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Declaration of Jaime Blanco Maya I, Jaime Blanco Maya, declare under penalty of perjury of the laws of the United States of America and the State of Alabama, that: 1. I am over 18 years of age, am of sound mind, and have no disabilities that would prevent me from providing the truthful facts based on my personal knowledge that are in this Declaration. I do not speak English fluently so I have provided this Declaration in Spanish, my native tongue, and I understand that it will be translated to English to be used in the federal District Court in the State of Alabama for a case against the Drummond Company for human rights violations committed in Colombia. 2. I make this truthful statement voluntarily, despite my knowledge that doing so is against my personal interest. I am confessing to conspiring with others to participate in very serious crimes. Additionally, there is no doubt that through this declaration, I am exposing myself to great risk by linking very powerful people to serious crimes. These people, in the context of Colombia, will not hesitate to use violence and threats against me and my family to silence me, or kill me. 3. I am currently imprisoned in La Picota Prison, outside Bogota, Colombia. I was arrested on charges that I collaborated with members of the United Self- Defense Forces of Colombia (hereafter “AUC”) to execute the union leaders at the coal mine owned and operated by the Drummond Company Ltd. near La Loma, in Cesar Province, Colombia. I am in the process of defending myself against those charges. 4. I was born fifty-eight years ago in Valledupar, in the Department of Cesar, Colombia. I am a specialist in managing institutional cafeterias, and received specialization from the Externado University of Colombia. I also studied English in a program for executives at the University of West Virginia, in 1999. 5. I was born to a regionally and nationally well-known family. My half-brother Edgardo Maya Villazon was the Attorney General for eight years. I also have relationships with the other powerful families of Valledupar. Valledupar is a small town where people who move in the same social circle all know each other and are friends. I personally knew Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, who became Commander of the Northern Block of the AUC, and went by the alias “Jorge 40”. He was a rancher in the region and a union leader. Before becoming a paramilitary leader, he held municipal positions in the mayor’s office of Valledupar, such as the secretary of office. Tovar Pupo and I attended the Carnival festivities and New Year's Eve parties at the Club Valledupar together. I also know and have been friends with Alfredo Araujo Castro since our childhood when we studied together in Elementary School at Sagrado
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Page 1: Declaration of Jaime Blanco Maya - IRAdvocatesiradvocates.org/sites/default/files/10.14.11... · banana zone of Santa Marta when I came into contact with the construction company,

Declaration of Jaime Blanco Maya

I, Jaime Blanco Maya, declare under penalty of perjury of the laws of the United States of America and the State of Alabama, that:

1. I am over 18 years of age, am of sound mind, and have no disabilities that would prevent me from providing the truthful facts based on my personal knowledge that are in this Declaration. I do not speak English fluently so I have provided this Declaration in Spanish, my native tongue, and I understand that it will be translated to English to be used in the federal District Court in the State of Alabama for a case against the Drummond Company for human rights violations committed in Colombia.

2. I make this truthful statement voluntarily, despite my knowledge that doing so is against my personal interest. I am confessing to conspiring with others to participate in very serious crimes. Additionally, there is no doubt that through this declaration, I am exposing myself to great risk by linking very powerful people to serious crimes. These people, in the context of Colombia, will not hesitate to use violence and threats against me and my family to silence me, or kill me.

3. I am currently imprisoned in La Picota Prison, outside Bogota, Colombia. I was arrested on charges that I collaborated with members of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (hereafter “AUC”) to execute the union leaders at the coal mine owned and operated by the Drummond Company Ltd. near La Loma, in Cesar Province, Colombia. I am in the process of defending myself against those charges.

4. I was born fifty-eight years ago in Valledupar, in the Department of Cesar, Colombia. I am a specialist in managing institutional cafeterias, and received specialization from the Externado University of Colombia. I also studied English in a program for executives at the University of West Virginia, in 1999.

5. I was born to a regionally and nationally well-known family. My half-brother Edgardo Maya Villazon was the Attorney General for eight years. I also have relationships with the other powerful families of Valledupar. Valledupar is a small town where people who move in the same social circle all know each other and are friends. I personally knew Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, who became Commander of the Northern Block of the AUC, and went by the alias “Jorge 40”. He was a rancher in the region and a union leader. Before becoming a paramilitary leader, he held municipal positions in the mayor’s office of Valledupar, such as the secretary of office. Tovar Pupo and I attended the Carnival festivities and New Year's Eve parties at the Club Valledupar together. I also know and have been friends with Alfredo Araujo Castro since our childhood when we studied together in Elementary School at Sagrado

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Corazon de Jesus School. As adults we were in the same social circle, and were together at many social gatherings. When I got the food contract with Drummond, Araujo was one of the people who recommended me for the job. Our offices were located on the same floor of Drummond’s office buildings in Valledupar and we saw each other and spoke daily. Also, our homes were across from each other in Valledupar.

6. The families of Alfredo Araujo and Rodrigo Tovar Pupo were also very close. Rodrigo Tovar and Alfredo Araujo attended the same meetings and social gatherings that I attended. Our families know each other as well. Our wives and our children are all friends. We were all within the same powerful social circle that continues to control the city of Valledupar.

