The trades education pipeline in Canada:
a critical review of the retention and completion literature on apprenticeship
Deanna Rexe
Simon Fraser University
May 18, 2012
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Introduction
Attention to apprenticeship by policymakers is increasing, as labour market
demands and skills shortages in key occupations present challenges to economic
development. Apprenticeship is called upon to help address skill shortages likely to occur
as the baby-boom population retires from the labour force (Empey, 2010; Gunderson,
2009.) Policy experimentation has occurred in most provinces, with adaptations of the
apprenticeship management system, format of technical training, regulation of trades
occupations, new occupations, and introduction of youth apprenticeship initiatives and
programming to encourage non-traditional participants (CAF, 2004; CLC, 2002; Sharpe
& Gibson, 2005; Taylor & Watt-Malcolm, 2007; Watt-Malcolm & Barabasch, 2010).
These changes have been fostered by increased decentralization and devolution of
apprenticeship away from federal and provincial governments to industry organizations
(Haddow & Sharpe, 1997; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005; Schuetz, 2003), and have received
mixed reviews; programming of transitions from school to work are increasingly seen as
contested arenas of education (Filliettaz, 2010).
Gunderson (2009) reports that there are approximately 150 apprentice trades in
Canada, most being in manufacturing and construction. Overall, approximately 2% of the
Canadian labour force between age 15-40 are registered in an apprenticeship program.
The median age of first starting an apprenticeship program is 27, with only 4.4% under
20; over half of all apprentices had more than three jobs before registering for their
apprenticeship. Apprenticeships in Canada are male dominated, with 9.3% female
apprentices in 2002. The female proportion is increasing, up from 4.3% in 1991,
however women are concentrated in the lower-wage food and service trades such as
hairdressing and cooking (Sharpe & Gibson, 2005). Meredith (2011) notes that
perceptions of crisis in Canadian apprenticeship are fed by a variety of indicators
including the persistent underrepresentation of women, visible minorities,
aboriginal people, and its lack of appeal to academically capable youth.
Apprenticeship is often overlooked in conceptual and empirical studies of
postsecondary participation and retention; in contrast to the significant evaluation
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literature in education, there is a dearth of rigorous evaluation studies of apprenticeships
(Gunderson, 2009). Harris and Simons (2005) argue that retention is an important
component that is often paid too little attention and is therefore “under-conceptualised
and under-researched” (p.352). Reasons for “non-completion” of apprenticeship are not
well understood, creating limited basis for policy advice to governments, institutions,
practitioners, or advise to individuals (Empey, 2010). This gap in our knowledge is
particularly striking given the traditional role apprenticeship serves in workforce
development in Canadian society and in Canadian post-secondary education; in terms of
participation, apprenticeship accounts for about 13% of post-secondary enrolment
(Sharpe & Gibson, 2005). Further, equity considerations are important as apprenticeship
provides an important potential venue in creating access to high wage occupations and
social mobility for non-traditional students.
Purpose and approach
(The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which the literature provides
or informs the development of conceptual models of persistence and completion in
apprenticeship, identifies potential factors affecting successful equity participation, and
provides recommendations on opportunities for further development of theory and
practice. This paper undertakes a critical review, examining the extant Canadian
scholarly and practice literature, as well as the international literature, with the intention
of answering the following questions: What are the theoretical or conceptual frameworks
and research methods in the area? What factors are found to matter to retention in
apprenticeship? How are issues of equity in apprenticeship addressed in the current
literature?
Is apprentice retention and attrition an issue?
In a comprehensive review of the literature, Gunderson (2009) identities the key
policy questions in apprenticeship: the negative image of many apprenticeships; low
enrolment rates; low completion rates and long times-to-completion; concerns over gaps
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in the harmonization of standards across jurisdictions and its impact on restricting
mobility; lack of integration with the education system; difficulties for women in many of
the apprenticeship trades; difficulties in determining who should pay; and rigidities in the
system (p.4.). Sweet (2003) reports that “among the more salient criticisms leveled at the
apprenticeship system in Canada are the relatively high attrition rates and the very few
women who register as apprentices” (p. 260).
Despite a large increase in Canadian apprenticeship registrations over the past few
decades, the proportion of registered apprentices completing their programs has actually
fallen (Laporte & Mueller, 2010). While registrations in apprenticeship increased 52%
from 2000 to 2005, completions increased just 15% (Menard, Menezes, Chan & Walker,
2008). Sharpe & Gibson (2005) showed that completion rates do not seem to closely
follow the level of registrations; total registrations nearly doubled between 1977 and
2002, while completion rates have remained relatively flat.
Many studies have found completion rates in the Canadian apprenticeship system
to be alarmingly low. Sharpe (2003) reports that in 1999, overall completion rate in
Canada was 9.8%, which varies greatly across provinces and by trade. Completion rates
can vary considerably; apprentice completion rates are at their highest in mechanical and
industrial trades (between 50 and 60% for the most successful occupations) and lowest in
construction (less than 25% for many occupations) (Statistics Canada, 2010). Sharpe
(2003) also reported a significant increase in discontinuations, and an increase in length
of time to completion. Dostie (2010) and Prasil (2005) each found that about half of
apprentices completed the trade they first registered in, and almost half dropped out.
