the Ottoman mpiretaking lace nthe sameregionwith similar ynamic. venthought wasVirgilwho mostmemorablydentifiedido withRome'sNorthAfricanne-mies and with he East n general, ames avidson reminds s that refer-ences o Dido andDido's storyend oappear nthe ontext fgreat ostilitytoCarthage 69).19Ennius,Naevius,Cato,andTimaeus, heRomanwriterswho mentionDido before he destructionf Carthagen 146BC, are allwritingbout hePunicWars, nd for hemCarthages thegreat nemyjy).Thisbellicoseubstratumnd the ssociationwith heEast also underlies hestory f Dido in La Araucana.Ercilla loses thisepisode by recalling ar-thage's uturetatus s a threat o Rome: vino a serpoderosoytantemidoque un tiempo Roma en su mayorgrandeza/ e puso en grantrabajoyestrecheza 33.53.6-8).But ofcourse,n the context f La Araucana Romeis only ignificants a pointofcomparison or pain, nthe samewaythatthepastonlymattersf t sheds ight n thepresentn which hispoem s sotenaciouslynchored.n thisway, heclassicalMediterraneanonfrontationbetweenRome and Carthagerefers o the more contemporaryonflictbetween paniardsnd Ottomans n the samestage:Rome becomes denti-fiedwithSpain and Dido with slam.Furthermore,his sortof historical18. Elliot bserveshat esearch n thisperiod nFrance ecords hat four imes smany ookswere evoted o theTurks nd Asia as to America. n the ameway, herest fEurope'snterestin America asmainlyimited ospecialists.pto thepublicationf hefirstart fLaAraucana^even nSpainauthors isplay significanteticencebouttheNewWorld,nd theSpanish picdealswith ther ocations uch s Italy nd AfricaOldWorldnd theNew12-13).19. For Dido's identificationith he Punic Wars s a commonplacefVirgilianriticism,eeDesmond31-33,where he observes he connectionuggestedn theAeneid etween ido andCleopatra. ikeDido,CleopatrawasperceivednRome s a feminine,exualized,riental hreatto centralized omanpower. As forDido's connection ith heEast,Davidsonpoints ut thatthe wo ncient ommentatorsfVirgil,Macrobious ndServius,onsidered edea the rche-type fthewild nd barbarous asternwoman as themain nspirationor heVirgilian ueen(77-78).



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52 - hispanic review : winter009translations alsoconsistent ith henewrole hatRenaissancepicassignedtoreligionntherepresentationfdifferences part f ts ttempto accom-modate classicalepic to the new monotheistontext.As Tobias Gregoryaffirms,Thedistinctionetween rue ndfalse eligion orms he onsistentaxis of differencen Renaissance pic poetry,he inedividing eroes ndadversaries,llies and others, s and them 14). Even ifonly by literarytraining,hen,readersof La Araucana would have easilytransposed heancientrivalry etweenRome and Carthage o thepresent-daytrugglebetweenChristianitynd Islam.And if,as Desmondasserts, irgil urnsDido into a purposefuleminder hat he narrative f Roman dominancein the Mediterranean as not a seamlessmyth f uncontestedevelopmentand expansion 32), throughDido's associationwiththe Muslim worldErcilla xpressesn analogous dearegardingpanishdomination.The connection etween heCarthaginiansnd the Ottomans s impliedmoststarkly hrough eography.n the Dido episode,Ercilla nvites hereader o follow ido on herourneycross he astern alf ftheMediterra-neanSea,a territoryhatwas underTurkish ontrol oward he end of the1570s. herefore,he MediterraneanhatErcillabrings o the text hroughDido is a place ong-saturatedith onflictndatthatmoment articularlythreateningn the minds of Spaniardssince most of this territoryadrecentlyeen ost. t is a Mediterranean,hen, hat llowsthemetropolitanreader o magine hevirulence ndpossible utcome fthewarbetween heSpanish olonizersnd theAraucaniansn thedistant outhAmericanerri-torynterms f a nearbynd morefamiliaronflict.In contrast o Virgil'sDido, sedentarynd fixed n Carthage, rcilla'sDido faithful o the pre-Virgilianradition, ccordingto which Didomeans thewanderer spendsmostof the narration n themove David-son65).Until he eaves he hip nCarthage,he extmakes ure o remindus of her irelessmotion hrougheferencesf diverse eographicalpecific-ity. ometimes he fleet'smovements noted n a waythatpointedlyon-trasts hisDido toVirgil'static ueen:

La nave onserenomovimientoel lanoy sosegadomar ortaba.32.76.5-6)* * *Aquellanocheyelsiguienteacorri on viento rsperoa armada.32.77.1-2)* * *