7. Valledupar is one of the areas that was at the center of the civil conflict between the government of Colombia and the main guerilla groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (hereinafter “FARC”) and the National Liberation Army (hereinafter “ELN”). The AUC, which was formed to assist the Colombian military in this war against the guerilla, began to have a major presence in Cesar in 1996.

8. I first began to work indirectly for Drummond in 1993. I was living in the banana zone of Santa Marta when I came into contact with the construction company, Norberto Odebrecht, a Brazilian company that had won the bid to build the port of the multinational Drummond Company. In January 1994, I acquired the contract to provide food to the workers as well as the executives of said construction company. These services were provided inside the facilities of Drummond’s port. In carrying out this contract, I began to provide food to the staff of Gecolsa (the Colombian representative for Caterpillar Co.) company in charge of providing equipment and machinery to the multinational Drummond.

9. As a result of my work, I received the food, laundry, and cleaning services contract with Gecolsa in the Privenow mine owned by Drummond in the municipality of La Loma in mid-1995. The camp where my company provided these services was called Rancho Pelu. In carrying out this contract with Gecolsa, I met and established relationships with some of the Americans who worked for Drummond. I had a very close relationship with Scotty Elmore, the first director of the mine, and D.L. Loeb, the first director of the operations, which covered the mine, port, and railroad operations. It was Loeb who helped me the most in building the company cafeteria and we were good friends. Later I was also friends with Joel Davis who was also a manager of the mine. Another American who supported me a lot was the camp director, Peter Caraveo. All of these Drummond managers had a close relationship with Jim Adkins, discussed further herein.

10. At the time I started working in La Loma, Drummond was constructing barracks or camps so that employees could spend the night inside the mining

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facilities. The construction caused clashes between Drummond management and the union that ultimately led Drummond to give up this project. From this point, it was clear that there was a bad relationship between Drummond management and the union Sintraenergetica, and Drummond had already accused the union of having links to illegal groups such as the ELN and FARC. Drummond management told me that the workers would not sleep inside the mine, and instead private sleeping quarters would be built in the municipality of La Loma. Consequently, Drummond needed a food contractor to build a food production facility with its own dining room for these workers. The manager of the mine during this time told me that because of the union’s affiliation with the extreme left, it was dangerous for these people to spend the night inside the mine where there was gunpowder and a large quantity of explosives was handled for the blowing up of raw material and subsequent extraction of coal. After Drummond called for a tender at the beginning of 1997 my company, ISA, and the company Alimentar from Medellin submitted bids for the contract. I won the bid easily not only because of my broad knowledge of the area but also because I had worked at Drummond’s port and for the joint venture, Odebrecht Conciviles, which built the railway between the Drummond mine and port. Alfredo Araujo had also recommended that Drummond contract ISA directly to provide food, laundry, and cleaning services for the workers of its mine at La Loma.

11. Drummond gave me a lot of financial support in building the food production facility. Drummond paid me every two weeks so that I had a constant cash flow, when contractors were normally paid after 60 days. Drummond also allowed me to charge a price that was between three to five percent higher than the market value to cover the costs for building material and equipment. At that time, the cost of construction of the production center, the equipment for the kitchen, cafeteria and remaining facilities, came to about $250,000 USD.

12. My contact in Drummond, who facilitated all of these benefits, was a United States citizen, Jim Adkins, the Head of Security of Drummond. I got to know Jim Adkins very well after I started my contract with Drummond.

13. At the time I started working in La Loma in the second half of 1996, Adkins was about 63 years old, with a robust complexion, light eyes, and was about 1.75 meters (5’9”) in height. Jim Adkins was a very friendly and cordial man, but he was ideologically identified with the extreme right. He told me that he was a former CIA agent and that he had previously worked for the Contras in Nicaragua. Adkins also told me that there was an investigation in Washington against him for human rights violations for his activities with the Contras in Nicaragua. Adkins was married to a woman named Pat, who was a former U.S. foreign diplomat. I believe she worked in the Puerto Rican and Brazilian embassies, and she spoke Spanish very well. They have two sons, who should have been about 13 and 17 years old at that time. In 1999, when I went to Morgantown, West Virginia to study English at the University of West

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Virginia, Adkins came to visit me. He lived about a three hours’ drive away, but he came to visit me for one weekend. I was in West Virginia in the summer of 1999, which was one of few summers when there were cicadas around that created an earsplitting scream. Adkins explained to me that this was a certain species of cicadas that only come out every 25 years.

14. Adkins had a lot of influence over the managers at the Drummond mine. He worked under direct orders of the company owner, Garry Drummond. He was also the one who served as my intermediary with the mine, to ensure that my needs were met. For example, Adkins, along with the Head of Mine Security, Ricardo Linero Gonzalez, ensured that I would be provided with security. This was necessary because there was a large guerrilla presence in La Loma, particularly the 41st Front of the FARC.

