CUNA CACHIA STUDY OF HAMMOCK WEAVING AMONG THE

CUNA INDIANS OF THE SAN BLAS ISLANDS

Anne M. Lambert

Preface.

This study is based on information gained from numerous informants and direct observation while living with the Tule (Cuna People) in 1974.

Introduction.

The Cuna1 Indians on the San Bias Islands of Panama have become well known in the past several decades for their colorful reverse applique blouses or molas. Because of the uniqueness of this particular craft, other craft forms used by the Cuna have received considerably less attention from researchers.

Three other textile crafts which have been a part of Cuna culture are picha (underskirt or loincloth) printing or painting, morakurkin (headband) weaving, and cachi (hammock) weaving. The printing and/or painting of meander patterns on undyed cotton loincloths using frayed sticks or clay pattern stamps appears to have been an early Cuna craft2 which perhaps followed body painting and preceded mola techniques3 . Unfortunately, this textile decoration process has almost disappeared and very few examples remain for the researcher.

Morakurkin, or molakurkin, are headbands which were worn by chiefs at ceremonial meetings4 or perhaps by people who had earned

group of people who inhabit the San Bias Islands on the Caribbean side of Panama usually think of themselves as "Tule" people, but because the name 'Cuna' is so often used in the literature, and seems to have considerable significance, it will be used here.

2S. Linne, Darien in the Past (Goteborg: Aktiebolag, 1929), pp. 38-51.3Clyde Keeler, Cuna Art (New York: Exposition Press, 1969), p. 83.4Nils M. Holmer, Ethno Linguistic Cuna Dictionary (Goteborg: Etnografiska

Museet, 1952), p. 79.

ARS TEXTRINA 5 (1986), pp. 105-130

some special honor5 . Today the headbands, like the picha are seldom seen on the islands and the technique is not being continued in any form.

Cachi weaving, although of decreasing importance for the Cuna, is still being done by some of the people. It is extremely important that studies be made of this craft before it disappears like the picha decorating and morakurkin weaving.

Although a considerable number of books have been written about the Cuna, very few have mentioned hammock weaving and none have dealt with the process from a detailed technical viewpoint. Nils M. Holmer has included in his dictionary6 drawings of the cachi (hammock) and cachi (loom) and has listed names of the component parts. His drawings, however, are incomplete and many of the words used for component parts seem to be of a general rather than specific nature7 . No attempt was made to describe the technique used for the weaving process. Keeler^ includes a photograph of a cachi (loom) and weaver in a chapter on weaving, but does not discuss the technique at all. Nordenskald9, although often referring to the social implications of cachi, did not discuss the technical aspects of production.

Thus it would seem that research is definitely lacking on the topic of Cuna Cachi weaving. It is hoped that the following study will help to fill this particular gap in the body of knowledge of the Cuna and in the study of loom development.

Cachi and the Cuna society.

The hammock, or cachi, plays a very important role in both the everyday and the ceremonial life of the Cuna. As there are numerous references to this aspect of cachi in the literature, it will only be briefly mentioned in this study.

^Clyde Keeler, Cuna Indian Art, op cit., p. 120.6Nils M. Holmer, op cit., p. 39.7This is perhaps because Holmer did not obtain his information directly from a

weaver.^Clyde Keeler, Cuna Indian Art, op cit., p. 117, 120. ^Erland Nordenskald, An Historical and Ethnological Survey of The Cuna

Indians (Goteborg: Etnografiska Museet, 1938).

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Almost all Cuna use the hammock for sleeping at night and occasion- ally during the day. Some hammocks are specifically set up in activity areas to be used as seating during the day, (Figure 1) while usually the sleeping hammocks are tied up out of the way. In the congress hall, the chief, and/or other dignitaries recline in hammocks while carrying on meetings.

