DBDLI_Research PAPER_ FINAL

Joseph Nyemah: [email protected] Page:1

Improving Education for African Nova Scotians

A Critical Review of the Literature

Delmore “Buddy” Daye Learning Institute

September 2013

Joseph Nyemah Nyemah

© Delmore “Buddy” Day Learning Institute

Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada

mailto:[email protected]


INTRODUCTION

This literature review draws on the research lenses of Africentricity and critical race theory to

examine the education context of African Nova Scotians. The analysis has two intertwined foci:

one is a proposition of pathways to strategically inform the overall goal - to improve education for

African Nova Scotians – of the Delmore Buddy Daye Learning Institute (DBDLI). This focus is

significant because the DBDLI needs a strategic argument that coheres with the current contextual

logic and purposes of education – locally and globally - so as to successfully engage stakeholders

in improving education for African Nova Scotians. The other focus is to critically contribute to the

creation of a rich and stimulating intellectual context for a meaningful dialogue aimed at improving

education for African Nova Scotians.



THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The research lenses of Africentricity and critical race theory are central to this literature review.

Although these two concepts are individually distinct, they are interrelated by a common heritage

in the critical theory tradition. The critical theory tradition is premised on awakening the uncritical

human intellect to identify, challenge and replace oppression as aptly articulated by Brookfield

(2007, p. viii).

Critical theory views thinking critically as being able to identify, and then to

challenge and change, the process by which a grossly iniquitous society uses

dominant ideology to convince people this is a normal state of affairs.

This critical perspective is appropriate for both the Government of Nova Scotia and the African

Nova Scotian community in working together to improve what the Black Learners Advisory

Committee (BLAC, 1994a and b) describes as a chronic and systemic crisis of education affecting

African Nova Scotians.

Often, Africentricity and critical race theory are manifest in the work of many critical theorists

either as a lens or as a central project. Molefi Kete Asante’s (1998) work on Africentricity, Bell

Hook’s (2003) conceptualization of racism as White supremacy, and Antonio Gramsci’s adult

education project with Fiat factory workers (cited in Brookfield, 2007) are only but a few excellent

examples that show the influence of critical theory. The counter-hegemonic focus of critical theory

is a common characteristic across these concepts, which is an important lens for understanding the

education context of African Nova Scotians.

In their book, Race and Well-Being: The Lives, Hopes, and Activism of African Canadians, James,

Este, Bernard, Benjamin, Lloyd and Turner (2010) argue that “It was Molefi Asante (1980), in



Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change, who first explicitly formulated and developed the

concept of Afrocentrism (also referred to as Africentrism)” (p. 23). The authors argue that

“Afrocentric epistemology in research is grounded in the history, culture, economics, race, gender,

language, and religion of those involved in the research” (p. 22). From another perspective, Hunn

(2004) argues that “Africentrism is the written articulation of indigenous African philosophy (an

oral tradition) as embodied by the lived experiences of multiple generations of people of African

descent” (p. 68). Africentricity has potential to increase self-esteem among African Nova Scotians

who, according to BLAC (1994a) confront low self-belief as a barrier to education.

Africentricity is, however, a fledgling concept that deserves to be critically troubled by scholars in

rigorous academic debates - a process that the DBDLI should welcome, support and benefit from

– given its mandate to improve education for African Nova Scotians through the prism of

Africentricity (DBDLI, 2013). Africentricity is fledgling because unlike other contemporary

theories, its use is yet to be popularized in academia over a substantial period of time. There is, of

course, a counter thesis that suggests that Africentricity has been around for a long time (Asante,

1988), but ignored and undemocratically contained at the periphery of academia which resists new

and alternative ways of knowing.

This paper recommends that the DBDLI support advanced scholarship that contributes to the

intellectual evolution of Africentricity within the educational context of Nova Scotia and Canada.

Contemporary scholarship suggests that there is an evolving theoretical and identity debate about

Africentricity as evidenced by its synonymous use with Afrocentricity and African-centred

schooling. It is important to understand the nuances in these terms, because new and contrasting

epistemologies are emerging, with attendant operational and conceptual ramifications as

articulated by Sefa Dei and Kempf (2013, p. 22):



African-centred/ African-centredness is a broad and fluid concept, informed

by, but distinct from, Afrocentricity and Africentricity, which are far more

specific (often grounded in the U.S. context) and emerge from – and, in a

sense answer to – a particular canon. African-centred education and

schooling are context-determined applications of Afrocentricity in and for

educational contexts. The African-centred frame is particularly relevant in

education as it allows for clarification of educational purpose and content.