15. The AUC was founded as a response to the presence of guerrilla groups operating in the area. These guerilla groups prevented farm owners from getting to their land and harvesting their crops. The guerrilla kidnapped many people who traveled by the road, and forced others to make extortion payments to them. If the people refused to pay, the guerilla blew up their facilities and killed their livestock. The army’s actions against the guerrillas were insufficient to fight them; therefore the businesses and landowners in the region needed someone to defend their property. For this reason, paramilitaries, self defense groups, emerged as an ally to the army to fight the guerrilla. In late 1995 and early 1996, with the help of Jorge Gnecco, Salvatore Mancuso started organizing paramilitary groups in the region. In the first half of 1996, Rodrigo Tovar, alias Jorge 40, became involved with these groups and he was the one who commanded these groups in Cesar Department. I learned about this directly from Jorge Gnecco who was a friend and classmate. The mining companies, including Drummond, also supported the formation and expansion of these paramilitary groups for the same reasons - to protect their property and employees from guerrilla attacks. The guerrilla groups’ actions were common knowledge as there was not a sector of society that was excluded from the conflict, as everyone was subject to the FARC and ELN extortion. Because of my own business interests, I attended some of the formation meetings and welcomed this development to combat the guerillas.

16. The AUC formed in Cesar in the second half of 1996. For some reason, they were aware of my good relationship with Drummond executives, especially with Jim Adkins. Jhon Jairo Esquivel Cuadrao, alias “El Tigre,” was the commander of the AUC in the region and he asked me to be the intermediary between the AUC and Drummond. He was hoping that Drummond would financially support the AUC. At the time, I said that the appropriate person to contact would be Alfredo Araujo Castro. Alfredo, who still had a close friendship with Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, alias Jorge 40, El Tigre’s commander in the AUC.

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17. At a later meeting with El Tigre, he told me that if Araujo made a contract directly with Jorge 40, the money would go to the central coffers of the AUC, instead of to El Tigre’s troops, which operated in the area of Drummond’s operations. El Tigre told me that as area commander, he needed money directly from Drummond to buy weapons and expand his troops so that he could more effectively combat the FARC and other guerillas and drive them out of the area. I promised to discuss the issue with Adkins. I immediately passed this information to Adkins, and he told me not to talk to anyone about the matter and that he would deal with it directly when he talked to the owner of the company, Garry Drummond.

18. Adkins traveled to the United States every twenty to thirty days. Most often, he traveled to Alabama to the headquarters of the Drummond Company. During this time period, Drummond contracted a charter plane to transport executives from Birmingham, Alabama to Cartagena and vice versa. Adkins told me that every time he went to Birmingham he met with Garry Drummond to talk about security issues at the mine, the railroad line and the port. He also told me that Mr. Drummond was obsessed with knowing everything about how the paramilitaries operated in Colombia and that he got a lot of information from newspapers and the internet. Adkins told me that he would bring up the issue of collaborating with the AUC on his next trip. After two or three trips, he told me that he had raised the issue of funding El Tigre’s Front of the AUC and that Garry Drummond had agreed to the idea. Adkins thought it was impossible for Drummond to pay the AUC directly. As a result, we had to devise a strategy to make payments to the AUC through my company, ISA. Adkins said that the amounts Drummond paid the AUC through my company could not be exaggerated amounts. For this reason Adkins said that he would try to bring down money from Drummond in cash, to give to the AUC. He flew to Colombia on private flights from Alabama to Cartagena, and thought he would be able to bring up to $10,000 USD per flight. I agreed to this plan.

19. After Adkins told me of his plan to have Drummond financially support the AUC, I got in touch with El Tigre. He was a well known commander in the La Loma region, and he patrolled around the town. He operated openly, and the police let him pass through the area without any problem. On one occasion, when I was at the company cafeteria´s construction site, a representative of El Tigre arrived and I agreed to meet with El Tigre at the old cattle market facility under some leafy gum trees that are still there. I told El Tigre of the plan to provide El Tigre’s Front of the AUC, the Juan Andres Alvarez Front, 30 million Colombian pesos per month. Out of the monthly payments, 25 million Colombian pesos (which converted to dollars are roughly $13,000 USD) would be paid by Drummond, and 5 million Colombian pesos would be paid from my company, ISA. El Tigre thought that amount was sufficient since with that amount he could buy 4 rifles per month from an arms supplier from Ocaña, in the north of Santander Department. This arms dealer brought arms from Venezuela, and sold them for roughly 4 to 6 million Colombian pesos for each rifle, depending on market conditions.

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20. I let Adkins know that El Tigre was in agreement with Drummond’s proposal. When Adkins came back to Colombia from his next trip to the United States, he gave me $10,000 USD, which I personally gave to El Tigre. These funds were then passed to the AUC. This first payment was in complete according to our agreement.

21. The first monthly payment by Drummond of roughly 30 million Colombian pesos to the AUC was made, but during the first month Adkins told me that if in some months he could not bring the required cash, I should charge any funds that were needed to Drummond through ISA, by creating false charges or overcharging for services not provided. Adkins instructed me to send these invoices to a young man from Barranquilla named Rafael Quintero, who was in charge of signing the forms on which food services were charged to Drummond and provided to the contractors. I do not know if this man was ever aware of the irregularities in my bills to facilitate payments to the AUC. I believe that he still works for Drummond. From this moment on, Quintero signed my bills without any question or objection.

