1
You see it in hot, dusty and desper- ate slums like Carrefour, where the damage caused by the magnitude 7.0 quake is slowly dissolving into the ur- ban decay caused by decades of abject poverty. Some see the widespread destruc- tion as an opportunity for a historic re- birth. Haiti, after all, was once the rich- est French colony in the Americas thanks to its sugar, coffee and indigo dye industries. But I wonder instead if these are the final days of a country on its deathbed. I have never witnessed the death of a nation, but I would imagine that it looks something like the trauma Haiti is going through. The way Haitians and foreign aid workers describe it, the recent earth- quake that brought the country to its knees may just be the opening act. Many more crushing blows could strike later this year. For starters, heavy rain will pelt the island in the coming weeks. “When the rains come, the streets are like the sea. There’s water everywhere,” said my driver, Mr Gean Sonny Lafable, 35. The rain is expected to loosen and bring down whatever buildings the earthquake failed to destroy. The wa- ters would also accelerate the spread of diseases among an already shell-shocked population. And if the hurricane season be- tween June and November turns out to be as destructive as the ones in recent years, all current efforts to provide Haitians with temporary shelter and clean water would be for naught. In the face of all this, Haiti has no functioning government or central au- thority beyond the veneer of control imposed by the massive United States military presence. Ordinary Haitians say they expect a two-year wait before an election can be held to pick a new government – that is, if public anger over the incom- petence of the surviving leaders does not explode into street violence and an- archy. “All the ingredients for violence are piling up day after day,” Mr Marc Bazin, a former Haitian prime minister and presidential candidate, told The Straits Times. “The government seems to be counting on the international commu- nity to keep the people quiet. But they are wrong because beyond a certain point, there is nothing. People will come looking for (the Haitian lead- ers).” What happens then? Would there be a revolution? Will Haiti turn on it- self in one final act of destruction? “We have seen traces of civilisa- tions that have perished,” added Mr Bazin. “So if civilisations could die, then a country could die as well. It’s a horri- ble scenario, but we’ve got to integrate that scenario into what’s possible.” Existential crisis HAITI has been held back from a total collapse thus far by the massive injec- tion of international aid and the pres- ence of about 20,000 US troops. Many, however, wonder how long this effort can be sustained. Even though President Barack Obama has pledged to mobilise “every element of (US) national capacity” to help Haiti, it is lost on no one that he is already waging two expensive wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and strug- gling to contain runaway government spending. Yet, it is a problem from which Mr Obama cannot walk away. A total collapse in Haiti would prompt refugees to flood the US. More worryingly perhaps, it could turn Haiti into the Yemen or Somalia of the Caribbean, a safe haven for ter- rorist groups right on the doorstep of America. Some, including ordinary Haitians themselves, have suggested that Wash- ington should go all the way and take over Haiti entirely. There is a histori- cal precedence, given that the US occu- pied Haiti between 1915 and 1934. “Haiti needs a strongman now,” said Mr Peter Doceis, 55, a street ven- dor. “The US should just take over. If not, maybe China or Russia. We are not afraid.” The more likely outcome, I suspect, is one where Haiti languishes in an ex- istential limbo: neither strong enough to stand on its own feet nor strategical- ly important enough to be swallowed up by a major power. It is an ignominious fate for a na- tion that in 1804 became the first Lat- in American country to gain independ- ence, and the first to do so from a suc- cessful slave revolt. “Haiti never gets a chance,” said Mr Chad Snyder, 33, an American mis- sionary whose family ties with Haiti go back 40 years. “Every time things are about to look up, bam, they are hit with some new trouble. I didn’t think things could get any worse, but here we are.” The crossroads DESPITE all the despondency, Mr Aar- on Nelson, a Haitian chef and evange- list, is not about to give up just yet. He is hoping to tap into the outpour- ing of international goodwill to help build a better future for the weakest lot in Haitian society: the orphans. On an empty 1.2ha plot of land in ru- ral Gressier, a two-hour drive west of the capital Port-au-Prince, he hopes to build an orphanage for 200 chil- dren, and eventually a school for about 400 students. “I chose this place because I want the children to be far away from all the craziness in the city,” Mr Nelson said on Jan 24 when he brought me and two volunteers from a Singapore relief mis- sion to the site of his dreams. “This is where I hope they realise their