Similar numbers are also reported by Desjardins and Paquin (2010), and Morissette
(2008).
Conceptual frameworks for understanding apprenticeship retention
Scholars and practitioners have attended to the problem of retention and
completion in post-secondary education, given educational concerns and as a result of
increased pressures on post-secondary education systems. The mass expansion of higher
education has magnified the issue of student retention and persistence because funding
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the public post-secondary system is expensive; retention is often considered to be an
important aspect of system efficiency and accountability.
The terms “attrition” and “dropout” can be described as a student leaving an
educational program prior to completing their studies (Bean, 1980). “Retention” and
“persistence” while describing complementary meanings differ in terms of perspective;
retention refers to the holding power of the program or institution; persistence
emphasizes the behaviour of the learners (Clark, 1960). Retention typically focuses on
passing from one phase to another, as in semester-to-semester or year-to-year, while
persistence considers the student's ability to achieve their end goal, usually a credential.
Pascarella and Terenzini (1991, 2005) use the phrase "educational attainment" to capture
the variability of students' goals and the disconnection between retention and persistence.
In the education literature, major theories of post-secondary student retention or
persistence emphasize different aspects of the student-organization relationship; the more
involvement of students in the college, the higher likelihood of student retention (Astin,
1985); organizational attributes affect student satisfaction and persistence (Bean, 1980,
1982); adult students are affected by context more than academic issues (Bean and
Metzner, 1985); and finally, academic and social integration with a college improve
retention (Tinto, 1975, 1993).
The dominant models for studying student retention typically are grounded in
student-institution connections, either academic and social integration (Tinto, 1975,
1993) or student involvement (Astin, 1985). These theoretical perspectives were
developed primarily based on full-time, traditional-aged, residential students in four-year
American colleges. The focus for researchers has tended toward empirical examination
and theorizing of that traditional four-year university experience.
More recently, attention has turned to examination of non-traditional university
student retention as well as community college student experience, most predominantly
integrating these populations and their characteristics into existing conceptual models.
This is important as community college students are not impacted by the social
environment to the same extent or in the same ways as 4-year students (Bean & Metzner,
1985). Empirical tests of these models have not yielded strong support for their
application to American community colleges (Bailey & Alfonso, 2005) and research
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regarding the particular characteristics of community colleges and their students are still
neglected. Townsend, Donaldson and Wilson (2004) found that only 8 percent of 2,321
articles examining retention and persistence even mentioned community colleges.
Given that these models may not accurately consider the issues, experiences, or
behaviours of most community college students (Crisp & Mina, 2012), it is difficult to
generalize the definitions and measures developed for universities to community colleges
(Ashar & Skenes, 1993; Braxton, Sullivan, & Johnson, 1997). Wild and Ebbers (2002)
argue that although community college and university students have some commonalties,
their goals often differ, particularly as they relate to workplace skill development, a factor
important to understanding trades and vocational education in particular.
It has been suggested that focusing on a single measure of success, such as
retention, is problematic for community college students as these students can have a
diversity of goals, and models based on university conventions may not be suitable
(Bailey et al, 2005; Bragg, 2001; Wild & Ebbers, 2002). Crisp & Mina (2012) cite the
“lack of methodologically sound research being conducted at community colleges may
also be an important issue affecting retention” (p. 160). Other researchers elaborate on
reasons for this research gap: lack of resources in institutions, and a focus on practice-
based rather than peer-reviewed research (Bailey et al, 2004; Bailey & Alfonso, 2005) as
well as lack of data (Goldrick-Rab, 2010). Wild and Ebbers (2002) and Bailey and
Alfonso (2005) note this lack of research and theory building in community college
student retention.
Attempts to integrate vocational education and training (VET) and apprenticeship
specifically into these models particular have been limited. There is little conceptual
work that links the literature on post-secondary retention of community college students
with apprenticeship. Retention in apprenticeship is made additionally complex to
investigate, given its unique intersection between the labour market, employer
sponsorship, and institution-based training; that apprentices are working for employers
for the majority of their learning has implications when considering retention (Harris &
Simons, 2005). In thinking about the question of retention, Harris and Simons (2005)
consider ‘completion’ to be
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a process that is the collective responsibility of all key stakeholders within the vocational education and training system. In many respects, retention is one of the products to derive from a quality training system where an appropriate and realistic balance is achieved between the learning needs and aspirations of apprentices and the needs and expectations of employers and industry (p.363).
Further to the factors presented in the labour market and workplace component of
apprenticeship, the unique campus conditions, culture, curriculum, instructional staffing,
scheduling, and work load demands of the on-campus technical training of in
apprenticeship provide additional challenges to traditional frameworks of student
retention. One effort to address this gap is Harris and Simons (2005), who propose a
conceptual model of retention in apprenticeship that identifies aspects influencing
retention in apprenticeships and traineeships. This exploratory research is informed by
interviews of apprenticeship and traineeship participants in Australia; some of the factors
and relationships within this model could be tested empirically, given sufficient data.
Themes in the literature
(In the absence of specific conceptual frameworks for understanding issues in
apprenticeship, scholars and practitioner-researchers have drawn upon a number of
traditions and literatures to explore issues and patterns.