22. In this way, it was established that 5 million Colombian pesos would be paid monthly to El Tigre’s Front of the AUC by ISA, and another 25 million Colombian pesos would be paid by Drummond either with cash from Adkins or through ISA by overcharging Drummond for goods and services. I was always in charge of delivering this money to El Tigre directly, or to the person El Tigre designated to receive the funds. I recall that one of these representatives was known by the alias Amin.

23. In this way, Drummond made a monthly contribution to El Tigre’s Front of the AUC. I can provide the accounting records of my company that I have been able to recover, where I can show the part of payments I received from Drummond that was laundered through ISA to the AUC. Within ISA´s accounting there was a category called “miscellaneous” from which I took out approximately ten million Colombian pesos monthly in order to meet the monthly amount agreed upon with the AUC. I was also directed by Adkins to sometimes provide AUC troops with deliveries of food from my cafeteria. These deliveries were made in one of my trucks.

24. I can only speak in detail about the payments Drummond made to the AUC in which I took part, but I know that other Drummond officials arranged payments to the AUC directly with Jorge 40. I had information that the railroad paid another sum to the AUC for its protection, and that this contact was managed by the retired colonel, Jorge Garzon, head of security of the railroad line. Once, El Tigre told me that Jorge 40 received funding directly from Drummond, in order to provide security to Drummond’s railroad line. There was an agreement between Drummond and Jorge 40, and I understand that Jorge 40 used this funding to purchase weapons and military equipment for the Northern Block of the AUC, which he commanded. The 30 million Colombian pesos that El Tigre received were separate and were just for El

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Tigre’s Front of the AUC. Drummond financed El Tigre because El Tigre was the AUC commander in the region of Drummond’s mine and a large part of Drummond’s railroad. Drummond wanted a direct contact with the paramilitary commander in the region because it was an advantage to have the use of El Tigre and his troops at any moment.

25. Drummond manages four companies in Colombia that have independent administrations and financing. They are: the mine, where coal is produced; the transport company, owner of the railroad line; the port; and the trading company. Between 1998 and 2000, if I am not mistaken, there was an increase in dynamite attacks by the FARC and the ELN against the railroad line and trains, greatly affecting Drummond’s transportation infrastructure. Drummond was in a state of despair because the explosions were occurring with greater frequency each day. Adkins told me that as a result of these attacks, Drummond came into a direct arrangement with the AUC to provide security to the railroad line.

26. Adkins told me that colonel Jorge Garzon, head of security for the railroad line and one of the oldest employees of Drummond, had been authorized to make these payments to the AUC. Adkins told me that Garry Drummond had authorized these payments himself, in order to support the AUC in the Department of Magdalena and minimize these attacks by the guerrillas. He also said that Drummond was on the point of collapsing because, due to these attacks, they were not able to meet their customers’ demands for coal within the international market.

27. Colonel Garzon should have some of Drummond’s records within his personal accounts that show how these payments to the AUC were made. I know that Garzon should have these records because in approximately May of 2000, within the cash Adkins gave me for the AUC, he also gave me an envelope that had 10 million pesos, for me to deliver to the AUC and within this envelope there was a bank receipt in which appeared the record of a withdrawal of money. The bank receipt was from Jorge Garzon’s bank account.

28. Adkins and Garzon had a very close and trusting relationship. Their relationship was so close that when one of Garzon’s sons went to study in the United States, he stayed at Adkin’s house in West Virginia.

29. After around July of 2000, when El Tigre was captured in the Department of Cordoba, I continued making the payments from Drummond to the AUC. I delivered Drummond’s money to a lawyer who had a close relationship to the AUC, named Jose Alfredo Daza Ortiz, who then passed it on to the AUC. I continued to deliver Drummond’s payments to the AUC through Daza Ortiz until December of 2000. By that time, a new commander had been appointed to the region, Oscar Ospino Pacheco, alias Tolemaida.

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30. Jose Alfredo Daza Ortiz and Tolemaida were very close. They had several businesses in which they were partners or in which Daza Ortiz was listed as the owner when the true owner was Tolemaida. Daza Ortiz repeatedly told me that the Juan Andres Alvarez Front under command of Tolemaida received additional financing from Drummond apart from what I facilitated. I did not participate in or assist with these additional payments because I had a bad relationship with Tolemaida.

31. I did not have a personal relationship with Tolemaida, but every month I facilitated a payment of the 5 million Colombian Pesos to this AUC Front, which was what ISA paid. As was the case with El Tigre, these 5 million Colombian pesos paid through ISA were part of the 30 million Colombian pesos in total paid to Tolemaida by Drummond monthly. I made these payments to Tolemaida through AUC commander alias Adinael.