Many ceremonial activities incorporate the hammock, including birth, rites of passage, and death. The cachi is used in many ways before and during the inna fest, or female puberty rite. Many cures for illness involve the use of the hammock, and when these efforts are not successful, the hammock becomes an important part of the burial.

Cuna woven hammocks are very durable, lasting as long as two decades according to most informants, while the Columbian woven hammocks, which are also used, have a life expectancy of only seven to eight years.

When hammocks are no longer of use for sleeping, they are usually put to use as windscreens, sunshades, wall repairs, or doorways.

Cachi seem to be made mostly by women, however, references to male weavers have been made in the literature and by informants on the island of Normaki Tupu. Usually one person in a household or group of households specializes in this craft. Where weaving was still being practised, considerable pride was evidenced by the weaver and the family.

Construction of cachi (loom).

As with many words in the Cuna vocabulary, 'cachi' has multiple usage and may refer to the hammock in its completed form or to the hammock loom in its assembled state. The cachi (loom) is a relatively simple device with some deceptively sophisticated details. Basically it is an upright (or vertical), continuous warp loom with continuous heddles. Although loom designs may vary slightly from household to household or island to island, the main parts of the loom include: (Figures 3, 4)

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2 horizontal beams (nagu beeri) 2 vertical beams (cas booba) 2 adjustable vertical beams (cas aku) 1 adjustable horizontal bar (cas wana) 1 shed stick (cas oorgo)1 heddle rod (quinnie)

with continuous string heddles (achueltuba)2 blocks or wedges (cas igaret) 1 shuttle (cas issaban) 1 beater (cas naku)

warp and weft yarns (cas neerba, ooquadi)

Some looms, such as the one from Ailigandi, photographed by Keeler10 have an extra permanently positioned horizontal beam at the top of the loom, probably for extra stability.

The adjustable vertical beams (cas aku) can be either of two types, one of which is wedge shaped at each end and the other type is Y- shaped at the uppermost end and wedge-shaped at the lower end. The Y-shaped beams seemed to be the more stable of the two types and would be useful on those looms which do not have a third horizontal beam.

Most of the major parts of the loom are simply branches or tree trunks chosen for their regularity, size, and strength, and have had little or no finishing given to them. The shuttle (cas issaban) requires a certain amount of shaping and smoothing in order to accomodate the weft yarns and to easily pass through the shed (Figure 5). The shed stick (cas oorgo) is usually shaped quite carefully so that it is rounded slightly in the middle and decreases to a smooth edge at either side and slight points at either end. Like the shuttle, the shed stick must be smooth enough to move easily between the warps.

The major parts are lashed together at strategic points with fibre and can be easily disassembled and stored in a relatively small space. When not in use as a loom, the wood pieces can even be used for other purposes. Because hammocks do not need replacement very often, the loom is frequently in storage.

10Clyde Keeler, op cit., p. 117.

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Preparing warp and weft yarns.

One of the most common types of warp and weft used in cachi has been simple, commercially produced cotton string in either white or blue. This was usually purchased in Colon, I was told by a number of informants, but it is increasingly more difficult to obtain, probably because of the influx of synthetic strings on the market.

Many other types of yarns have been used in cachi depending on the availability of materials, economic standing of the maker, and the function of the hammock.

Before purchased string was common, the Cuna raised their own fibres and spun yarns from them. Most of this activity has ceased, however some people in some areas still prepare certain types of yams using the old hand spinning process (Figure 6). On several islands, hand spun yarn of a brown bast fibre, was in common use.

On the island of Tigre, which appears to be of lower economic status than many of the islands, an interesting recycling process for fibres was common, especially for use in smaller hammocks which were meant for sitting outdoors in the daytime (Figure 1). Yarns from worn out hammocks or other textiles were unravelled and respun and/or replyed to produce yarns strong enough to reweave (Figure 5). Some very interesting combinations of yarns resulted as they included local brown bast fibre, white string, blue string, assorted colored cotton yarn such as red, orange, green and yellow from Columbian woven hammocks, and commercial jute twine. These various component yarns were combined in two, three, or four ply yarns of infinite variety. Considerable variations in size of yarns resulted, although almost all yarns were ultimately larger than the common blue or white commercial string.