In the international literature, there is a focus on frameworks considering the
nature of workplace learning; a work environment in which employees feel they are
learning and growing is a key component of employee retention (Smith, Oczkowski &
Selby-Smith, 2008). Situating vocational learning as a social as well as a cognitive
process, and using ethnographic methods, Filliettaz (2010) focused on knowledge
transmission and transformation, and notions of transition and identity construction of
apprentices. This study and others (Fuller & Unwin, 2003; Sligo, Tilley & Murray, 2011;
Smith, Henry & Munro, 2002) draw upon Lave and Wenger’ s (1991) concept of
legitimate peripheral participation from cognitive anthropology, which situates learning
as a type of social practice, in which meaning is created through co-participation between
master and apprentice. Similarly, these and others use theory from Billett (1993, 1993b,
2001), who suggests that situated learning in the workplace is a function of participation
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in tasks with support and guidance from more skilled workers, and proposes that there are
three types of knowledge – procedural, propositional, and dispositional. The retention of
apprentices is dependent on both apprentice and mentor engaging in a discourse of
mutual understanding and co-participatory work practices.
Others focus on decision-making conceptual frameworks. Expectancy theory
(Vroom, 1964) explains the process individuals use to make calculated decisions on
various behavioral alternatives and is a theory of the process of motivation; it has been
used to undertake a comparative analysis of the work motivation and job satisfaction of
apprentices (McDermott, 2011). Career development literature provides some theoretical
perspectives for decision-making, however as Ericksen and Schulltheiss (2009) note,
there are few empirical studies of women and trades, and “early research with blue-collar
female workers lacked a firm theoretical base” (p. 84).
Other work in apprenticeship emerges from explorations of school to work
transitions. Canadian changes to policy and practice have included efforts to improve the
image, skills levels, and interests in trades certifications by focusing on secondary
students (CAF, 2004); one priority component of this pipeline are efforts to improve
knowledge of apprenticeship as a career option (CAF, 2004; Lehmann, 2000; Sharpe &
Gibson, 2005) and promomting dual enrolment for secondary school students (Brigham
& Taylor, 2006; Watt-Malcolm, 2011). The school-to-work framework has been
examined in international contexts by Masdonati (2010) in Swiss apprenticeships, Ertl &
Hayward (2010) in the UK, and Heckhausen (2002) in Germany, among others; A recent
comprehensive review of the literature indicates the level of international research
interest (Versnel et al, 2011).
Gunderson (2009) observes that apprenticeship training can be important in
facilitating the transition from school-to-work and in bridging the gap between school
and work, an important issue for policymakers given that these transitions are “especially
important since initial negative experiences in the labour market can foster a situation of
state-dependence” (p.4.). The school to work transition literature utilizes both economic
and sociological theory; Lehmann (2007) observes that the theoretical literature on
school-work transitions tends to follow two general themes: a human capital or rational
choice approach, both of which assume a relationship between education, cost-benefit
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calculations, and labour market outcomes; or a social-structural approach, which often
over-emphasizes the capacity of social and institutional structures to reinforce inequality
(p. 6).
In Canada, work has been undertaken in alternation education, or models of
education and training that alternate between in-class and work site experiences (Schutze,
2003), a particular form of school to work transition programming. However the most
predominant empirical approaches in the Canadian literature are grounded in economics.
Examples of this work include using analyses such as labour supply (Sharpe, 2003),
duration model/competing risks analysis (Dostie, 2010), comparisons of earnings in
Canada (Gunderson & Krashinsky, 2011; Sweet & Lin, 2000), employment outcomes
(Stoll & Baignee, 1997), estimating the economic returns to individual apprentices
(Boothby & Drewes, 2004; Boothby & Rowe, 2002; Ferrer & Riddell, 2002;) and their
employers (CAF, 2006).
In terms of understanding equity participation, there are descriptions of the
vocational workforce and registration in apprenticeship (Hulme, 2006; Skof, 1994;
Sweet, 2003;) and gendered experiences (Ericksen & Schultheiss, 2009; Fuller, Beck and
Unwin, 2005; Miller, 2005; Swan, 2005), as well as descriptions of a negative or hostile
work environment for equity group members (Berik & Bilginsoy, 2000; CAF, 2004;
Eisenberg, 1998; Hulme, 2006; Snell & Hart, 2008; Stoll & Baignee, 1997, Sweet &
Gallagher, 1997; Worthen & Haynes, 2003). Drawing from sociology, Sweet (2003)
examines these issues from a structure-agency and decision making perspective including
the complex social contexts for occupational choices of women and apprenticeship.
Factors found in the literature
Many factors believed to influence retention and completion in apprenticeship
have been identified in the literature, however much of impact of the complex
combinations of factors is unknown, or contested (Filliettaz, 2010). Most of the factors
identified to date fall into three main categories: labour-market and employment-related
factors, training-related factors, and personal factors. This section summarizes these
factors.
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Labour market and employment-related factors
It is widely observed that the apprenticeship training system is sensitive to
fluctuations in the economy (Gunderson, 2009). Stewart (2009) notes that the majority of
publications included in that literature review emphasized apprenticeship’s vulnerability
to variations in the business cycle and fluctuations in the economy. Statistics Canada
(2011) found some evidence of this phenomenon, in the decreases in the number of new
apprentices taken on by employers during economic slowdown and an increase in the
number of completers in economic uncertainty. Skof (2006) observed that the economic
downturn of the early 1990s caused a serious decline in the number of yearly
apprenticeship registrations. In instances of economic stagnation or recession, employers
are simply unable to take on additional workers, including apprentices. Moreover, the
fear of future economic instability may prevent employers from engaging in
apprenticeship education. Even if the economy is currently enjoying a period of growth,
future downturns will make it difficult for employers to provide appropriate support and
work-hours for their apprentices. As such, they may decline to take on apprentices at all
(CAF, 2004).