32. In sum, and to be clear, the system of payments I arranged between Drummond and the AUC, was implemented as follows: every month Drummond provided me with 25 million Colombian pesos, and my company, ISA, contributed another 5 million Colombian pesos, and I made the payment for Drummond and ISA every month as follows: from June or July 1997, the date of the first payment, until El Tigre was captured in July 2000, I went every month to a place on the highway between Bosconia and La Loma called Cuatro Vientos, which was a store with a restaurant, which was owned by Benedicto Estupiñan, who was murdered a few years ago in Modelo prison. This place was known as El Tigre’s office, and I would either pay him directly, or he would designate someone, usually “Amin”, to receive the funds. Once El Tigre was captured, he directed me to continue making the payments to Daza Ortiz, who met me at various places to receive the money. This arrangement continued until about January, 2001. I was then directed by the new AUC commander, Tolemaida, to make the payments to his man “Adinael.” This continued until about June, 2001, when my contract with Drummond ended.

33. Once, commander Tolemaida seized one of my vehicles that was used to deliver food. I had to go to the town of San Angel to meet with Tolemaida in order to get my truck back. He had kept the truck in order to try to pressure me to get more money from Drummond. I never trusted Tolemaida, so I never made these efforts on his behalf.

34. Both Adkins and Jairo Charris told me directly that Tolemaida was the one who ordered the murders of the Drummond union leaders on March 12, 2001. Of course, Jorge 40 would have had to approve any such operation.

35. The time leading up to the union murders was a very difficult time for Drummond. Their railroad line had been the target for guerrilla attacks and Drummond had to make agreements with the National Army for protection of the railroad. However, these efforts did not prevent the explosions of the

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railroad line. At a meeting I had with Adkins, he told me that money to fund the explosions of the railroad line came from the Drummond’ union’s funds. Adkins also told me that the Drummond union had ties to the ELN guerrilla group and the 41st Front of the FARC. He also said that once a union member had been robbed and 35 million Colombian pesos was stolen from him. I later learned through Jairo Charris that the robbery had been a set up and it was really a way to transfer money from the union to the guerrillas. Charris was employed by ISA in the security department.

36. Jairo Charris collected a lot of information about union activity through his work in ISA security. He then gave this information to both Jim Adkins and to the AUC Commander, Tolemaida, who had a good relationship with Charris. I also know that Adkins gave Charris gifts of money and other items, in return for the intelligence information that Charris passed to him. I didn’t like this arrangement but Adkins told me that this type of gift or bribe was necessary in order to get the required information.

37. During my time working with Drummond, I became very close and aligned with Drummond management. I ended up becoming good friends with Drummond Ltd. President Augusto Jimenez, Vice President Jose Miguel Linares, and I continued my close relationship with Director of Community Relations, Alfredo Araujo. I had a friendly and respectful relationship with them. Through these directors, I learned that there was a disagreement between the multinational corporation and the union, because of labor disputes. The directors told me that the union wanted to co-manage the mine, which would have been impossible for the multinational. On several occasions when Jimenez was in Valledupar we discussed this issue with other Drummond officials. As the ISA office is in the same building as Drummond’s offices, we often saw each other since Araujo also had his office in the same building. I do not remember the exact date, but in approximately 1999, Jimenez and some other Drummond officials told me that they viewed the union as a threat to Drummond’s objectives in Colombia, which were to extract 25 million tons of coal yearly. Drummond wanted to exceed the production of Cerrejon, Drummond’s main competitor.

38. I directly informed Drummond Ltd. Vice-President Jose Miguel Linares about the murder of the Drummond union leaders. It is clear that at least Drummond’s special services and security departments were involved in the murder of the unionists. Jim Adkins, Charris, and Drummond’s Head of Security, Luis Carlos Rodriguez were involved in planning and carrying out the murders. Luis Carlos Rodriguez was a retired military Colonol. It was Rodriguez who called Charris to let him know when the union leaders left the mine, so that Charris could then work with the AUC and carry out the murders.

39. Through testimony Peinado has given through the Justice and Peace process, I have knowledge that Tolemaida has pressued his former men to say that the

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death of the unionists was because of their leftist militancy, and there have been other versions; such as that the murders of the unionists was the result of a decision that came out of my alliance with Charris. I know this because people have testified to this in the Justice and Peace Process. The truth is that Adkins and Charris together made Tolemaida believe that the two union leaders were active members of Front 41 of the FARC, and they had to be killed for this reason. On several occasions I knew that Adkins and Charris met in the special services offices of the mine to plan what information that they would give to Commander Tolemaida, with the aim of causing the death of the Sintraenergetia leaders. Alias Peinado was a witness to these meetings and he has been convicted for his participation in the union leader murders. At that time Peinado worked at the ISA company cafeteria, which is how I knew him. The campaign to eliminate the union was so great that a year after the deaths of Locarno and Orcasita, Gustavo Soler, who had replaced Locarno as president of Sintraenergetica, was killed. AUC commander Omega carried out this murder. I know directly from Adkins, that Drummond could not let the union paralize coal production, because if this happened they would lose their international contracts if they were unable to deliver the coal promised. I was not present during any of the meetings when they planned the murder of the union members but I know about them from Charris and Peinado. I know that they met frequently to discuss the issue of the unionists.