These authors articulate a new perspective that calls for a broader conceptualization of

Africentricity. Their analysis shows contrasting support for African-centred/ Africentric/

Afrocentric schools (independent of existing schools) and programs (integrated into existing

schools). This paper encourages the DBDLI to pay attention to this kind of debate by entertaining

advanced scholarship that will contribute to the conceptual clarity of Africentricity.

Africentricity may be conceptualized as a paradigm, “a rather unified and progressive system of

beliefs that revolves around the object of knowledge” (Koro-Ljungberg, 2008, p. 218); an

ontology, the study of the form and nature of reality (Paxton, 2010); and as an epistemology, theory

of knowledge or how knowledge is acquired (McConnell-Henry, Chapman and Francis, 2009) that

puts the African culture – in its broadest sense - at the center of education for African descended

peoples.

This literature review also draws on the research lens of critical race theory. Critical race theory is

a counter-hegemonic lens that is very relevant to the education context of African Nova Scotians

because of the history of systemic oppression well documented by BLAC (1994a). The

development of critical race theory stands on the shoulders of W.E.B. Du Bois (2013) who



“outlined for his black intellectual colleagues, both a historical sociology and theory of race as a

concept” (para. 4). Du Bois’ contribution to the development of critical race theory offers a unique

prism for examining the sometimes silent ways in which racism operates.

Critical race theory is a tool of analysis, but also, of empowerment and pedagogy; it centralizes

the experiences of those who are adversely affected by racism in ways that help us learn critically

about the systemic functions of racism. Racism operates both as structure and process (Essed,

2002). Critical race theory recognizes a powerful confluence between power and race, and argues

that these two concepts must be critically troubled in order for it to be considered useful for

improving education for African Nova Scotians.



CONTEXT

One of the key recommendations of BLAC (1994a) to the Government of Nova Scotia was to

“Establish an Africentric Learning Institute to assist in curriculum development and conduct

ongoing research on issues impacting on Black learners in Nova Scotia” (p.18). The DBDLI is the

outcome of this recommendation, and this literature review aims to contribute to the strategic plan

which will lead to the actualization of its mandate.

The DBDLI will partner with the African Canadian Services Division (ACSD) of the Nova Scotia

Department of Education and Early Childhood Development, the Council on African Canadian

Education (CACE) and other organizations such as the Black Educators’ Association (BEA). The

ACSD, CACE and DBDLI were conceived by BLAC as an inter-linked approach to improve

education for African Nova Scotians. BLAC (1994a) recommended that “The Minister of

Education establish a Branch in the Department to deal specifically with African Canadian

Education” (p.17). Consequently, “the African Canadian Services Division was established in

February of 1996 to implement the Department's response to the BLAC Report on Education”

(ACSD, 2013, section 2, para. 1). BLAC (1994a, p. 17) also recommended that:

The Minister of Education elevate the Black Learners’ Advisory Committee

to a Council on African Canadian Education to monitor and continually

analyze the policies of the Department of Education with respect to the

needs of Black learners and educators; to develop a partnership with

senior education administrators and as a mechanism for enhancing

the status and functions of the BLAC vis-a-vis local school boards

and post-secondary educational institutions.



The DBDLI’s role, therefore, is to focus on research that can inform curriculum development as

clearly stated in a recent press release by the Department of Education and Early Childhood

Development (2013) that, the DBDLI “will conduct research, work with educators and community

members, and develop policy, curriculum and resources with a focus on African heritage and

culture” (para. 1). But optimizing the relationship described above is also imperative for the

DBDLI because being the newest of the three organizations; it must build on the various activities

that the ACSD, CACE and BEA have initiated over the years.

The ACSD, CACE, BEA and DBDLI are a response to history that is traceable as far back as more

than two centuries. Over this period, Blacks have experienced some of the worst aspects of

humanity, including various forms of alienation and marginalization. Poor access to education is

one of the troubling and poignant vignettes. As BLAC (1994b) points out, “writing and math were

excluded from the curriculum as they were considered unnecessary accomplishments in [Black]

children who would subsequently be required to perform the meanest tasks” (p.15). This paper

argues that the education system effectively alienated and marginalized Black students through a

policy of knowledge containment.

The knowledge containment charge in this paper is substantiated by BLAC’s further observation

that “it was clear that the educational goals for Black children were being set by a White society

which had already made up its mind as to the role Black Nova Scotians would play in society”

(p.15). In other words, most of the benefits that one enjoys as a consequence of his or her education

were foreclosed to the Black population. This is an important reminder to both the Government of

Nova and the DBDLI that it will be highly uncritical to think that improving education alone will

address the upshots of the injustices of education that the Black community confronts. There is a



need to develop a broader social, economic, cultural and political agenda that will enable the Black

community to enjoy full citizenship participation.