A lack of stable employment is an important factor influencing individual
retention as apprentices suffer from insufficient on-the-job training (CAF, 2004; O’Hara
& Evers, 1996; Prism, 2000; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005; Sharpe et. al., 2008). Stoll and
Baignee (1997), for example, found that 41% of male non-completers indicated that a
lack of work was their main reason for not completing their apprenticeship. The Canadian
National Apprenticeship Survey (NAS) in 2007 found that the top two reasons for
apprentice non-completion were insufficient work or income, and an offer of a better job
and similarly the British Columbia Labour Market Information (BCLMI) Committee
Apprenticeship Completion Project (2007) found that lacking required hours or
appropriate training sponsor was one of the top reasons for discontinuance. Stable
employment has been found to positively increase completion (Sharpe & Gibson, 2005).
Low wages is also seen to be a main factor in attrition (Bittman, 2007; Grey et al.,1999);
Gunderson (2009) reported that reluctance on the part of individuals to complete the
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program if their wages as a journeypersons upon completion are set “too high” so that
they may not be hired, or if they are set “to low” so the skill premium is insufficient to
offset the cost of completing.
The nature of the employer may impact apprenticeship completion. In Canada,
Dostie (2010) found that working in bigger firms increases the probability of completion
and decreases the probability of discontinuation; however, the impact is no longer
statistically significant for those working in very large employers, with more than 500
employees. Further, having multiple employers is found to have the unambiguous impact
of increasing the probability of extending the length of apprenticeship (Dostie, 2010), a
similar finding to Mangan and Trendle (2008).
Economic region is shown to have an effect, however the current research in
Canada exists only at the provincial level. Dostie (2010) found that apprentices in central
Canada or in BC are both more likely to complete and drop out than other parts of
Canada. Further, apprenticeship completion appears to vary according to individual
trades. Skof (2011) found differences across the four largest major trade groups in
patterns of discontinuation and completion. Dostie (2010) found that most trades
compared to construction have higher completion probabilities and lower probabilities of
dropping out; controlling for all other factors, building and construction are less likely to
complete.
Workplace or employer-specific factors or work place conditions contributing to
apprentice attrition were cited by a small number of respondents in the Canadian National
Apprenticeship Survey (2007), although there are difficulties with the survey that might
lead to under-reporting. This may be relevant to our understanding of the effect of
workplace climate on equity groups. Other research conducted in Australia investigating
the reasons for apprenticeship non-completion suggest that ‘job-related’ issues are among
the primary determinants. For example, being treated as cheap labour, the level of
pressure, and the prevalence of bullying, were cited by participants as driving factors
behind non-completion (Cully & Curtain, 2001). Similarly, Snell & Hart (2008)
identified an ‘unpleasant working environment’, including unsafe working conditions, as
the single most common reason for individuals withdrawing from their apprenticeship.
The authors also note that ‘problems with the workplace’ was the main source of
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dissatisfaction not only among non-completers but also among those who continued with
their training. A study that looked at non-completion in Scotland (Gallacher, 2004) found
that a non-supportive workplace was associated with non-completion; non-supportive is
defined as an environment in which employers did not give support, encouragement, and
time. European research found that apprentices interrupted their apprenticeship due to
poor working conditions, low support by trainers, and workplace relations as the main
causes for dropout; half of the apprentices reported conflict with colleagues or
supervisors, and complained about insufficient training opportunities in the workplace
(Lamamra & Masdonati, 2009). These results are consistent with Australian research
(Grey et al, 1999; Ray et al, 2000; Callan, 2000; Snell & Hart, 2008).
Supervision and mentorship are important factors. Although training is an
essential part of apprenticeship, a lack of supervisory or employer commitment is not
uncommon (Snell & Hart, 2008). In a study conducted in Britain, it was found that 17 per
cent of noncompleters reported having received no training, apart from ordinary work
supervision (Ryan, 2001). Even where training is provided, if apprentices perceive it as
low quality, this can result in attrition. Harris and Simons (2005) identified various
aspects of the quality of training which are associated with non-completion: lack of
relevance to the workplace, failure to offer something new to the apprentice, and lack of
qualified trainers both in relation to subject knowledge and capacity to train. Grey et al.
(1999) reported that insufficient training was cited by 45% of non-completers as being
one of the top three important factors in their decision to leave (the other two being low
wages (cited by 53%) and not getting on with their employer (cited by 44%). Specific
mentorship and role modeling has been reported as key by many (Fuller & Unwin, 1998,
2003; Green, 1998; Hafhoff & Kane, 1997; Keep, 2005; McIntosh, 2005; and Ryan,
1998, 2000).
Workplace culture may have an effect. A CAF report (2011) suggests that the
wide gap in age can create tensions and alienate apprentices; older journeypersons may
adopt supervisory styles that fail to motivate youth. Further, apprentices may feel
reluctant to take on journeyperson responsibilities or fear that they will lose jobs while at
technical training. In Australia, Cully & Curtain (2001), Grey et al. (1999) and Ray et al.