40. After the union leaders were killed, I spent the next several months in very tough negotiations with Drummond regarding the termination of my contract, which was scheduled to end in 8-10 months. I attended many meetings with Drummond, in their offices in Bogota with the Drummond Ltd. President, Augusto Jimenez. At one of these meetings, Jimenez stated his satisfaction with the death of the union leaders as this solved a big problem for Drummond. At another time he voiced his concern about who would manage Drummond’s relationship with the AUC if I left. It surprised me that he would voice this concern to me directly. At that moment, I knew that I was acting as intermediary between Drummond and the AUC with the approval of both Garry Drummond and Augusto Jimenez.

41. A few days before this meeting with Augusto Jimenez, Adkins had told me that in a meeting he had held with Garry Drummond in Alabama, they had discussed the possibility of having me continue as a contractor for Drummond. Adkins told me that Gary Drummond had agreed to contract me not in food service, but in providing security and surveillance of the railroad line. Adkins told me that Gary Drummond had approved $600,000 USD as a compensation for the termination of my contract and payment for my real and personal property associated with the company cafeteria. Gary Drummond had told Adkins that with this $600,000 USD I could start a new company to provide security to Drummond’s railroad line. It was clear that Drummond saw me as an important ally because of my relationship with the AUC and my proven ability to get to the AUC the money paid by Drummond. Drummond did not want to lose me. As there were 200 km of railroad line between the

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Drummond mine and their port, the idea proposed by Adkins was that I could hire active AUC members to monitor the railroad line, and this would be another way to collaborate with the AUC. Drummond’s terms of terminating my contract to provide food services were also very favorable, and Drummond even paid an amount separate from the compensation given to the other ISA employees.

42. This offer from Garry Drummond could not be carried out due to the attack on the twin towers in the USA on September 11, 2001. While they still paid me the amount agreed of $600,000USD, after this attack, the AUC was designated a terrorist organization and Drummond wanted greater distance from the AUC in a new payment scheme. Adkins told me about this development in a meeting we had in Cartagena. I suggested to Adkins to look for another company that Drummond could use to continue launder money to the AUC.

43. By late 2001 or early 2002, while in Bogota, I got a call from Jorge 40, asking me to meet him in Monteria. I flew to Monteria, where a white jeep picked me up from the airport and took me to one of AUC Commander Salvatore Mancuso’s farms. The farm was located in Tierra Alta. At this farm I met with Vicente Castano, alias El Profe, and Jorge 40. Mancuso was also there. They told me that they had made a preliminary agreement with Drummond for funding but that the “sons of bitches gringos” were offering very little money. They said they had been offered 30 million Colombian pesos per month. Vicente Castano said that they couldn’t fight with these multinational corporations like Drummond, and he suggested to Jorge 40 that they try to negotiate for an amount of 50 million Colombian pesos instead. I was invited to this meeting in order to inform them of my experience in facilitating Drummond’s financing of the AUC in the past, because they did not know what amounts Drummond had been paying in the past. I took a flight back to Bogota the same day.

44. I do not know if this negotiation was successful but I later learned through Jorge 40 that the AUC was receiving money from Drummond through a new security company, Secolda. Jorge 40 told me that he was getting funding from Drummond when I later met with him in the Sierra Nevadas of Santa Marta (described below). Jorge 40 told me that the company, Secolda, was paid by Drummond, and that this money was then passed to the AUC. This company provided security to Drummond’s railroad line, and its director and owner is named Henry Echeverry. I knew from prior contracts with him that it was Augusto Jimenez’s idea to use Echeverry for this role.

45. Some time later in 2002, Adkins left Drummond to return to working with the CIA, relying on the U.S. Embassy in Bogota. In this role he also served as advisor to the Colombian Army at their Tres Esquinas Base. Adkins was staying at the hotel Embassy Suites, located on 70th Street, between Carreras 5 and 7 in Bogota. At many of the meetings I had with Adkins at this hotel, I met another U.S. Embassy official named Douglas Hewik. Hewik lived on

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74th Street above Carrera 7 in Bogota. I went there many times for social gatherings where we drank wine together.

46. I think that Hewik was a high level official in the Embassy at the time because when my and my family’s tourist visas to the United States expired, I gave Hewik our passports. Without having to go to the Embassy or submit any visa application, Hewik returned our passports with the visas renewed. This was in roughly July of 2002.

47. In the second half of 2002, I heard that the United States was seeking the extradition of Jorge 40. When this occurred, Jorge 40 called me requesting a meeting with Jim Adkins. Jim Adkins had no problem meeting with Jorge 40. We agreed to meet in Santa Marta. I drove to Santa Marta from Valledupar with my driver Enrique Oñate, and we picked up Adkins from the Santa Marta airport. A grey Toyota Prado then picked us up and took us to a site in the Sierra Nevada where Adkins talked with Jorge 40 for about four hours. I was not present during the whole conversation, but I did eat lunch with them. It seemed like Jorge 40 wanted to know what Adkins knew or could find out about his extradition request. Adkins agreed to investigate the matter. Over lunch Jorge 40 also asked me if I could find out what had happened to the payments from Drummond through Secolda, as he had not received what had been agreed upon for the last three months. I told Jorge 40 that I did not have access to this information, and he would have to speak directly with the security company, because Drummond had always met its promises to make payments.