The Black alienation and marginalization project in Nova Scotia in education was very successful

because it was systemic and operated with the participation of not only the school system and

government, but also, individual community members and the Anglican Church (BLAC, 1994b)

in the province. In the late 1800s in common schools, “some White parents complain[ed] that their

children were forced to sit together with Black children” (BLAC, 1994b, p. 20). This complaint

from some of the White community members encouraged the City Council of Halifax to legalize

the creation of segregated schools for Blacks and Whites in 1876 (BLAC, 1994b). Minutes from

“missionary reports clearly indicate that the curriculum of the African schools was based more on

instilling obedience in the Black population than with providing upgrading skills or knowledge”

(BLAC, 1994a, p. 18). According to BLAC (1994a, b and c), many of the segregated and common

schools were operated in, and owned by the Anglican Church in the province.

This paper does not investigate whether the Anglican Church deliberately, subconsciously or

coercively participated in the creation and implementation of the education project that alienated

and marginalized Black students because it is outside the main focus of this paper. However,

BLAC (1994b, p. 18) points out that:

The missionary movement throughout the eighteen and nineteenth centuries

customarily coupled the teaching of rudimentary education with Christian

values of humility and contentedness as a method of maintaining law and

order among the British colonies. When White students attending the

common schools [in Nova Scotia] were studying Algebra, the Classics,

English grammar, Latin, Greek, Geography and the use of globes,



their Black counterparts were deliberately restricted to instruction in

reading, writing, arithmetic and the catechism.

The above quote provides a critical insight into the function of how racism and other forms of

discrimination seep into formal education decisions. James et al. (2010) describe this as the

normalization of oppression, a process in which the oppressors become conveniently oblivious or

unaware of, or consider acts of oppression as a normal way of life.

The segregated schools were not only set up as a sustainable mechanism for transforming Black

Nova Scotians into an academically failing population, they were also designed to discourage

Black children from going to school. The Black schools, for instance, only attracted “teachers

willing to work for low pay in isolated communities [and] tended to be under qualified and barely

literate” (BLAC, 1994b, p. 22). BLAC further contends that the “school buildings were often

overcrowded and ramshackle, creating an environment that was not inclined to encourage Blacks

to attend” (p. 22). These conditions were in stark contrast to those of the White schools. The

DBDLI and other actors wanting to improve education for African Nova Scotians must take into

consideration how these two factors have affected the Black communities at large to view

education - with hate and distrust - because they could potentially correlate with the low attendance

and poor academic performance that remain prevalent among African Nova Scotian students.

While a lot has improved, a broader systems change is required in orienting schools to equitably

and effectively serve the educational needs of Black students in ways that meaningfully contribute

to the social mobility of the Black community. As Hook (2003) argues, being conscious of

oppressive behaviors does not necessarily prevent a person from committing oppression. The

upshots of not achieving a broader systems change – that accounts for African Nova Scotian adult



literacy, civic participation and active inclusion in the labor market, in this context - can be

correlated with the significant numbers of African Nova Scotian students underperforming, and

being placed on Individual Program Planning (IPP) or dropping out of school.

Paul Tough’s (2009) studies in the United States revealed that “the children of professional parents

had vocabularies of about 1,100 words, compared to 525 for the children of parents on welfare”

(cited by Marsh, 2013, p. 83). Marsh (2013, p. 83) also cites Rothestein (2004) whose studies in

the same country revealed that “by three years of age, the children of professionals had larger

vocabularies themselves than the vocabularies used by adults from welfare families in speaking to

their children.” The central point of discussion here is to encourage the DBDLI to contemplate

initiating a broader conversation about crafting an agenda that advances contextual discontinuities

– such as the disruption of poverty - by drawing on the contributions of other pro-social mobility

actors within the African Nova Scotian community.

“Black students face special difficulties in our local schools. Most of them are in General Courses;

few get beyond grade 10, and fewer still advance to post-high school educational institutions”

(BLAC, 1994b, p. 32, citing the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, 1967). In a further

emphasis, BLAC (1994b, p. 32) draws on the Nova Scotia Human Rights’ report to point out that:

In dividing a class into fast, mediocre, and slow learners, teachers report

that the slow groups are four-fifths Blacks. As the present school system

has no failures in the elementary grades, the students go on to junior high

where their difficulties exacerbate. The auxiliary classes of the junior high

become filled with Black students – estimated as high as 95 percent Black.

The effect of channeling on the Black student is increased loss of self-worth

and high dropout rates.



The foregoing statistics, although developed almost two decades ago, caricature a somewhat

disastrous context of education for African Nova Scotians. The DBDLI must welcome and support

research that demonstrates that poor education for African Nova Scotians is not only a concern for

the Black community, but a core concern of the Government of Nova Scotia that must be

addressed. There is a timely opportunity, for instance, to strategically edit the Nova Scotia Liberal

Party leader’s argument that Government needs to “overhaul the public education system to focus

on literacy, numeracy and creative thinking” (Davenport, 2013, p. 4) by adding that there is also a

need to ensure that the education system serves the needs of all its citizens - particularly the Black

and Aboriginal communities.