(2000) found, however "that it is aspects of the employment relationship, such as
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dissatisfaction with the workplace and 'the boss' rather than the training relationship,
which have the greatest impact on completion (ANTA 2002, cited by Snell & Hart,
2008). In Cully & Curtain's study (2001) a major contributing factor, close to 50%, for
leaving apprenticeship was being "treated as cheap labour". A Swiss study revealed the
“multiple and contradictory expectations set towards apprentices, in a context where they
are often considered more as workers than legitimate learners” (Filliettaz, 2010, p.151).
Apprentices value training and mentorship. The CAF report on apprentice
recruitment and retention (2011) cited survey results of Canadian apprentices, who were
asked to identify the top three most important features in an employer’s apprenticeship
program. The top characteristics were: journeyperson who has the willingness to teach
me (69 per cent), provides opportunities for potential career advancement (55 per cent), a
positive work environment (50 per cent), and offers a wide variety of work experiences
(43 per cent). Apprentices were also asked, other than offering competitive wages and
consistent work, what would encourage them to stay with an employer. They identified
the following: a positive work environment (42 per cent), quality training from
journeypersons (41 per cent), wide variety of work experiences (36 per cent), all of the
factors (33 per cent), and seeing a career path in the company (32 per cent).
Training-related factors
Apprenticeship delivery models have undergone experimentation and change in a
number of jurisdictions, given pressures for increased efficiency and productivity from
employers and governments. Employer concerns regarding apprentice release time for
classroom training have been reported as a factor in apprenticeship completion (CAF,
2004; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005; Stewart, 2009), including the disincentive for employers
for block release of apprentices. Given experimentations with alternative delivery
models, some limited research has been undertaken to determine if these differences have
an effect on completion. Coe (2011) found that contrary to some survey material he had
seen, block release technical training programs were associated with higher completion
rates than other forms of training delivery. Ménard et al (2008) and Dostie (2010) also
found a negative impact if the technical training is taken through day-released or self-
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paced models compared to block release, contrary to expectation. The British Columbia
Labour Market Information (BCLMI) Committee Apprenticeship Completion Project
(2007) found that reasons for non-completion were similar to the National
Apprenticeship Survey in 2007; however barriers to attending schooling (waitlists,
location, program, etc.) was one of the most frequent reasons at 8%, and difficulty
passing exam (final, Red Seal, Inter-provincial) was 4%.
There is some research on the effect of other aspects of the apprenticeship system
design. In Australia, Stromback and Mahendran (2010) found that apprentices working
under a group trainer have a distinctly lower probability of completing compared to those
doing an apprenticeship with a private or government employer. Mandatory certification
may have a positive influence on completion; Coe (2011) found a 10% higher completion
rate with mandatory certification apprenticeships, a finding shared by Canadian
stakeholders reporting in the NAF (2011) report. There is some suggestion that length of
apprenticeship does not matter; Coe (2011) notes that longer-term apprenticeships do not
have lower completion rates than shorter-term programs. In their longitudinal study of
apprentices 10 years later, Desjardins and Paquin (2010) found that there was little
difference in whether the program was two, three or four years long in terms of
percentages of those completing.
Finally, a lack of coordination of different functions within the apprenticeship
system has been reported as an issue by Canadian stakeholders (CAF, 2011). Issues
raised include financial impacts related to the technical training periods (e.g. delays in EI
benefits, tuition fees costs of tools, or books), perceived lack of follow up or guidance by
apprenticeship authorities, to understand the steps required to progress through the
apprenticeship system, inability to schedule technical training, and insufficient
journeypersons available to effectively fill the mentor role and to assist apprentices
with the workplace training portion of the program. Research from elsewhere suggests
that appropriate systems for the initial assessment of would-be apprentices (Hughes &
Monteiro, 2005) and close monitoring of apprentice progression (Maynard & Smith,
2004) are important factors.
Personal factors
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While different research efforts do suggest that various personal factors can be
found playing a role in attrition or completion, on the whole these personal factors have
not been found to be amongst the most significant.
Demographic figures in Canada are available through academic researchers as
well as through the National Apprenticeship Survey or Statistics Canada’s Registered
Apprenticeship Information System (RAIS). Nationally in Canada, the median age of all
those entering apprenticeship during the years 1994-2010 fluctuated between 25 and 31,
however overall the trend is upward. In 1994, only 10% were under 20 years of age
(Desjardins & Paquin, 2010); by 2009, only 4.4% of apprentices were under 20, and the
median age was 27 (Gunderson, 2009). There is some evidence that age plays a factor in
success and discontinuation. The National Apprenticeship Survey found that
discontinuers were more likely to be in the youngest age group: more than twice as many
discontinuers as completers (18% versus 7%) were under the age of 25 and these tended
to leave their programs early, and have a lower completion rate than any group from 25-
44 years of age. This was also found to be the case in Australia; Stromback and
Mahendran (2010) found that starting an apprenticeship below Grade 12 completion
increases the likelihood of non-completion and Snell & Hart (2008) found that those
under 25 or had left school before they completed grade 12 were less likely to complete
an apprenticeship. The CAF report (2011) argues that younger generations are more
likely to explore and reject job/career opportunities; moving onto other possibilities is
much more natural for this age group and is not perceived negatively. Further, entering
apprentices may have very limited experience working in the trades and may discover
that it does not suit them or they may be unprepared to deal with the technical training.