Two methods of spinning were observed in the San Bias, both using a simple spindle called a pirba (Figure 6). In the one method observed on the island of Carti Sugtupu, the spindle was placed directly on the ground and held at the top of the shaft between the thumb and first two fingers of the right hand. The yarn was attached on the top of the shaft with a one-half hitch and the unspun section held in the left hand. The spindle was turned clockwise, spinning the yarn off the top of the shaft. When a comfortable arms length of yarn had been spun it was wound around the shaft in a rather haphazard fashion, and

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spiraled back to the top end of the shaft so that the spinning process could be completed.

The spinning method observed in Tigre was similar, but incorporated the use of the side of the spinner's thigh. Seated on a low stool, the spinner placed the spindle on a flat board on the ground to her right. The upper part of the spindle shaft was rested on the outside of the right thigh and held in place by the open palm of the left hand. The right hand was moved forward in continual strokes causing the spindle to turn anti-clockwise. The yarn was spun off the tip of the spindle shaft with the unspun part held loosely between the thumb and first finger on the left hand. From time to time the finished yarn was wound onto the shaft, concentrated in the area just above the whorl.

The latter method was also used on the island of Tigre to ply recycled yarns. When a mistake was made in controlling the tension of the component plys and a loose loop was produced, the spinner did not untwist the plys and respin them, but rather cut the loop and tied the cut ends at the correct tension. As this process seemed to happen quite often, the resulting yarns were quite nubbly in texture.

Usually the same yarn is used for both the warp and the weft. When differences do occur however, the weft tends to be larger in diameter but reduced in tensile strength. Because cachi are warp faced textiles, the main strength and appearance depends on the warp (Figure 7).

Warping the cachi (loom).

One of the most distinctive features of the cachi weaving process is that it is done on a continuous warp (i.e. one continuous yarn throughout the weaving) which dominates both the decorative and functional design of the cachi. Because the finished textile is warp- faced (i.e. only the warp yarns appear on the surface) the color and pattern depend on the selection and placement of the warp yarns. When the weaving is removed from the loom the continuous warp becomes an integral part of the hanging structure of the hammock.

Because the warp is continuous, it is placed directly on the loom rather than first preparing the warp on the warping board. The warp is wrapped around the various horizontal parts of the loom,

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following two alternating paths, (Figure 8). In this way, the warp forms two sheds with alternating threads.

The use of the cas wana, (small horizontal bar) as a turning point for the two warping paths provides an easy way to remove the weaving from the loom without cutting the yarns or weakening the system. As can be seen from the side diagram, the cas wana can be pulled out, leaving the textile to open out flat with uncut looped warp at each end of the fabric.

Warping the loom is done while standing. The ball of yarn is held in the hand and passed around the loom parts as necessary, unwinding as it goes. When a color change is desired, the yarn is broken at the point at which it passes under the lowest horizontal beam. The new color of yarn is then joined to the broken end with a simple reef knot and the warping continues. No device is used to space the warp as they are placed directly side by side in order to form a warp faced fabric.

Weaving.

The warping of the loom creates two sheds with which to weave (Figure 9). One shed may be easily opened by turning the shed stick on its side. The other shed cannot be adequately opened without the addition of an extra mechanism, the heddles. The Cuna have developed a fairly sophisticated version of continuous string heddles which are attached to a heddle rod in such a way that the length of each heddle will remain constant throughout the weaving. This is accomplished by interconnecting the loop formed by each heddle with the loop of the next heddle (Figure 10). By using an extra cord which passes along the length of the heddle rod, extra security is obtained.