The DBDLI, through research, must seek to gather success stories of how Blacks and other racially

marginalized groups have successfully confronted discrimination within education. The

recommended search for success stories on how Blacks and other marginalized groups are

confronting systemic oppression must focus both on success in education and labour participation.

This double track approach emphasizes the education of African Nova Scotians and their active

participation in the functionaries of mainstream institutions of influence. The broader agenda that

requires some attention is enhancing the social, political, cultural and economic citizenship of

African Nova Scotians. There are several models that can be examined and possibly replicated in

Nova Scotia, in conjunction with, for instance, the Black Business Initiative (BBI). An interesting

model in the United States is the Executive Leadership Council (2013, para. 1 & 2):

a national organization comprised of current and former African-American

CEOs and senior executives at Fortune 500 and equivalent companies. For

more than 25 years, the ELC [Executive Leadership Council] has worked



to build an inclusive business leadership pipeline and to empower African-

American corporate leaders to make significant and impactful contributions

in the global marketplace and their communities.

Another example is the African American Leadership Institute housed in the University of

California, Los Angeles Anderson School of Management (2013, para. 1 & 2):

UCLA’s [University of California Los Angeles] African American Leadership

Institute distills the wisdom and experience of the nation's top African

American corporate leaders and public figures and identifies the tools

required to prepare today's African American executives for tomorrow's

organizational leadership. During a 5-month engagement of provocative

and stimulating work on the state of African American leadership, you will

dig deep into key issues from a personal, interpersonal, and organizational

perspective and take away a practical toolkit to increase productivity,

leverage, and value to your organization.

There are several other models including the Diversity Executive (see http://diversity-

executive.com/articles/view/driven-to-success-aaa-pilots-program-for-african-american-

leaders/2) and the National Forum for Black Public Administrators (see

http://www.nfbpa.org/i4a/pages/index.cfm?pageid=3293). These kinds of programs are

particularly important examples for the DBDLI which can potentially promote confidence and

increase self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students. They also provide an opportunity for

the DBDLI to create a framework for recruiting research fellows who can serve as organic

intellectuals, feel the elementary passion of the people and articulate their aspirations. A key

learning point from these case studies is the need for the DBDLI to focus on diversifying the


http://diversity-executive.com/articles/view/driven-to-success-aaa-pilots-program-for-african-american-leaders/2



http://www.nfbpa.org/i4a/pages/index.cfm?pageid=3293


number of enlightened African Nova Scotians by enabling the education of lawyers, medical

doctors, social workers, pharmacists and engineers. A hopeful way to conclude this section of the

paper is to note that after graduating with an electrical engineering degree from Dalhousie

University in 2010, “Shalyn Williams, 27, [became] the first female African-Nova Scotian

engineer” (Herald, 2013, para. 1).

REFLECTION

Although various forms of discrimination continue to restrict social mobility for minority groups

like the African Nova Scotian and Aboriginal communities in Nova Scotia, there are, also,

undeniable trends that create the perfect conditions for improvements and social justice in general.

These trends also come with many opportunities that the DBDLI cannot afford to ignore.



Increased receptiveness for social justice

About 50 years ago in Nova Scotia and North America in general, marginalized groups struggled

to build alliances with individuals or groups from the dominant or ruling class in fighting injustice.

Increasingly, this kind of class divide is radically blurring as numerous educated and young people

of privileged identities are questioning prevailing systemic forms of hegemony.

Most contemporary social movements, for instance, the Idle No More and the Occupy movements

that advocate for the rights of Aboriginal people and against the injustices of capitalism

respectively are not only led by the oppressed but also by people from the dominant class. The

DBDLI recognizes that, for instance, if it were to organize a protest calling for improved education

for Black Nova Scotians, there would be many non-Black Nova Scotians in the crowd. This is a

great opportunity for building bridges. These willing partners are enlightened and have potential

to act as elite intellectuals (cf. Brookfield, 2007; Kenway, 2001). The DBDLI must create a

welcoming environment for these various groups of partners.