Youth struggle with career decision-making across many occupational areas.
Being female appears to have a positive influence on completion, even in the
context of lower participation rates. The National Apprenticeship Survey (2007) and Coe
(2011) both suggest that women apprentices have more success reaching completion
regardless of their smaller numbers in apprenticeship overall. The profiles of apprentices
showed a much higher completion rate for women when compared with their male
counterparts (Coe, 2011; Ménard, et al., 2008).
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In terms of other equity considerations based on known demographic
characteristics, Dostie’s (2010) empirical results are mostly consistent with those
published elsewhere (Laporte & Mueller, 2010, and in the United States, Berik, Bilginsoy
& Williams, 2011); having a disability has a statistically significant decrease on the
probability of completion. Immigrant and aboriginal apprentices are also less likely to
complete their apprenticeship. Having young children, under the age of 18, also decreases
both the probability of completion and discontinuation. The sole positive impact found in
that study on probabilities of completion comes from marital status; married apprentices
are 9% more likely to complete. The CAF report (2011) found that very few
discontinuers stopped their apprenticeship as a result of family issues, harassment or
conflict at work, although this does conflict with previous research and under closer
examination, it may be found that equity groups may have different results.
The National Apprenticeship Survey (2007) undertook comparisons between
groups of apprentices based on demographic information. Men and women discontinuers,
for example, were different in a number of respects; about 13% of women but only 2% of
men cited family and personal reasons for discontinuing their programs. Approximately
6% of women discontinued their studies because of harassment or discrimination,
disputes or conflicts at work compared with only 2% of men. A higher proportion of men
than women (16% versus 10%) discontinued because there was insufficient work or
income. Men were twice as likely as women to have received a better job offer (10%
versus 5%). Aboriginal apprentices and all of the other apprentices were compared,
revealing some differences. Nearly 20% of Aboriginal apprentices, compared to 16% of
others, said that they discontinued their program because of insufficient work or income,
and family and personal issues were also more predominant among Aboriginal
apprentices (7% versus 3%). When compared to others, landed immigrants were
somewhat less likely than other discontinuers to cite not enough work or income (12%
versus 16%), to have received a better job offer (8% versus 10%), or to have disliked the
work or working conditions (5% versus 8%).
On the whole, the evidence seems to overwhelmingly suggest that prior education
positively affects completion rates in apprenticeship. Canadian empirical research by
Dostie (2010) shows a pretty strong positive relationship between education and the
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probability of completion. He estimated that apprentices with more education pre-
apprenticeship are much more likely to complete; an individual who has completed high
school is 44% more likely to complete than an individual whose higher education level is
less than high school. International research confirms higher prior levels of schooling are
associated with higher probability of completing the apprenticeship requirements (Bessey
& Backes-Gellner , 2007, 2008). In their study of factors leading to apprenticeship
completion in Australia, Stromback and Mahendran (2010) found that the largest, most
clear-cut effect was having completed a pre-apprenticeship program. Focusing on
academic preparedness in particular, Stewart (2009) found that many studies suggest that
a significant proportion of apprentices lack important literacy, numeracy, and workplace
skills, and therefore are ill-prepared for entry into employment (CAF, 2004; Lehmann,
2005; Sharpe & Gibson, 2005). These may be barriers to gaining or keeping employment
as well as completing technical training aspects of the apprenticeship. The CAF report
(2011) suggests aversion to exams or exam-anxiety either during technical training or
during the Certificate of Qualification exam may lead some people not to complete,
however it must be noted that there is little research to investigate this idea. The CAF
report argues that older apprentices may have been away from a school environment for a
long time and may be fearful that their classroom skills are inadequate, with weaknesses
in math, literacy or other basic skills. It is suggested that some apprentices may be unsure
about where to go for help or do not want to admit they have weaknesses in these areas.
Another factor approached in a number of ways is that of ability, a factor that may
be very important but has tended to be difficult to incorporate into empirical analyses.
Often ability, or other forms of personal agency or human capital, is represented in
analysis by the highest education level completed before undertaking the apprenticeship.
Dostie (2010) attempts to determine the effect of ability using GPA, which does seem to
be linked to apprenticeship completion, but the magnitudes of impact are relatively small
compared to level of previous education.
Several Canadian provinces developed high school apprenticeship programs
beginning in the 1990s to address skills shortages and to facilitate transitions from school
to work; programs in Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario allow secondary students to
undertake apprenticeship training through dual enrolment (Schuetze, 2003; Stromback &
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Mahendran, 2010). Canadian studies are scarce, and are not encouraging; the largest
empirical effort, Dostie (2010), found that participating in a youth apprenticeship
program did not have an appreciative positive effect on apprenticeship completion. In his
discussion, he notes his surprise, given that youth programs ought to serve an important
function of providing knowledge and support to individuals for informed decisions about
apprenticeship before leaving high school. One case study in Ontario found that twenty-
five percent of students trying to enter full apprenticeship from their secondary school
apprenticeship program in Ontario failed to achieve adequate mathematics and other
academics levels; this is attributed to the problematic division within high school
curriculum whereby technical courses tend to be seen as primarily “hands on” and for
low achieving students while academic courses are seen as primarily “conceptual” and
for more academically-able students (Taylor & Watt-Malcolm, 2007). International
research on youth apprenticeship programming provides similar results. An extensive
review of the history, development, and implementation of career, tech prep and youth
apprenticeships program in the United States concluded that deficiencies in academic
skills indicate “little chance for widespread adoption” (Lewis, 2008). This may be partly
a result of youth apprenticeship programs being targeted to at-risk students, who have a
greater risk of incompletion in the first place.