48. A week after our meeting in the Sierra Nevada, Adkins called me and told me to tell Jorge 40 that the U.S. had no evidence against him.

49. As I have mentioned, I am currently imprisoned facing charges related to the murder of the president and vice-president of Drummond’s union. I gave testimony in 2001 to the Attorney General’s Office regarding these murders. Inexplicably, the investigating prosecutor exclusively took declarations of Drummond workers that were affiliated with the union. For this reason I met several times with the lawyer Jaime Bernal Cuellar, who was defending the interests of Drummond and with Jose Miguel Linares, the Vice President of Drummond in Colombia.

50. I told Linares about what I knew about the deaths of the union leaders, as described in this declaration. I also made an agreement with Bernal Cuellar that we would work together to protect ourselves and Drummond’s directors from the Prosecutor’s accusations. I also spoke about Drummond’s payments to the AUC with Bernal, and he told me that he already knew all about these payments.

51. I was arrested in September of 2010, and accused of being involved in the union murders. About two or three months after I was arrested, Bernal

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Cuellar came to visit me in prison to confirm that I was going to comply with our agreement. He never returned to visit me, so after a while, through my domestic partner, Gloria Patricia Ruiz Ballen, I was sent a lawyer through her office, Jasson Alexander Castro Andrade. This lawyer visited me on February 28, 2011, but I could tell that he did not have the expertise to represent me in my case, so I told him that I would only handle this matter with Bernal Cuellar. My domestic partner received a call from Bernal Cuellar saying that he was going to send a lawyer from his law firm to deal with the issue of the murder of the unionists. However, Bernal Cuellar never got in touch with me again.

52. This was the last contact I had with Drummond or any Drummond representative. I later learned that Drummond was manipulating facts blaming me for the union murders so that Drummond and Drummond directors would be exonerated.

53. This Declaration is based on my best recollection at this time. I am in the process of recovering all of my financial records and this will allow me to provide additional details.

Executed this 14th day of October, 2011, in the Picota prison, Bogota, Colombia.

(Signature illegible) ___________________________________________ Jaime Blanco Maya

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Declaraci6n de Jaime Blanco Maya

Yo, Jaime Blanco Maya, declaro bajo la pena de peljurio de las Leyes de los Estados Unidos de America y del Estado de Alabama, que:

1. Tengo mas de 18 afios de edad, me encuentro en mi sana juicio y no tengo incapacidad alguna que me impida proporcionar hechos ciertos basados en mi conocimiento personal, los mismos que estan contenidos en esta Declaraci6n. No hablo ingles con fluidez, raz6n por la cual me ha sido proporcionada esta Declaraci6n en espanol que es mi lengua nativa, y comprendo que esta Declaraci6n sera traducida al ingles para ser utilizada en la Corte de Distrito del Estado de Alabama en el caso que se lleva en contra de la Compafiia Drummond por violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidos en Colombia.

2. Realizo de manera voluntaria esta declaraci6n autentica pese a que estoy consciente que hacerlo va en contra de mis intereses personales. Adicionalmente, no cabe duda que a traves de esta declaraci6n me estoy exponiendo a un enorme riesgo por cuanto estoy vinculando a gente muy poderosa con la practica de delitos serios. Esta gente, en el contexto de Colombia. no dudara en utilizar la violencia y amenazas en mi contra y de mi familia en aras de silenciarme 0 matarme.

3. Actualmente me encuentro recluido en la Carcel de La Picota en las afueras de Bogota, Colombia. Fui arrestado bajo cargos de haber colaborado con miembros de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (de aqui en adelante referidas como las "AUC") para asesinar a Hderes sindicales de la mina de carb6n de propiedad de y operada por la Drummond Company Ltda. que se encuentra cerca de La Lorna en la provincia del Cesar, Colombia. Estoy en el proceso de defenderme de dichas acusaciones.

4. Nad hace 58 afios en Valledupar, Departamento del Cesar, Colombia. Soy especialista en el manejo de casinos institucionales con especializaci6n en la Universidad Externado de Colombia. Tambien estudie en un programa ejecutivo de ingles en la universidad de West Virginia, en 1999.

5. Naci en una familia muy reconocida a nivel regional y nacional. Mi medio hermano Edgardo Maya Villazon fue Procurador General de la Naci6n durante ocho afios. Tambien tengo relaciones con las otras familias poderosas de Valledupar. Valledupar es una ciudad pequefia en donde las personas que andan en el mismo circulo social se conocen y son amigos. Conoci personalmente al sefior Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, quien se convirti6 en el comandante del Bloque Norte de las AUC, y se conoda bajo el alias

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"Jorge 40". El era un ganadero de la regi6n y dirigente gremial. Antes de convertirse en un lider paramilitar, ocup6 cargos municipales en la Alcaldia de Valledupar, como secretario de despacho. Tovar Pupo y yo asistiamos juntos a las fiestas de carnaval y de fin de ano en el Club Valledupar. Tambien conozco a Alfredo Araujo Castro desde nuestra infancia cuando estudiamos la primaria en el Sagrado Coraz6n de Jesus. Ya como adultos andabamos en el mismo circulo social y compartiamos en muchas reuniones sociales. Cuando obtuve el contrato de alimentaci6n con Drummond, Araujo fue una de las personas que me recomend6 para el trabajo. Nuestras oficinas quedaban ubicadas en el mismo piso del edificio de las oficinas de Drummond en Valledupar y nos veiamos y conversabamos diariamente. Tambien, nuestras casas estaban una frente a la otra en Valledupar.