Nova Scotia Needs a Vibrant and Educated Workforce

The Nova Scotia Department of Labour and Advanced Education (2013) clearly states that “Nova

Scotia’s economic stability is tied to our ability to compete and respond to changes in the global

market. That ability requires a vibrant and adaptable workforce — a workforce strong in numbers

and in skills” (para. 2). This is a strategic opportunity for African Nova Scotians because we have

a young population that can actively participate in the labour force. Beyond this economic



argument, the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development’s (2013, para. 1)

statement of mandate 2013–14 provides a liberal argument for education by stating that:

Our vision is for every student in every classroom to become well-educated,

confident, responsible adults–with the skills they need to create and work in

good jobs, ready to build a life for families of their own. The four goals for

education in Nova Scotia are:

o Put Students First

o Support Effective Teaching in Every Classroom

o Prepare Young People for Good Jobs, Citizenship

o Strengthen Links Between Schools, Parents, and the Community

This paper does not presume that the DBDLI is unaware of the Department of Education and Early

Childhood Development’s vision and the opportunity it provides to advance its agenda for

improving education for African Nova Scotians. It however, highlights that there are, for instance,

unique opportunities for the DBDLI to work with the provincial government, particularly the

departments of Labour and Advanced Education (in terms of adult literacy), and Education and

Early Childhood Development (in terms of the school’s expectations about the role of parents) to

develop ways by which the reported low involvement of African Nova Scotian parents and

guardians in the affairs of their children’s schooling can be addressed. The DBDLI should engage

these departments to discuss mechanisms around data collection and analysis that can inform new

approaches to increasing the involvement of African Nova Scotian parents and guardians in their

children’s education.

The Department of Education and Early Childhood Development also mentions - good jobs and

active citizenship – in its mandate. This is an attractive and relevant policy landscape within which

the DBDLI can locate its claim for partnering with the provincial government to address the

systemic barriers that African Nova Scotians confront in education. This claim holds that if the

educational needs of African Nova Scotians are addressed they can significantly participate in the



economy either by job creation or skill provision. People who are educated and have good jobs are

likely to build good families and promote good and active citizenship in their communities.

Government’s Commitment to Support the DBDLI

The provincial government’s commitment to support the creation of the DBDLI is a unique

opportunity that must be optimized in all possible ways. In a press release dated March 26, 2013,

the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development (2013, para. 1) declared that:

The province is investing $2.2 million in a permanent home for the Delmore

"Buddy" Daye Africentric Learning Institute, which will provide more support

and resources for students of African descent. The institute will conduct

research, work with educators and community members, and develop policy,

curriculum and resources with a focus on African heritage and culture.

This announcement creates a sustainable political and policy landscape that can ensure that the

education project for African Nova Scotians is not only a concern for African Nova Scotians, but

also, a concern for the Government of Nova Scotia.

But it might also be prudent for the Government of Nova Scotia, or perhaps, particularly the

African Nova Scotian community, through the DBDLI to contemplate entertaining a broader

discussion about social mobility for African Nova Scotians. This suggestion does not presume that

a conversation of this kind is not initiated; rather, it proposes a further reflection on what is required

to enable social mobility within the Black community. For instance, is it possible to increase

parents’ involvement in the affairs of their children’s school if an underlying cause of the problem



is a lack of time and energy induced by poverty-imposed obligations to work more than 15 hours

daily between three different jobs? What about the historical distrust between parents and the

school system? What about the role of families as a key ingredient for producing a successful

student and a good citizen?

This paper argues for the development of a broader social mobility agenda aimed at enabling the

African Nova Scotian to contribute to, and enjoy the full concept of citizenship. There are a number

of initiatives that must support the achievement of the full citizenship objective as demonstrated

in the following diagram:

This diagram does not capture all of the ingredients required to enable full or good citizenship

within the African Nova Scotian community, rather, it raises new questions about either

coordinating what is already in place or putting in place the missing initiatives. The community

and religious institutions - for instance, the church – must be included in this kind of conversation

Full Citizenship

welcoming education system for

all

welcoming economy

for all

welcoming political

system for all

vibrant family and community



because they can contribute to the promotion of good citizenship. The BBI and other actors within

the private sector play a crucial role in economically empowering African Nova Scotians to enjoy

full citizenship. These are only but a few examples that demonstrate the need for developing a

broader and coordinated social mobility agenda for the African Nova Scotian learner.

One of the key reasons why the anti-Apartheid champion of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, is

revered globally is because he chose to lead his people by looking ahead and not dwelling

exclusively on the injustices of the past. Sometimes our pace to move ahead is impeded by the

weight of the memory of the past that we carry along. Contemporary Africa, for instance, confronts

a similar phenomenon that weaves together the pursuit of development and memories of injustice

from the unfortunate European colonization project. The DBDLI must continue to develop a

critical understanding of the past experiences of the African Nova Scotian learner, but the purpose

should be how to use the analysis to eliminate further damage to the educational success of the

community. This paper encourages the DBDLI to consider the following factors as part of a

proposed development of baseline indicators for an annual monitoring of the education context of

African Nova Scotians.