Because the design of the hammock is determined by the warp, weaving is a very simple process. It merely involves passing the shuttle containing the weft through alternating tabby sheds. One shed is held open by turning the shed stick on its side, the other is opened by pulling the heddle rod away from the loom. An interesting method is used to hold the heddle rod in this position. A carved wooden block (noo), wedge shaped at either end is placed between the heddle rod and the vertical beam at each end of the rod thus

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forming a definite shed and leaving the weaver's hands free to operate the shuttle (Figure 11).

Beating of the weft into place to form a firm fabric is done with a small, but heavy paddle, or cas naku, (Figure 3). Because the paddle is much shorter than the width of the loom, many beating strokes are necessary for each weft.

As the weaving progresses, the increasing number of weft yarns between the warp yarns causes the warp to shorten. The tension must then be adjusted by lowering the upper horizontal bar (nagu beeri) and slanting the adjustable vertical bars (cas aku) outward at the top (Figure 4).

Cachi patterns.

A considerable number of patterns can be formed by changing the color of the warp. Because only the warp threads are visible, all patterns are based on variations of a lengthwise stripe.

The more simple patterns are plain stripes which may be of the same width or varying widths, in a specific pattern or random pattern, and in two colors, or many colors. Common combinations are blue and white or natural brown and white.

Patterns may become more complicated by arranging the warp so that patterned stripes are formed. This is usually done with the white and blue warps as they are highly contrasted. The drafts for several of these patterns are given (Figure 12).

The patterned stripes do not seem to be arranged in any particular order, as no hammocks were observed that were designed symmetrically or in repeats. No two hammocks seemed to have the same arrangement of patterns. Certain patterned stripes do however seem to be traditional and appear in many hammocks. Each pattern stripe has a specific name which seems to be known, not only by the weaver, but also by other members of the village, children and adults alike.

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Completing the cachi.

The structural design of the cachi is really quite ingenious as the warp ends need not be cut but are merely twisted and bound together in groups to form attachment points for ropes. By alternating the groupings, additional strength and flatness in the woven section is achieved (Figure 13).

Comparison of Cuna cachi to weaving of other peoples.

Many types of looms and weaving styles have been developed by various societies. A study of the similarities and differences of these types can often provide valuable information such as migration patterns, trade routes, interrelationships of groups of people, and patterns of technological development.

Margrethe Hald, in her monograph, An Unfinished Tubular Fabric From the Chiriguano Indians, Bolivia, expressed the great need for such comparative studies, and in fact, the study of Cuna cachi does provide information on some of the questions raised by Hald.

Like the Chiriguano fabric, Cuna cachi are a form of warp tubular weaving, which Hald refers to as the "loop method" or "type A" 1 !. This particular approach to handling warp ends can be found in the weaving of other groups of people including the Chane 12 , the Leguna 13 (Paraguayan Chaco), the Goajiros 14, the Guiana 15 , the Macoa 16 (Venezuela), the pre Columbian Peruvians 17, the Salish18 , and perhaps Nissan Islanders, and West Coast Africans 19. Of these groups, the South American forms seem to be the most closely

1 Margrethe Hald, An Unfinished Tubular Fabric From the Chiriguano Indians,Bolivia, p. 11-13.

^Erland Nordenskiold, Comparative Ethnological Studies //(Goteborg:Etnografiska Museet, 1920), p. 175, fig. 55.

13W. B. Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land, The Legua Indiansof the Paraguayan Chaco (London: 1911), p. 67.

14Margrethe Hald, op cit., p. 15. 15Margrethe Hald, op cit., p. 15. 16Margrethe Hald, op cit., pp. 28-34. 17Margrethe Hald, op cit., pp. 36-38. ^Oliver Wells, Salish Weaving (Sardis: Wells, 1969), p. 14. 19Ling Roth, Studies in Primitive Weaving (Halifax: Bankfield Museum, 1950),

pp. 47-109.