aspirations. Maybe one day, the president of Haiti will come from here.” Realising this vision will not come cheap. He has paid US$38,000 (S$53,400) for the plot of land, but would need another US$400,000 just to build the orphanage. The Singapore volunteers from non-profit organisation CityCare said they would study Mr Nelson’s plans to see if they could help raise funds. Giv- en the millions of dollars in donations being raised for Haiti around the clock, Mr Nelson will have no shortage of al- ternative venues for funds as well. While no one doubts that the out- pouring of global compassion can be channelled for positive projects like Mr Nelson’s, there are concerns none- theless that it would worsen the atti- tude of dependence that is already prevalent in Haitian society. Said Mr Snyder, the American mis- sionary: “Over the years, people keep giving food and money but they don’t teach the Haitians how to do things for themselves. “Now that you have aid and money pouring in on such a large scale, I’m not sure how you are going to reverse that mindset.” On a broader level, there are also questions about how the hundreds of millions of dollars pledged to Haiti would eventually be administered. Would the elite exploit the situation for their own gain? Can the poor and those without a voice in the political system get a fair share? Mr Bazin, the Haitian politician who is also a World Bank expert on de- velopment issues, said the country needs to convene a major conference where all the key actors can get togeth- er to resolve these issues. “Unless we Haitians can sit togeth- er and agree on the minimum that has to be done, to reflect better the social fabric, the money we are getting from the international community is going to go nowhere,” he added. “People should be made aware that we are going down the drain. We need to get on another path, a better path.” But who would provide the leader- ship at this crucial hour? So far none of Haiti’s economic or political elite, safely ensconced in their expensive houses high above the ruins of Port-au-Prince, has stepped forward. There is widespread talk of a reli- gious revival in Haiti following the dev- astating earthquake. Perhaps the churches will emerge as a new force in Haitian politics. Half of Haiti’s 9.8 million popula- tion is under 20 years old, so maybe a charismatic young man or woman will rise up and answer the call. There are many questions in Haiti today, but few, if any, good answers. It is fitting then that I spent my week-long trip in a slum named Carre- four, which in French means “cross- roads”. This long-suffering country has nev- er been at a more critical juncture. [email protected] BY CHUA CHIN HON US BUREAU CHIEF BRIEF HISTORY Gained independence in 1804 after a successful slave revolt against the French. Oppressed by a long line of dictators even after independence, while repeated coups destabilised the country further. ECONOMY The poorest country in the Western hemisphere. Economy shrank by 0.2 per cent annually during the 1980s and by 0.4 per cent a year in the 1990s. Has one of the highest rich-poor gaps in the world. The richest 1 per cent own nearly half the country’s wealth. More than two-thirds of its labour force do not have jobs. POLITICS Suffered 32 coups in its 200-year history. The military was disbanded in 1994 to prevent further coups. Remains unclear when the country will be ready for fresh elections. POPULATION Grew from five million to nine million in recent decades despite a shrinking economy. Half the population is under the age of 20, and illiterate. Eight in 10 live in poverty. HEALTH More than half of Haitian children are malnourished. General population has limited or no access to clean drinking water. About 5 per cent of adults infected with HIV. Source: World Bank, CIA World Factbook Haiti has long been a tinderbox of socio-economic and political tension. Some fear the recent earthquake might ignite this explosive mix, and spark open violence and anarchy. A quick glance at some key indicators: 2 /3 of labour force do not have a job A labourer building a simple tomb in a cemetery on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince. A proper burial like this has become something of a luxury in Haiti, given the massive death toll from the earthquake. Many bodies are being dumped into mass graves or remain buried under the rubble. like a permanent haze. You smell it in the air while walking past collapsed buildings and houses, under which dozens – if not hun- dreds – of bodies remain buried since the Jan 12 earthquake. A child at the Notre Dame de la Nativite orphanage in Port-au-Prince last week. Generations of Haitians will be shaped by how the country responds to this disaster. ST PHOTOS: CHUA CHIN HON As Haiti tries to pick up the pieces after the devastating quake on Jan 12, what lies ahead for the stricken Caribbean nation? A chance for a historic rebirth or a country approaching its final days? The Straits Times spent a week on the ground in Haiti. Death looms over Haiti world international THE STRAITS TIMES MONDAY, FEBRUARY 1 2010 PAGE A14