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - 53as a va de la frical ponientecon favorableiento avegaba.32.91.5-6)* * *La reina iento npopa navegaba,comodije, a vuelta elponiente,tocando on sus navesy galerasenalgunas omarcas riberas.33.4.5-8)

Butvery oon the references ecomemoreprecise nd startpointing oplacesfamiliaro sixteenth-enturyeaders fLa Araucana, n fact armorefamiliaro them han heSouthAmericanocations. eparting rom yre ttheeastern ndof theMediterranean,ido moveswestward nd soonstopsinCyprus. rom here,hecontinues o thewest ouchingnspecifiedoastalpoints long heway, ndfinallyndsher ourneywith hefollowingetailedgeographicalescription:Torci l curso la diestra ordeandodelas vadosas irtes ecelosa,ya vista e Licudia travesando,corri a costade fricarenosa;ysiempreierra tierra avegando,pas porentre l Ciervo Lampadosa,llegandon salvo Tnez on a armada,porelfatal ecretollguiada. 33.5.1-8)At thismomentof topographicalntensificationetweenCyprusandTunis, rcilla ncites is audience o visualize hemapoverwhichDido navi-gates.On thismap, places ikeCyprus, jerba ( el Ciervo ), nd Tunis areexplicitlyeferenced, hile others uch as Malta and Tripoli, extremelyimportanto Spain in its struggle gainstthe Ottomans, re suggestedthroughheparticularetours fthequeen's ourney.Whenwe are toldthatat thesight f Licudia n SicilyDido returnsoward he Africanoast,hershipmust orciblyass byMalta na directionhatwouldtakeher oTripoliwere tnot thatbefore eachinghe coast she turnswestagain,navigating

alongtheNorthAfricanhoreline inallyo land inCarthage. he directionof Dido's voyage, rom he eastern nd of the Mediterraneano thewest,alreadydentifies erwith heOttoman mpire nd its NorthAfricanlliessincebythis amedirection nd throughhe sameplacesEurope expected



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54 f Hispanic review : winter009thecoming ftheTurkish hreat. sHenryKamenobserves,[I]n theeast-ern Mediterraneanhe Turkish avies ontinued heir elentlessushwest-wards (155).But,even moreimportantlyorthis dentificationetweenDido and Islam, heterritoryutlined n thisepisode nvokes ome of thenames hat y1589 ring o mindfor heSpanish eader hemostunequivo-cal signsof the Christian ailure n achieving longed-forontrol f theMediterranean.yprus,whereDido stops t the end of canto32,had beenunderVenetian ontrol ince1489but was invaded ndconquered orgoodbythe Ottomans n the summer f1570 s partof a fierce nd successfulcampaign oseizecities nd islandskeyfor ontrollingommercial outesnthe easternMediterranean. he Christian oss was significantot onlybecause t mplied traumatic lowto Venice utalso because t truckpainwith articularloseness: ome nd Venice lamedDoria,Philip I's admiralin charge f the fleet ent o aidVenice, or heresoundingefeatBraudel1068-87).Malta, he sland loseto whichDido's shipspassafterluding lasvadosasSirtes,was for longtime prime nd feared arget or Turkishattack.As Braudelaffirms,The name of Malta naturally ame to mindwhenever herewas anyquestionof a Turkish ssault 1014).Thesefearsfinallymaterializedn May of1565,whenan Ottoman force nvaded theisland,and eventhough t was expected, he news of this nvasion hitEuropelike a hurricane 1014).AlthoughMalta resisted nd in the endremainednChristian ands, he Ottoman ssaultwasreceived s a painfulreminder f howdangerous threat he Turkish orces ontinued o be forItaly ndSpain Braudel 014-26;Kamen157).Ciervo (Djerba) and Lampadosa (Lampedusa), the two islandsbetweenwhichDido navigatesn herwayto Carthage,lso invoke pain'simpotence efore ts Mediterraneanslamicrivals. jerbawas itself he siteofunsuccessful ilitaryctions, nd itespecially irects hereader's tten-tion to Tripoli, heplacewhere he1559military xpeditionwas destinedeventhought endedup targetingjerba.And LampedusareinforceshisobliquereferenceoTripolibyvirtue f ts ocation ightnfrontf t.TheimportancefTripoli annotbe overstated. ext oAlgiers,t wasprobablythe mostpowerful erber tate nNorthAfrica,speciallyfter he corsairDragut ookcontrol f t n1556. romTripoli, ragut,who also controlledDjerba,assailed heEuropeancoast from icily o Catalonia and Valencia,and very oon figuresuch as the Duke of Medinaceli,viceroy f Sicily,started oplot reaction. heconquest fTripoliwas then onsidered ssen-tial norder o endDragut's hreat n commercenthewesternMediterra-



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 55nean.However, heSpanish ttemptst capturing othTripoli nd Djerbafailedmiserably.he attack n Djerbain 1560culminatedn a memorablecatastrophehatKamen onsiders thebiggest isaster ver ufferedySpainand itsallies 156).Andtheplansto occupyTripoli, eeminglyeasible otlongbefore, ere uickly bandoned.20 ccordingoBraudel, he resultwasappalling:slamwon thebattle or hedomination fthe entralMediterra-nean andTripoli, whereTurkish ulehadhad such a narrow scape,wasnow morefirmlyeldthan ver 985).