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related to Cuna weaving. The Salish weaving differs in execution as the weaving proceeds downward rather than upward. The African examples differ somewhat in warping paths. Comparisons with weaving techniques to the north, specifically those of Guatemala, Mexico, and Southwestern United States yield few concrete similarities.

The heddle construction of the Cuna also seems to be very closely related to that of the South American examples20 , although some very interesting differences may provide new information which could be useful in studies of archaeological textiles of unknown manufacturing technique.

Hald and O'Neale21 both examined the problem of opening sheds on wide vertical looms, a process which not only involves considerable width for the weavers reach, but also considerable weight and resistance on the heddle system. Both Hald and O'Neale felt that a single heddle rod could not be operated by the weaver of a wide textile, especially at the same time that the weft was being guided through the shed. O'Neale suggested the possibility of short heddle sections which could then be operated by each of several weavers working at the same loom. Hald felt that a more likely solution was that of a linked free heddle with enough length and elasticity to allow manipulation of one section without disturbing the rest of the heddles. Either of these two solutions would eliminate the use of a single heddle rod.

Examination of the Cuna cachi has presented yet another possible solution, that of a long single heddle rod held in place by blocks (noos) wedged between the heddle rod and each vertical post (cas booba). This system facilitates the raising of the heddle rod because first one end, then the other may be wedged by the noos, thus reducing the strain and totally freeing the hands to pass the weft through the shed. Perhaps this method may have been used by other peoples for the production of wide textiles.

This study of the Cuna loom differs from previous related studies, in that it involved direct observation of existing weavers and looms, rather than previously collected artifacts, which were not adequately

Hald, op cit., pp. 15-19. 2lLila O'Neale, Wide Loom Fabrics of the Early Nazca Period, (Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1936), p. 219.

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documented or assembled. The Cuna have been especially resistant to acculturation and therefore provide excellent opportunities to study actual weaving processes, for, as Hald states:

Unfortunately, and as mentioned before, the weakest link in the research of weaving as a craft seems to be the actual procedure: the phases of the work, the dexterity involved etc.,... . Perhaps we can await with anticipation, the fruits of continuous collecting activities among aboriginal peoples or in areas where cultural conditions stagnate; places where ancient techniques are still in use.22

Conclusions.

Many of the Cuna textile crafts have disappeared from use, and although hammock weaving is still being done in some places, it too could soon disappear. The cachi has been an important part of the Cuna's everyday and ceremonial life, however little has been written regarding its manufacture. For these reasons, the study of Cuna cachi weaving techniques is of considerable importance in the body of knowledge of the Cuna people. Because the study is based on observations of existing weavers and looms, it can also add considerably to the understanding of weaving among other peoples whose techniques have not been directly observed.

The Cuna cachi are woven on vertical looms using a continuous warp to form a warp tubular weaving of the loop type. The durability of the finished hammock is partly due to the fact that the warp is not cut when removed from the loom, but becomes an integral part of the hanging structure. The fabric itself is a dense, warp faced structure with varying patterns based on warp stripes. The use of continuous string heddles, a single heddle rod, and blocks to hold the heddle rod in place is significant and may provide new information for the study of wide textiles of unknown weaving method produced in other cultures and time periods.

"Margrethe Hald, op cit., p. 51.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Charles Avery Amsden, Navaho Weaving, Its Technic and Its History, Chicago: Rio Grande Press Inc., 1964.

Mary M. Atwater, Byways in Hand Weaving, New York: Macmillan, 1954.

Lady Richmond Brown, Unknown Tribes Uncharted Seas, New York: Appleton, 1925.

"Cunas of Golden Castile" in Alvin Josephy Jr. ed., Vanishing Primitive Man, New York: American Heritage Publishing, 1973.

Margrethe Hald, An Unfinished Tubular Fabric From The Chiriguano Indians, Bolivia, Stockholm: Ethnographical Museum of Sweden, 1962.

Nils Holmer, Ethno Linguistic Cuna Dictionary, Goteborg: Elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag, 1952.