Student Dropout: the DBDLI must devote significant resources to understanding and addressing

the evolving trends of student dropout through a sustained research approach. The Black United

Front (BUF), for instance, a political organization established in 1968 by Black leaders to present

a united voice of Black communities, identified student dropout patterns as a key issue that

deserves the attention of the relevant stakeholders (BLAC, 1994b). The African Nova Scotian

community confronts a persistent trend of student dropout and argues that it is a consequence of

the historically poor service that it receives from the school system.



There are several monitoring models that the DBDLI can investigate and adapt to its programming

context from different parts of the world. The University of California Los Angeles Anderson

School of Management (2013, para. 1), for instance, has the California Dropout Research Project

(CDRP) established in 2006 (see http://www.cdrp.ucsb.edu/) to:

synthesize existing research and undertake new research to inform

policymakers, educators and the general public about the nature of

the dropout crisis in California and to help the state develop a

meaningful policy agenda to address the problem.

The CDPR project uses research information to inform the development of a sound policy agenda

to advocate for the improvement of education for those students who are affected by the

phenomenon in California. The University of California Los Angeles Anderson School of

Management (2013) argues that although there are numerous and varying reasons why students

drop out of school, they can be grouped into two major categories of predictors, including

individual and institutional. The individual predictors account for educational performance,

behavior, attitude and background; while the institutional predictors account for family, school

system and community (Rumberger and Ah Lim, 2008).

Examining dropout in the context of Black students in Ontario, several scholars (Sefa Dei,

Mazzuca, McIsaac& Zine, 1997; Pollard, 1989) have pointed out that structural discrimination,

poverty, Eurocentrism, White male privilege and streaming in the school system are some of the

key factors that influence dropout. These issues require a careful analysis in the education context

of Nova Scotia. This is partly, but significantly because, in order to make a practical

recommendation on addressing student dropout rates, a clear distinction must be drawn between

correlations and causations.


http://www.cdrp.ucsb.edu/


Sefa Dei (1996) argues that researchers must develop a new way of looking at dropout by re-

theorizing and re-conceptualizing the phenomenon. The author cites Lawton (1992) who

completed a synopsis of various models in understanding dropout. This includes the frustration or

low self-esteem model and participation-identification model developed by Finn (1989), the

deviance theory model and structural strain and alienation model developed by LeCompte and

Dworkin (1991), and the cost-benefit-analysis model used by several other researchers. Sefa Dei

(1996) cogently critiqued these models and argued that researchers must focus on a new way of

studying the dropout phenomenon by moving beyond these theories and draw instead on grounded

theory to delve into the lived experiences of students. This paper specifically argues for the use of

Africentricity and critical race theory as the research lenses that the DBDLI should draw on.

Low self-esteem: The problem of low self-esteem critically affects Black Canadian students in

unique ways. Research by Joseph and Kuo (2008) revealed that “Black Canadians are exposed to

multiple race-related stressors that require them to adopt a flexible repertoire of general and

culture-specific coping strategies” (p.78). The DBDLI, through the lens of Africentricity, should

research the changing dynamics of self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students and develop

specifically designed community based programs to help students appreciate their social positions

within the school system and the wider community. The literature (BLAC, 1994a and b) confirms

that low self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students is a major factor that undermines their

performance. BLAC (1994a, p. 18), for instance, specifically described the existence of low self-

esteem among Black students:

suppression, destruction and distortion of a group’s history and culture by

others and the surrender of one’s own culture results in low self-esteem.

On the other hand, ignorance and disrespect for African Canadian history

and culture breed low expectations and unhealthy educator assessments of



African Nova Scotian students, personalities and potential.

Our understanding of low self-esteem among African Nova Scotian students is extremely limited

if we exclusively define the phenomenon based on knowledge gained from history. The historical

context is relevant, but low self-esteem is a fluid social concept that can be influenced by

intervening factors over time. “Self-esteem can change over time and between situations. It is

informed by experiences of family, school, friendships and wider society and by how we perceive

or make sense of these experiences” (University of York, 2013, section 2, para. 1). The Counseling

and Mental Health Center of the University of Texas at Austin (2013, section 3, para.1) provides

a further compelling reason for a continuous assessment of low self-esteem among students:

Our self-esteem evolves throughout our lives as we develop an image of ourselves

through our experiences with different people and activities. Experiences during

childhood play a particularly large role in the shaping of self-esteem. When we

were growing up, our successes, failures, and how we were treated by our family,

teachers, coaches, religious authorities, and peers, all contributed to the creation

of our self-esteem.

Low self-esteem is a relevant factor that deserves a continuous examination among marginalized

student groups because it has profound ramifications on almost every aspect of their lives. As the

counseling psychologist, Ken Shore (2013), argues, “a student's self-esteem has a significant

impact on the way she [or he] engages in activities, deals with challenges, and interacts with others.