The Africanoastopposite fSicily referredo inthepoemas la costade fricarenosa ) lso referso a spaceofconsolidatedslamic omination.Butthe mostresonant ame on thispoetic ist nd in theDido episode ngeneralsTunis, othbecauseof theprominent lace toccupies n the toryof Dido andalso becauseofthe normousmaterial ndsymbolicmportanceit heldfor longtime, ogether ith tsneighboringarrison a Goleta, nthemilitary,olitical,nd economic ife f theHabsburgs.n 1535, harlesVhimself ecided o lead an expeditionoconquerTunisand thusputan endto thedevastatingerber ttacks n the Mediterraneanegion.n 1534, hefamous orsair arbarossa, amed dmiral f the ea bySuleiman heMag-nificent,ad deposed MulayHassan an allyofCharlesV who governedTunis and the Islamic menace becameextremelyerious.But whatwasactually t stake nCharlesV's expeditionwas thepreservationfa sortofgeopolitical alancebetweenChristianitynd Islam.Thiscampaign,whichgatheredhe creamof thenobility fItaly, landers,nd Castile thepoetGarcilaso e la Vegatookpart nthis dventure),nitially ielded romisingresults: heSpanish rmy aptured unis and La Goleta.But theoptimismincited ythesemuch-publicizedictoriesuickly anished. arbarossa im-selfmanaged oescape right efore hefall fTunisandvery oon was seenagain ssailingMinorca nd theSpanish oast.Andwhen,n1541, harlesVset out to completewhathe had achieved n Tunisby capturing lgiers,stormwreckedhis fleet eforereachingts destination.21s JamesTracyexplains, The prestige ainedat Tunis waswipedout at Algiers,nd theconventional isdom s that he westernMediterranean as not madesafeforEuropean hipping ntil hegreat hristianictorytLepanto 1571) ifeventhen 313). n itstime, hecapture f Tuniswas interpreteds a great20. Forthe panish ttemptsocapture jerba ndTripoli,ee Braudel 73-87.21. Forthe onquest fTunisbyCharlesV,seeTracy 45-49.



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56 - Hispanic review : winter009victory partlybecause Charles V promotedthis interpretation ithaccounts, oins, nd images)and remained s a definingeature f Habs-burg elf-nderstandingell nto thereigns f his son and even hisgrand-son (Helgerson 6), in spiteof the fact hat nJanuaryf1570 heTurkishgovernorfAlgiers, lujAli,reconqueredhecity, ythen nthe hands ofMuleyHamida,son of CharlesV's protegeMuleyHassan (Braudel1066-67). 2Bythistime, heSpaniardshad come to realize he exorbitant co-nomicpressure hattheseNorthAfrican ossessionswereputting n theSpanish reasuryBraudel 58-59).Andthispartly xplains,s RichardHel-gerson cutely emarks,he relieved eactionwithwhich hecaptive aptainin Don Quijotewelcomes henews bouttherecent and definite conquestofTunisbytheOttomansn1574,fter nephemeral econquestt thehandsof Don Juan fAustrian1573.23ccordingoElliot, With hefall fTunis,Philip I had hadenough fMediterraneanampaigns, nd after his vent,Spainabandoned ll hope ofsnatchingromTurkish ands control f itseastern art Europe ivided 29).All theseplaces,crucialfortheimperial roject f theHabsburgs, lsorelatenotherways o theAmericas,he main ocus of nterestn La Arau-cana. To beginwith, he Tuniscampaignhad been economically easiblethanks o thegold comingfrom heconquest f Peru and to the Genoesebankerswhosefinancingamefrom merican old,whilewe seecrucialmeninvolvedntheNew World nterpriseeappear earsaternthisMediterra-nean context. ernnCorts, or xample,waspart fthe1541mperial am-paigntoAlgiers Tracy22,173;Kamen73, 6). But the mperialmagethattheseMediterraneanocations xpressndproject nto the SouthAmericanstage n which a Araucana akesplace s less an imageofvictoriousmightthanof constant nd sustained ulnerability.he instabilityf theSpanishpossessions, he almost frantic ace with which the cities, nclaves, ndislands nvokedn this pisodepassfrom ne conquering and to another,warn about theimpossibilityf celebratingny victoryince all of them,22. For CharlesV's sustained fforto immortalizeisvictoryothtextuallynd visually,eeHelgerson5-26.23. RegardingheOttoman apture fTunis, hecaptive aptain ays: a muchos espareci,as mepareci m, uefueparticularraciaymerced ueel cielohizo a Espaa npermitiruese asolase quellaoficina capade maldades, aquella gomiao esponjay polillade la infinidadde dineros ue all sinprovechoegastaban,in servir e otra osaque de conservara memoriade haberla anado afelicsimael nvictsimoarlosQuinto, omo si fueramenesterarahacerlaeterna,omo o esyser, ue aquellaspiedrasa sustentaranCervantes 57).