Trades exploratory programs are another innovation adopted in Canada developed
to address equity considerations, skills shortages, and to facilitate career decision-making
with populations such as women, who historically lacked sufficient exposure to make
informed decisions to enter trades occupations. There have been many initiatives in
which the supportive and exploratory elements of the programs were shown to be
effective, providing supportive hands-on technical training with personal and professional
development and career decision-making. These programs have been promoted and
endorsed in many reports, provincially and nationally and shown to be of value (Boyce,
2011; Ericksen & Schultheiss, 2009; Youhn, 2003). This is seen to be a particularly
important strategy to diversify entrants into apprenticeship, as well as to address
improved career decision-making given the increasing lack of technical literacy in young
people. Most recently, exploratory programs are encouraged in a report from the
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Canadian Apprenticeship Forum (2011), which recommended ensuring access to
exploratory career programs for these compelling reasons:
…these programs can give candidates some exposure to the structure and requirements of the workplace prior to starting their first job. Candidates need to know what the work conditions will be like on-the-job so they can be prepared. For example, the work may be outside or, at the beginning, may involve some repetitive tasks. A better understanding of the requirements and the nature of the work upfront can avoid entrants being misinformed and leaving the program because it was not what they expected. This preparation is especially important given that fewer individuals are exposed to the trades at home and at school. It can be beneficial to have employers involved in these programs so the candidates produced will meet their needs and the employers will want to hire them.
A factor commonly identified by practitioners and discussed by researchers is the
identified need for information advice and guidance to potential apprentices, such as
information about the demands of the apprenticeship before enrolment, and clearly
signaling progression routes to the apprentice (Hughes & Monteiro, 2005). Although it
should be cautioned that better information may not in and of itself be a major factor;
higher levels of prior education or experience are potentially creating conditions for
better decision-making behaviour (Bessey & Backes-Gellner, 2007). Further, impacts of
marketing efforts have not been found to be large; advertising, media campaigns, print
and on-line information, and job postings were not strong factors, reported by only 4% to
5% of each group in the BC overview of the National Apprenticeship Survey (Ménard,
Chan, & Walker, 2008). Most apprentices appear to make their career decisions primarily
through advice or inspiration from family members, friends, employers or co-workers in
the trade.
Support networks make a difference to retention and completion in
apprenticeship, and these support networks can emerge from various sources. In Canada,
Dostie (2010) found that having parents or relatives in the same trade seem to increase
the probability of being retained or completing apprenticeship. In other research,
participants were more likely to succeed in those programs that actively encouraged the
development of supportive workplace networks (Harris & Simons, 2005). A
comprehensive British study (Hogarth et al, 2009) found that employers and training
providers that provide both ‘pastoral’ (meaning guidance, social, and counseling support)
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and academic support are more likely to achieve higher completion rates. The authors
note that, for example, some people struggle to make the transition between school and
work; where this is closely managed by employers and training providers through the
provision of appropriate supports, the greater the likelihood that the young person will
complete.
Unions are also a important potential source of network support, however there
are conflicting data on the relationship between union membership and apprenticeship
completion. Dostie (2010) in Canada found no impact of membership in a union on the
probability of completion of apprenticeship but a large positive impact (almost +30%) on
the probability of discontinuance. This result is opposite to the one obtained by Bilginsoy
(2003) in the US, which Dostie suggests could indicate that, in Canada at least, unions act
as barriers to entry to certain specific trades. In other research Bilginsoy (2007)
emphasized the role of union involvement in diminishing the probability of dropping out,
and found that construction union training had a favourable impact on both women’s
entry into and completion of apprenticeship as indicated by previous research. In that
research, it was found that apprentices registered in union-contractor programs are almost
three times more likely to complete than those in unilateral contractor programs which
are, symmetrically, more likely to cancel (Berik & Bilginsoy, 2006).
Conclusions and implications
There are remaining questions about apprenticeship requiring further empirical
research. Canadian research of the VET or apprenticeship system is hindered by a
number of factors, including availability of data, including gaps in general descriptive
statistics on the apprenticeship pipeline. Sharpe and Gibson (2005) note that the lack of
data prevents a discussion of the integration of first nations, visible minorities and
disabled workers into the apprenticeship system. In term of factors influencing
apprenticeship retention, Gunderson (2009) identifies a significant gap in understanding
possible causal determinants, particularly analysis that estimates the impact of each factor
while controlling for the effect of other determinants, as well as examining question of
determinants of time-to-completion (such as the effects of various design features of the
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apprenticeship system). To this end, I offer a few observations and recommendations for
future work.