Low self-esteem can lessen a student's desire to learn, ability to focus, and willingness to take

risks” (para. 1). Shore (2013) further observes that “the challenge in working with children with

low self-esteem is to restore their belief in themselves, so they persevere in the face of academic

challenges” (papa. 2).



This paper does not presume that the DBDLI is unaware of extra-curricular programs (see

Wagstaff, 2013) that the Government of Nova Scotia supports for the promotion of self-esteem

among African Nova Scotian students; rather, it contends that this is an opportunity that the DBALI

must optimize. Additionally, this paper argues that the approach to promoting self-esteem must

emphasize the success of students. This is because if we focus too much on students’ weaknesses

their strengths will continue to elude us.

Poor Academic Performance: the DBDLI must pursue research into the changing dynamics of

poor academic performance among African Nova Scotian students. The research approach will

focus on two key areas: the first is the identification of new factors that impinge on the efforts of

Black students to excel academically. It is important to be aware that while the historical legacy

of the African Nova Scotian context has impacted the learning capabilities of Black students, there

are other social factors that are new and rooted in dominant ideology about Black people’s

intelligence in general that need to be identified and countered purposefully. The second area for

research is to develop statistics that show evolutions in the academic performance of African Nova

Scotian students. This is extremely important for successful advocacy and stakeholder

engagement.

Poor academic performance among African Nova Scotian students is a central consequence of the

complex history of the education system of the province. As far back as in the 1970s, the Nova

Scotia Human Rights Commission raised the issue by pointing out that “Black students face special

difficulties in our local schools. Most of them are in general courses; few get beyond grade 10,

and fewer still advance into post-high school educational institutions” (BLAC, 1994b, p. 32).

Critical race theory argues that the issue is more complicated by several factors such as low teacher

expectation and prejudice - just to name a few - than simply stating that Black students are poor



academic performers. In their paper entitled “Reality Check” Lee and Marshall (2009, p. 9)

describe the existence of the phenomenon of poor academic performance among African Nova

Scotian students and the school system’s response measure – the Individual Program Plan (IPP):

According to the testimonies of parents, students, and other individuals within

the education system, an alarming number of learners from African Nova

Scotian communities have an Individual Program Plan. “An IPP is a

statement of annual individualized outcome and specific individualized

outcomes based on the student’s strengths and needs and that is developed

and implemented for every student for whom Nova Scotia’s public programs

curriculum outcomes are not applicable and/ or attainable.”

The Program Planning Process: A Guide for Parents, p.5.

Africentricity and critical race theory argue that the description here is uncritical and only tells a

small part of the story. Some parents are bewildered by the implications of the concept and the

high marks given to their children who are in IPPs. Critical race theory argues specifically that

African Nova Scotian parents not being involved in their children’s school affairs is “normal” in

the view of the school system. The theory further posits that it is “normal” that the school system

would not investigate if parents understand the implications the IPP has on their children’s

schooling.

Poor academic performance as a phenomenon among African Nova Scotian students requires both

qualitative and quantitative research. Marsh’s (2012) book, Class Dismissed, and the earlier work

of Nathaniel Hickerson (1966) in Education for Alienation, argue that the children of parents who

are alienated by the economy are likely to also be alienated by education. The DBDLI should work

with the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development to share research data on the

performance of African Nova Scotian students for the purpose of addressing this problem. If ethics



and privacy regulations prevent data sharing, the DBBALI should pursue a community-based

research with parents to gain insights into the performance of African Nova Scotian students.

Low participation of parents and guardians in their children’s school affairs: The DBDLI

must examine the changing dynamics of the participation of African Nova Scotian parents and

guardians in the education of their children. There is potential to gain new insight into the current

context that can effectively inform how the Black community can continue to work for the

improvement of education for African Nova Scotian students. The current generation of young

African Nova Scotians, like many young people of today, has a slightly different perspective of

education from their parents’. There is a need to research parental dis/engagement with schools

and their children’s education. The DBDLI might make a good impact on this issue if it develops

project activities that are informed by new research.

African Nova Scotian parents not being actively involved in their children’s school affairs is a

concern highlighted by Lee and Marshall (2009). They emphasize the historical factors of

discrimination such as racism, fears of reprisals from the school authority and the fact that some

parents were/are not literate to read and comprehend communications that come from the school

about their children. It is uncritical to also overlook the fact that the school system has historically

not been welcoming to the African Nova Scotian community (BLAC, 1994a and b).

The low participation of parents and guardians in their children’s school affairs deserves a broader

conversation beyond these historical factors. Many parents, not just Black parents, are increasingly

being alienated by the economy – they may work more than 15 hours on several jobs during the

day – and feel robbed of their physical and mental creativity at the end of the day. Although some

of these issues are rooted in the history of discrimination, there is a need for specifically designed



research projects to update the narrative on why parents/guardians are not involved in their

children’s education. Such research must draw on the lenses of Africentricity and critical race

theory.