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 57seen from wider emporal erspective,eveal hemselvess transitoryndreversible.his, n turn, eproduces n a differentevel a feature hathasalready een identifiedn thevery tructurefthepoemin the accountofLepanto nd nthe ndings fthepoem'sthree arts,he enacious mphasison the ncompletenessfbothnarrationndhistorynd the nsuing onclu-sion that nothings settled ndhistoryemains n openbook (Quint 168).One couldsaythat ntheepisodeof Dido aswell s inthe o-called web ofprophecy f La Araucana, ny riumpheached yarms, e it nEuropeorintheAmericas,nd thereforenyempire ased on andsupportedyforce,notonly acks egitimacyut also practical fficacy.nd in this ense, heempire hatDido will found as we shall soon see will be erected s analternativeo Philip I's imperial roject s presentedn La Araucana, ndwillreplacemilitarymposition ith onsensus ndnegotiation.Ercilla does not establish n explicitrelationbetweengeographyndempire n the Dido episode,as he so patently oes in the case of Fitn.Rather, erehe limits imself oevoking landscape loseto thereader utdefamiliarizedytemporal istance, ithoutny apparent olitical onnec-tion o the ontemporaryorld f Ercilla's eadership.uthe doesnot allowthedistance o be complete. e makes ure o translate hedistant eogra-phy nto thecontemporaryandscape by anachronisticallysingmodernnames odesignate laces nthe ncient erritory,hus eading he reader oconnect his pisodeto the historicalealityf his own time.Forexample,Carthages called Tnez (33.5.7)before t is referredo as Cartago,gesturehatmakes timpossible o dodgethecontemporarypecificityndimperial elevance f theterritoryhere hisepisodeoccurs. n this ense,Ercilla nverts he trategyf Garcilaso's onnet A Boscndesde a Goleta,where writingrom a Goleta tself theToledanbard ocateshispoem nCarthagewithoutvermentioningither a Goleta or Tunis.As Helgersonsuggests,his move oppositeto Ercilla's diverts he reader's ttentionfrom hepresent o concentrateolelyon the destruction f the ancientPhoenician ity40).As we haveseen,Ercilla evotes ver stanzadetailinghepathofDido'sjourney,making he readernavigate lowly longan enemyNorthAfricancoast,which is nonetheless escribed, ogetherwith its inhabitants,nextremelyind terms.This alreadyhappenswhenDido stops n Cyprus,where hepoetcallstheCypriotshe ciprioto uebloamigo 32.90.7) venthough,s mentioned reviously,he slandhad bythenbeenunderOtto-man control or lmost wo decades. t is also there,n that infidel lace,



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58 (-- Hispanic review : winter009whereErcillahas his Dido peacefullyecruit he futuremothers nd wivesforherempire,n stark ontrast ithJustin'sersion n which he Phoeni-cianqueenkidnaps ighty irgins ight eforeeaving he sland Desmond25). If n Garcilaso's oemdistance rom he mperial roject nd an identi-ficationwith thevanquishedare expressed y, amongothermeans,thedescriptionfCarthages theobjectof wrathfulestruction,rcillample-ments the oppositestrategyo conveya similar dea. WhereGarcilasochoosesto emphasize he devastation esultingrommperialntervention(or rathernterventions,omanand Spanish),Ercillapreferso idealize.24Thus,he describes unis nbenign ashion,schewinghemarks f destruc-tiontraditionallyssociatedwithCarthage. rcilla'sCarthages not the siteof remembrancefpastdefeats ut, nstead, spacesaturated ith romisesfor hefuture:

Donde viendo lcapaz yfrtiluelodefructferaslantasdornadoyel aire laroyelsereno ieloclementelperecer muy emplado,perdido el hermano ael receloporverle andistante apartado,quisofundar npueblodecimiento,haciendo n l suhabitacinasiento.33.6.1-8)In this pisode, hen, he Mediterranean orld separatedntheEuropeanmindbetween whatbelongs o us and whatbelongs o them, etweenwhat s underChristian nd what s under slamic ontrol is transfigured.In a gestureimilar o the one CarrollJohnsondentifiesnCervantes'sElamante iberal, Ercilla uses narrativeympathyo turnthehostileandthreateningasternMediterraneannto a friendlynd welcoming pace(Johnson17-52). rom his tandpoint, oreover, hat sperceiveds trulyhostile nd threatenings what comes from he Continent. etsomethingbeyond heCarthaginianand and its inhabitantsmake this an admirablesite. n fact, he and and its nhabitantserve nly s a backgroundr as acondition fpossibilityorwhatreallymattersnErcilla's ccount: he cre-24. For two excellent nalyses f this sonnet and its poeticand political mplications,eeRodrguez arca ndHelgerson.



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana -> 59ation f nordered,ust, ndgenerous mpire ased on a vehementejectionofhomicide ndgreed. his ancient mpire,s we've een, nmore han nesenseencourages ssociationwith theOttomanEmpire, lthoughnot interms f a eulogyforthe Turksbutrather s a critique f theSpaniards.Ercilla s not interestedn the Turksperse in the samewaythathe is notinterestedn theAraucanianser e,and that swhyhe eschews thnographyintheir epresentationnd choosesfictionaldealizationnstead.Whathe isreallynterestedn ishighlightingheshortcomingsfhiscompatriots,ndhe seems o believe hat his an be better chieved otbypainting realisticportraitf the enemiesbutby projectingnto theforeignother all thevaluesmost herishedyEuropean eaders. hat swhy,ustas theAraucan-ian heroines ehave s exemplary panishwomen and the Araucanian ol-diersoften ppearas perfecthivalric nights,heCarthaginians-Turksctimpeccablytheymore hanfairlyompensatehenatives or heirand)andconduct heir ffairss if hey elonged o an ideal Roman ociety. hey lectconsuls,magistrates,nd officers,hey mportgreat rchitectsn ordertobuild sumptuososy altos edificios 33.11.4); heykeep the order of therepublic hroughheruleof aw:

la nueva epblicardenada,leyesnstituy,riando ficiosconqueelpueblo n razn e mantuvieseyenpazyorden oltica iviese.33.11.5-8)Andthey ave a senate omposedofhonorable ld men 33.19-20). t doesnotmatter hatneither he realCarthaginiansor the real Ottomans ctedor wereorganized hatway.What does matter andwhat hey re therenthepoemto stress is that heSpaniards ct ntheoppositeway.In this sense,the association of Dido with the OttomanEmpireasemblematicnemy f the Romans s very ignificantincetheHabsburgsand especially harlesV and Philip I consideredhemselveshe heirs fRome.25n this ontext,mostreaders urely idnot missthe mplicitnal-ogy:Carthagewas to Romewhat heOttoman mpire nd itsNorthAfricanallies urrentlyere oSpain. ndeed, his nalogywaspart fthe deologicalarmature ftheHabsburgs,xpressedt the ime nmultipleorms nd with25. Forthis opic, eeTanner.



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6o t- Hispanic review : winter009more hanonemeaning. orexample,whenPhilip I receivedwarningf apossibleTurkish ffensiveight fter righteningff he Turkish hreatnMaltaat the nd of1565,heking esponded ycommissioninghe onstruc-tionofa ship hat he dreamt would eada fleet hatwouldconquerCon-stantinoplend would ater each heHolyLand. The ship, onceived s anicon of theholywaragainst slam,was named Argo n referenceo thelegend ftheArgonautsnd theGoldenFleecebutespeciallyo thepresenceof theargonautichemenVirgil's upposedly rophetic ourthclogue. nthis clogue, hesibyl nnounces hat new era under mperial ome thenewTroy wouldemergewhen theArgonautsetsail again. Bymeans ofthe translatiomperii, hilip equatedhis own empireto that of imperialRome,and theenemy f this new Rome was undoubtedlyslam (Tanner5-7).Accordingo MarieTanner,heHabsburgs elieved hat twasthroughthedestructionftheMoslem mpire nd theChristianizationfAmericathat the universalharmony hatwas prophesized by theRoman bardwould be attained7). In the sameway,RoyStronghowshow a series ftapestriesesigned o commemorate harlesV's conquest fTunis n 1535wasmodeled n another uch eries alled TheStoryfScipio,n which cip-io's victoryver HannibaloutsideCarthagen 202 BC is narratednvisualform. trong oncludes that n both cases the victorieswere of valiantRomans verCarthaginians,otof nvading nightsver nfidel urks 14).Itwould be better o say,perhaps,hatwhat hese wovisualcompositionsaccomplish s to turn hesetriumphs,t the ametime,nto thetriumphof RomansoverCarthaginiansnd also of Christian oldiers ver Turkishinfidels.Thisanalogy etweenRomeand Spainwas also used in theperiodwiththeoppositemeaning, meaning kin to the one Ercilla dvances n theDido episode, n whichthepoet by aligning imselfwiththe Phoenicianqueenalsoalignshimself ithRome'svictims.upher ffirmshat heHabs-burgpropagandisticppropriationf theRoman egacy oexistednthe ix-teenthcenturywith a dissident current of sustained and eloquentdenunciation f Roman mperialism 50).26Here, hen, hefigurefDido,opposed to the RomanEmpire that s, to theSpanish Empire), cquiressingular orce. he Dido episodealso becomes inked o SpanishAmerica26. For thepresencef the Romanmodelof mperialismnthedebates bout theSpanish on-quest fAmerica,eeLupher.