In order to more successfully inform discussion and understand retention and
success in apprenticeship, researchers need to settle on common definition for
calculations of completion rates. There are inconsistencies and weaknesses in current
approaches. For example, the definition of completion rate used by Statistics Canada is
the ratio of the number of completions of apprenticeship programs to the total
registrations in a year (registrations at the start of a year and new registrations). The
stated advantage of this “mechanical” methodology is that rates can be calculated by
province and by trade for long periods of time, using simple, aggregated administrative
data (Sharpe, 2003). However, this approach is inconsistent with analytic approaches
accepted within educational research, which emphasize cohort analysis, instead of the
rate of “throughput” of the training system; as Sharpe (2003) rightfully observes,
unfortunately, there are few cohort-tracking studies of the Canadian apprenticeship
system (p. 252). This analytic stance emerges from, and reinforces, an economic and
workforce perspective of the apprenticeship system rather than viewing it as an
educational system. The literature in Canada tends to reflect this through use of economic
rather than educational research strategies in policy-analytic studies.
A challenge in turning to the post-secondary literature for guidance on conceptual
as well as analytic guidance is that it has a tendency to define retention according to
models based on tradition four-year degree completion, and therefore is not sensitive to
the different character of apprenticeship. In discussing community colleges, Walleri
(1981) suggests that measurement of success and retention can be meaningful only in
terms of student objectives; this notion is important to consider, given that the goals and
objectives of apprentices are largely unaccounted for in the literature on apprenticeship
completion and given the known high levels of delayed completion, and of real attrition.
Defining those goals is a much greater challenge than simply tracking completion
rates, however it is an important one given existing research points to a “fluid and non-
linear path” through apprenticeship (Empey, 2010); this report suggests that the concept
of “withdrawal” or “non-completion” is not well defined, that experience shows that
former apprentices were inconclusive in their accounts of their career paths, and argued
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that it makes more sense to characterize apprentice experiences as “delays” rather than
departures.
Empey (2010) argues that this reframing of the retention problem is key, as it
emphasizes a vital aspect of analysis: employers. Given all the forces which impact the
labour market conditions of apprentices, such as business cycles and market forces
apprenticeship is a process that often deviates from the plans set out for Red Seal trades. Market forces alter the work experience and training needs so that the apprentice is delayed on the path to obtaining a Red Seal endorsement. These delays may have negative or positive impacts on the career prospects for the apprentices and may help or hinder the workplace experience of employers. In any case, the focus shifts from “non-completion” as a problem to managing technology, cycles and other workplace factors as a part of change in apprenticeship (Empey, 2010, p.5).
Similarly, Gunderson (2009) finds that apprenticeships in Canada tend not to involve
well-defined periods of time and the length of time-to-completion is very long and as a
result the concept of completion tends to be vague. Therefore, there is important work to
be undertaken to develop useful conceptual models and analytical frameworks to account
for the unique and complex paths apprentice experience in the lead to their certification.
78#,9:#;(there is little known about the ways in which individual apprentices
negotiate the various personal, learning, work factors and how those factors interact with
one another. Filliettaz (2010) asserts that it is
not sufficient to identify ‘causes’, ‘reasons’ and ‘factors’ leading to incomplete training pathways. Instead, there is a need for understanding the processes by which these causes and factors are being enacted in practice, how attrition is constructed in action, and how apprentices, trainers and workers are experiencing relational and practical issues when engaging into work. This requires a comprehensive explanation of the complex mechanisms by which apprentices learn through work as well as a better empirical knowledge about the actual conditions they face in the various contexts in which they are trained (p. 144). These particular situated contexts for decision-making (Perna, 2006, 2010) are of
critical importance in understanding individual persistence behaviours, as well as overall
patterns of access and retention within educational systems. Understanding these factors
and their interactions calls for both qualitative and quantitative approaches. It is
important to expand existing qualitative research with apprentices themselves; Gow,
Warren, Anthony & Hinschen (2008) report that there is little research on the processes
( -.(
involved in the apprenticeship system (Smith and Wilson, 2004), the experiences of
apprenticeships from the perspective of apprentices themselves (Vickerstaff, 2003).Good
examples include Masdonati, Lamamra & Jordan (2010), Taylor & Freeman (2011), or
Lehmann (2005). This research could build upon practice literature from stakeholders
(CAF, 2004) and complement the economic analyses identifying demographic factors as
negatively related to completion in apprenticeship (Berik, Bilginsoy & Williams, 2011;
Bessey & Backes-Gellner, 2007; Gallacher, 2004; Laporte & Mueller, 2010; Strombeck
& Mahendren, 2010). These might explore areas such as learning and identity (Filliettaz,
2010), the role of pastoral care and psychological variables in the employer-apprentice
relationship (Smith, Walker, & Kemmis, 2011) or coping style (Renk & Creasey, 2003),
to gain a deeper understanding of the decision-making dynamics involved with
persistence or attrition.
Finally, given that apprenticeship is an active area for policy development and
innovation, there is some urgency to address the remaining questions as to the appropriate
conceptual framework(s) for understanding the trades education pipeline, and the factors
affecting retention and completion for all apprentices and equity groups in particular.
Current government strategies for addressing skills shortages include immigration and
developing new entrants to the workforce, including youth; there is much work to be
done to ensure that these strategies are informed by quality research to support optimal
success for these individuals.
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