Kit S. Kapp, Mola An from the San Bias Islands, Cincinnati: K. S. Kapp Publications, 1972.

Clyde E. Keeler, Cuna Indian Art, New York: Exposition Press, 1969.

Clyde E. Keeler, Apples of Immortality from the Cuna Tree of Life, New York: Exposition Press, 1961.

Clyde E. Keeler, Secrets of the Cuna Earthmother, New York: Exposition Press, 1960.

Kate Peck Kent, The Cultivation and Weaving of Cotton in the Prehistoric Southwestern United States, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1957.

Kate Peck Kent, The Story of Navaho Weaving, Phoenix: Heard Museum of Anthropology and Primitive Arts, 1961.

Herbert W. Krieger, Material Culture of the People of Southeastern Panama, Based on Specimens in the United States National Museum, Washington: Smithsonian, 1926.

S. Linne, Darien in the Past, The Archaeology of Eastern Panama and North-Western Columbia, Goteborg: Elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag, 1929.

Richard Oglesby Marsh, White Indians of Darien, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1934.

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Erland Nordenskiold, An Historical and Ethnological Survey of the Cuna Indians, Goteborg: Goteborgs Museum, 1938.

Erland Nordenskiold, Picture Writings and Other Documents by Nele and Ruben Perez Kantule, Goteborg: Comparative Ethnographical Studies, Elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag, 1928.

Lila O'Neale, Wide Loom Fabrics of the Early Nazca Period, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1936.

Ann Parker and Neal Avon, Molas: Folk Art of the Cuna Indians, Barre Massachusetts: Barre Publishing, 1977.

Ling Roth, Studies in Primitive Looms, Halifax: Bankfield Museum, 1950.

Mari Lyn Salvador, "Molas of the Cuna Indians: A Case Study of Artistic Criticism and Ethno-Aesthetics", Ph.D. dissertation, Berkeley: University of California, 1975.

Mari Lyn Salvador, "The Clothing Arts of the Cuna of San Bias, Panama" in Nelson H. H. Graburn ed., Ethnic and Tourist Arts: Cultural Expressions from the Fourth World, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976.

D. B. Stout, San Bias Cuna Acculturation: An Introduction, New York: Viking Fund Inc., 1947.

Oliver N. Wells, Salish Weaving, Sardis: O. N. Wells, 1969.

Department of Clothing and Textiles, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta.

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Fig

ure

1. C

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r Si

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Out

door

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Fig

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2. W

orn-

out C

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approximate scalf-1 10

•cas booitt

—nagu Iteer

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-alban too

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nagu beer

cas naku

Figure 3. Cachi (Loom).

120

Figure 4. Cachi (Loom) Inside a Cuna Home.

121

Figu

re 5

. Shu

ttle

(Cas

Iss

aban

) W

ith R

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Wef

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Figure 6. Recycled Yarns Being Plyed on a Spindle (Pirba).

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Figure 1. Warp Faced Sftripes. White Cotton and Natural Brown Bast Fibre.

124

nagu been (horizontal beam)

cache oorgo (shed stick)

cas wana (horizontal bar)

nagu been' (horizontal beam)

Figure 8. Side View-Warping Path.

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Figure 9. Side View-Formation of Sheds.

126

Figure 10. Continuous String Heddles.

127

Figure 11. Heddle Shed Held Open by Noo or Cas Igarit.

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Pattern Drafts for Selected Stripes of CUNA CACHI

quiz quit sabanfirst 4" of a cachi made in Carti Sugtupi

argan arganaquat made in Can! Sugtupu

ibis quabo warnicut made in Carti Sugtupu

rntichu muchup made in Carti Sugtupu

made in Ubi gan tupu miria

made in Ubi gan tupu miria

made in Ubi gan tupu miria

Figure 12. Pattern Drafts for Selected Stripes of Cuna Cachi.

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Figure 13. Twisted Warp Ends on an Old Cachi.

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