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - ^ 61becausethe anti-Roman iscoursereferredrimarilyo the New World,although rcillahereextends t to the Mediterranean orldbothbyvirtueofDido's geographicalocation nd her ssociationwith slam.It does not seembychance, hen, hatDido's empire s presenteds anexplicit ejectionfgreed nd its criminal onsequences. s Lagosremarks,Dido representsun tipode conquistaycolonizacin ue,contrariamentela praxisde los conquistadoresspaoles, ehuye l saqueo y la destruccinde los nuevospueblosdescubiertos, trait hat onverts er nto n alterna-tive o whatLagosconsiders n exclusivelyolonialAmerican vil 181).Buttheepisodeof Dido might lso serve s a reminder f howSpaniardshavesacked nddestroyedther laces, bouthow, nsum, hiskindof behaviormight e a general eature f Spanish mperial onquests. f,as I believe,Dido stands npartfor slam, hen his pisode ends he reader ackagainto the encounter etween slam and ChristianitynTunis n the aforemen-tioned1535 ampaign. t was well known hatwhenthe Christian oldierstookTunis,CharlesV did not nitiallyuthorize illage, uthe soonchangedhismind ndreversed ourse.AsTracy ecounts,[T]housandsof Tunisiancivilianswere ut down ntheir omes ndshops;Spanish roops roke ntomosques ndstrippedacred exts f their old eaf,for uch s thenation'sthirst or old' (149).27he identificationfDido with slam, hen, ndthepreciseocation f her ust empire t exactlyhesameplacewhere panishtroopshad pillaged nd abused infidel nemies all attention, ithin hisSpanishAmerican ext, o how their cts of greed nd plunderwere notlimited o theNew World.In1535,rcillawasonly woyears ld. Buthesurely eard ften fCharlesV's heroic xploitsn the courtwherehe spenthis infancyndyouth.Notestimony,owever,must have impressed im so much as the imposingseries f twelve apestriesyWillemde Pannemaker ased on drawingsyJanCornelisz ermeyenalledTheConquest fTunis. rcillamusthave eenthemthe first imetheywere everexhibitedn publicat thewedding fPhilip ndMaryTudor nLondon, n event e attended spageto thefutureking.Theirdisplay epresentedn extraordinaryccasion: as Jerryrotton

27. Tracy ffirmshat t thebeginningharles didnot llowhis oldiers o sack he ity ecausehe offeredhem nstead n amount quivalento threemonths f salary149).Horngivesdifferentersion fthe vent.He says hatCharles rohibitedhe akingf slaves ecauseMulayHasan feared hat hecitywould remain mpty;[t]hisorder, owever,ed to a bloodbath,ndthe mperor as forced o rescindt 213).



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62


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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - > 63

It1II8 glo S l'Iu * ^8,15 -6 -2^I.555|fi ^^ .I 1uh U



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64 - Hispanic review : winter009Spanish mpirengeneral. or this pisodemakes lear hat hevicesmani-festntheNew Worldbelong o thegeneral thos f theSpanishEmpire.The analogy etween heAraucanians nd the Turks ndMoorswas notnew.Often uringhe ixteenthentury,heencounter etween ndians ndChristiansntheNew World voked orrespondinglyhe ncounter etweenChristians nd Muslims n the Mediterranean. as Casas himself alls ackon thisanalogy n hisApologia n order to refute epulveda's laim thatculturallymore advancedpeopleshad theright o subjugate thers.30asCasas (whobegins ydenyinghe culturalnferiorityf theAmerican ndi-ans) pointsout thedeficienciesf Seplveda'sreasoning y extendingtsapplication eyondthe New World.The Dominicanpriest ffirmshat fit is legitimateorSpaniards o subjugate he ndiansby claiming ulturalsuperiority,hen he ame criteria houldbe appliedwhendealingwith nyother eople, venwith heTurks:

Hoc etiam emate,Turcae,et Mauri,gentium ere barbara olluvies,ptimo ure t uxtanaurae egemndisbellum nferreossunt uod,utquisbusdamvidetur, ectareipublicae onstitutione obis praestent.Nonne si hoc admittimusursumdeorsumque ivinaquehumanaqueomniamiscebuntur?Apologa12)[Onthis asistheTurks,nd theMoors the ruly arbaric cumof thenations with omplete ightnd in accordwith he aw of nature ouldcarrynwar,which,s it eems osome,spermittedsby lawful ecreeofthe tate.fwe admit his,willnoteverythingigh nd ow,divine ndhuman, e thrownnto onfusion?]InDefensef he ndians 7)Even fLas Casas contrastsndianswithMuslims forhim,Muslims rethe truebarbarians ince,knowing hrist, heywillfullyejecthim)whileErcilla ssimilateshem,t s clear hatduring hisperioddiscussions bouttheAmericasommonly sed theconflict etween hristianityndIslam nEurope nd NorthAfrica s a pointofcomparison or heNew World itua-tion.Quintpointsouthow, n La Araucanas visionofLepanto, he Turkssee theEuropeans s barbarians nd byvirtue f their arbarismhey eel

30. The Apologia is a centralpiece in the dossier Las Casas writes n the context of the famous1550-1551 ebate in Valladolid, known in Englishas In Defense ofthe ndians.



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Galperin the dido episode in ercilla's la araucana - ^ 65authorized oconquer hem.AccordingoQuint,Ercilla ses thecaseoftheTurks n order o question he mperial nterprisef theconquistadorsnChileby presentinghem s a negative xample: heSpaniards hould notjudgetheir pponentsnthewaythe Turksdo (171). nstead, suggesthatErcilla resentshem s a Utopian ounterexamplenwhich heTurks xhibitvirtuesacking n theSpaniards.And at the sametime,by identifyingheTurkswith heAraucanians, e also invokes he balanceofforces etweenChristianitynd Islam nEurope, nd reminds s that f heAraucaniansrelike heTurks, o Spanishvictoryan be deemedfinal. heSpanishEmpirein ts ntirety,oth nEurope nd theAmericas,uffersrom he ameweak-ness and impotence.Whattoday s an advancemight erywell be a retreattomorrow. een n this ight, hrough reading hatnterpretshe pisodeofDido as a call for widerfocus hat s not limited o the New World ndpaysclose attention o thepeculiarly ntitriumphalistccounts of SaintQuentin ndLepan o,theentire panish mperial roject s representedyErcillan at east he wofinal arts fLa Araucana scritiquedsbeingbothmorally eficientndpoliticallyndmilitarilyeeble.

Works itedAdorno, olena. LiteraryroductionndSuppression:eadingndWritingbout heAmerindiansnColonial panishAmerica. ispositio1.28-291986): -25.Braudel,Fernand.The Mediterraneannd theMediterraneanWorld n theAge ofPhilip I.London: ontana/Collins,978.Brotton, erry.CarthagendTunis,TheTempest,ndTapestries. n TheTempestand tsTravels.d. Peter ulme nd William . Sherman.hiladelphia: ofPennsyl-vaniaP,2000.132-37.Casas,FrayBartolom e las.Apologa. ol. 9 of ObrasCompletas.d. ngelLosada.Madrid:Alianza, 988.. InDefensef he ndians. d. and trans. taffordoole.DeKalb:NorthernllinoisUP,1974.Cervantes, iguel e. DonQuijote e a Mancha. d. Francisco ico.Barcelona: rtica,1998.Cevallos, rancisco avier.Don Alonso eErcilla nd theAmericanndian:HistoryndMyth. Revistade EstudiosHispnicos23.3 1989): 1-20.Concha,Jaime.El otroNuevoMundo. nHomenaje Ercilla. d. LuisMuozGarca.Concepcin,hile:U deConcepcin,969. 1-82.Davidson, ames.Domesticatingido:HistoryndHistoricity.n A Woman corn'd:Responseso theDido Myth. d. MichaelBurden. ondon:Faber nd Faber, 998.65-88.