This paper does not contain a comprehensive list of all of the relevant issues that the DBDLI needs

to pursue. There is, for instance, a need to constantly evaluate indicators such as civic and labour

participation, unemployment and literacy rates, a re-examination of the Transitional Year

Programs at Dalhousie and the Community College, and the public school curriculum and its

ability to attract and retain African Nova Scotian students. Research of this nature will contribute

new insights about changes in the education context of the African Nova Scotian learner.



CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This paper has addressed two key objectives. It has proposed practical pathways for a robust

research driven agenda that can strategically inform the DBDLI’s overall goal to improve

education for African Nova Scotians. Additionally, it has created a rich and stimulating context

for a meaningful dialogue aimed at improving education for African Nova Scotians. Below is a

detailed description of six recommendations. The DBDLI must set measurable results for each of

these recommendations.

Recommendation one

The DBDLI should develop baseline indicators to continuously measure evolutions (the changing

dynamics) in the education context for African Nova Scotians. When selected and monitored over

time (annually preferred), the indicators will constitute a set of compelling empirical pillars to

inform the programming strategy for the DBDLI. This paper has identified and articulated a few

examples of these indicators, such as student dropout, students on IPP, parents/guardians

involvement in their children’s schooling, low self-esteem, academic performance, civic and labor

participation, unemployment and literacy rates, effectiveness of the Transitional Year Programs at

Dalhousie and the Community College, the public school curriculum and its ability to attract and

retain African Nova Scotian students, and particularly the inclusion of Africentricity.

Logic: Increasingly, contemporary society is becoming actively receptive to the values of social

justice. This is good for the advocacy project aimed at improving education for African Nova

Scotians. And, this paper argues that the DBDLI also recognizes that this new appetite for social



justice comes with increased competition over resources by various groups who are also

marginalized because of their socio-economic status, sexual orientation, religious beliefs, and

disabilities. The DBDLI must continue to advocate with rational arguments.

Recommendation two

The DBDLI should develop a framework for recruiting research fellows who can serve as organic

intellectuals, feel the elementary passion of African Nova Scotians’ for academic success and

community engagement, enrich their vision with conceptual clarity and articulate their evolving

aspirations with credibility. Examples of results under this recommendation include number of

publications, number of doctoral students recruited for research and number of conferences

organized or attended where issues relevant to the education and the broader social mobility agenda

of African Nova Scotians are articulated.

Logic: The need to create organic intellectuals/ community organizers who can increase or

establish a credible presence for African Nova Scotians in academia and other influential

functionaries of mainstream society cannot be overemphasized. These research fellows or organic

intellectuals will, through research, populate academic and policy discussions with empirically

analyzed evidence demonstrating the need for improving education for African Nova Scotians.

Recommendation three



The DBDLI should develop a strategic framework for developing executive leadership that can be

a vehicle for populating mainstream institutions with Black talents.

Logic: Education is not only for knowledge acquisition, it is also for knowledge application. One

of the driving reasons behind the need to improve education for African Nova Scotians is social

mobility. The DBDLI cannot afford to divorce learning from labor participation.

Recommendation four

The DBDLI should strategically adopt an advocacy argument that coheres with the current

contextual logic and purposes of education so as to successfully engage stakeholders in improving

education for African Nova Scotians.

Logic: The advocacy project to improve education for African Nova Scotians has been cogently

made on a moral theme – African Nova Scotians deserve a better system of education that equitably

serves them because education is a basic right of every person. There is also an economic

imperative that the DBDLI must develop and articulate.

Recommendation five

The DBDLI should develop a proactive and sustained approach – constantly look out for

opportunities; including developing and sustaining partnerships with community organizations,

which are also committed to improving education for African Nova Scotians.



Logic: Most of the initiatives aimed at improving education for African Nova Scotians are in a

reactive mode as opposed to a proactive mode. This is problematic because it does not necessarily

lead to the provision of sustainable solutions to a chronic and systemic challenge like the barriers

to education for African Nova Scotians. The DBDLI must avoid this response circle of reactivity

by choosing a proactive and sustained approach – constantly look out for opportunities – that will

improve education for African Nova Scotians.

Recommendation six

The DBDLI should examine a broader agenda on social mobility for African Nova Scotian

communities.

Logic: Education is not independent of the economic, social and political institutions that provide

its context; therefore, the DBDLI cannot assume that education will solve all of the complex

problems that African Nova Scotian communities confront. It will also make no substantial impact

if it fails to look at the broader mechanism of coordination within which the various actors are

working to contribute to the goal of enabling African Nova Scotians to enjoy full citizenship.

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