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66 f Hispanic review : winter009Davis, Elizabeth B. Myth nd Identityn theEpicof mperialSpain. Columbia: U of Mis-souriP, 2000.Desmond,Marilynn.ReadingDido: Gender,Textuality,nd theMedieval Aeneid. Minne-apolis: U ofMinnesotaP, 1994.Elliot.J.H. EuropeDivided,1559-1598. ondon: Collins,1971.. Imperial pain. London: EdwardArnold,1963.. TheOld World nd theNew,1492-1650.Cambridge,UK: CambridgeUP, 1970.Ercilla,Alonso de. La Araucana. Ed. Isaas Lerner.Madrid: Ctedra,1993.Fuchs, Barbara. Mimesis and Empire:The New World, slam, and European Identities.Cambridge,UK: CambridgeUP, 2001.. TravelingEpic: Translating rcilla's La Araucana in the Old World. Journal fMedieval and EarlyModern Studies 6 (2006): 379-95.GaylordRandel,Mary. The HistoricalProseofFernando de Herrera. London: Tamesis,1971.Gregory, obias. FromMany Gods to One: Divine Action nRenaissanceEpic.Chicago: UofChicago P, 2006.Hegyi,Ottmar. Cervantes nd the Turks:HistoricalRealityversus iterary iction n LaGran Sultana' and El amante iberar. Newark,DE: Juande la Cuesta,1992.Helgerson,Richard.A Sonnet romCarthage:Garcilasode la Vegaand theNew Poetry fSixteenth-Centuryurope. Philadelphia:U ofPennsylvania , 2007.Herrera,Fernando de. Relacin de la guerrade Ciprey sucesode la batalla naval de Lep-anto.Coleccin de documentos nditospara la historiade Espaa 21 1852): 261-382.Hess, Andrew D. The Mediterranean nd Shakespeare'sGeopolitical Imagination. InThe Tempest nd Its Travels.Ed. Peter Hulme and William H. Sherman. Philadel-phia: U ofPennsylvania , 2000. 121-30.Horn,HendrikJ.JanCorneliszVermeyen,ainter fCharlesV and His ConquestofTunis.Doornspijk,Neth.:Davaco, 1989.Johnson, arroll B. Cervantes nd theMaterial World.Urbana: U of llinoisP, 2000.Kamen, Henry. Empire:How Spain Became a WorldPower,1492-1763.New York:Har-perCollins,2003.Lagos,Ramona. El incumplimiento e la programacin pica en La Araucana. Cuader-nos Americanos 0 (1981): 157-91.Lida de Malkiel, Rosa. Dido en la literatura spaola: su retratoy defensa.London:Tamesis,1974.Lpez de Toro,Jos.Lospoetasde Lepanto.Madrid: InstitutoHistrico de Marina,1950.Lupher,David A. Romans n a New World:Classical Models in Sixteenth-CenturypanishAmerica.Ann Arbor:U ofMichiganP,2003.Nicolopulos, James.The PoeticsofEmpire n the ndies: Prophecy nd Imitation n LaAraucana and Os Lusadas.University ark:Pennsylvania tateUP, 2000.. Readingand Responding o the AmorousEpisodesof theAraucana inColonial

Peru. Caltope:Journal ftheSocietyorRenaissance nd BaroqueHispanicPoetry .1-2(1998): 227-47.Padrn,Ricardo. Love AmericanStyle:The VirginLand and SodomiticBodyin Ercilla'sAraucana. Revistade EstudiosHispnicos34 (2000): 561-84.



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Galperin the dido episode in e rc il la 's la araucana - > 67. The SpaciousWord:Cartography,iterature,nd Empire n EarlyModernSpain.Chicago: U ofChicago P, 2004.Parker,Geoffrey. he GrandStrategy fPhilip I. New Haven,CT: Yale UP, 1998.PastorBodmer,Beatriz.TheArmature f Conquest: SpanishAccounts ftheDiscovery fAmerica, 492-1589. tanford, A: StanfordUP, 1992.Quint,David. Epic and Empire.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUP, 1993.RodrguezGarca,JosMara. EposDelendumEst The SubjectofCarthage nGarcilaso's'A Boscn desdeLa Goleta'. HispanicReview66 (1998): 151-70.Schwartzde Lerner,La. Tradicin literariay heronas ndias en La Araucana. RevistaIberoamericana 8.81 1972): 615-25.

Strong,Roy.Art nd Power:Renaissance estivals, 450-1650.Woodbridge,UK: BoydellP,1984.Tanner,Marie. TheLast Descendant fAeneas:TheHapsburgs nd theMythicmage oftheEmperor.New Haven,CT: Yale UP, 1993.Tracy,James.EmperorCharlesV, Impresario f War: Campaign Strategy,nternationalFinance, nd DomesticPolitics.Cambridge,UK: CambridgeUP, 2002.

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Critique of Empire

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