6. Las familias de Alfredo Araujo y Rodrigo Tovar Pupo tambien tenian relaci6n muy cercana. Rodrigo Tovar y Alfredo Araujo asistian a las mismas reuniones que yo asistia. Nuestras familias tambien se conocen. Nuestras esposas y nuestros hijos son todos amigos. Todos formabamos parte del mismo circulo social poderoso que continua de contralar la ciudad de Valledupar.

7. Valledupar es una de las zonas que estaba en el centro del conflicto civil entre el gobierno de Colombia y los principales grupos guerrilleros, las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (de aqui en adelante referidas como las "F ARC") y el Ejercito de Liberaci6n Nacional (de aqui en adelante referido como el "ELN"). Las AUC, las cuales fueron creadas para asistir al ejercito colombiano en la guerra contra la guerrilla, empezaron a tener una mayor presencia en el Cesar en 1996.

8. Yo primero comence a trabajar indirectamente para la Drummond en el ano de 1993. Estaba residenciado en la zona bananera de Santa Marta cuando hice contacto con la constructora Norberto Odebrecht, una compania brasilera que habia ganado la licitaci6n para la construcci6n del puerto de la compania multinacional Drummond. En enero de 1994, accedi al contrato de suministro de alimentaci6n tanto de obreros como del personal ejecutivo de dicha empresa constructora. Este servicio se prestaba dentro de las instalaciones del puerto de Drummond. En desarrollo de ese contrato comence a suministrar alimentos al personal de Gecolsa (representante en Colombia de Caterpillar Co.) empresa que se encargaba de proveer de equipos y maquinarias ala multinacional Drummond.

9. Debido ami trabajo, recibi el contracto de suministro de alimentaci6n, lavanderia y aseo de Gecolsa en la mina Privenow, propiedad de Drummond, en el corregimiento de la Loma, a mediados de 1995. El campamento donde mi empresa prestaba ese servicio se llamaba Rancho Pelu. En desarrollo de este contrato con Gecolsa, conoci y estableci una relaci6n con algunos americanos quienes trabajaron para Drummond. Tuve una relaci6n muy cercana con Scotty Elmore, el primer gerente de la mina, y D.L.Loeb gerente de operaciones que cubria mina, puerto y ferrocarril. Fue Loeb quien mas me apoy6 para la construcci6n del casino y fuimos buenos amigos. Posteriormente tambien fui amigo de Joel Davis quien tambien fue gerente de la mina. Otro americano que me apoy6 mucho, quien era gerente de campamento, fue Peter Caraveo. Todos de esos

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gerentes tenian una relacion cercana con Jim Adkins, la cual esta discutido mas adelante.

10. En el momenta que comence a trabajar en La Lorna, Drummond se encontraba construyendo unas barracas 0 campamentos para que sus empleados pudieran pasar la noche dentro de las instalaciones de la mina. La construccion causo enfrentamientos entre la gerencia de Drummond y eI sindicato que al final IIevo a Drummond a abandonar el proyecto. Desde ese momenta se evidenciaba una muy mala relacion entre la gerencia de Drummond y eI sindicato de Sintraenergetica ya que Drummond acusaba al sindicato de tener relaciones con grupos al margen de la ley como ELN y F ARC. La gerencia de Drummond me dijo que los empleados no dormirian en el interior de la mina y en su lugar se construirian habitaciones particulares en el corregimiento de la Lorna. Por consiguiente, Drummond necesitaba a un contratista de la alimentacion para construir un centro de produccion de alimentos con su respectivo comedor para estos empleados. Me comento el gerente de la mina para la epoca, que debido a la relacion del sindicato con la extrema izquierda era un peligro que esta gente pernoctara al interior de la mina donde habia un polvorin y se manejaban grandes cantidades de explosivos para la voladura del material esteril y la subsiguiente extraccion del carbon. Despues de que Drummond convoco a una licitacion a comienzos de 1997 mi empresa, ISA, y la empresa Alimentar de la ciudad de Medellin presentamos propuestas para el contracto. Yo gane la licitacion facilmente, no solo por mi amplio conocimiento de la zona, pero tambien porque yo trabaje en el puerto de Drummond y para el consorcio, Odebrecht Conciviles, 10 cual construyo la linea ferrea entre ella mina y el puerto de Drummond. Alfredo Araujo tambien habia recomendado que Drummond contratara a ISA directamente para suministrar los servicios de alimentacion, lavanderia y as eo a sus trabajadores en su mina en La Lorna.

11. Drummond me presto un gran apoyo economico en la construccion del centro de produccion de alimentos. Drummond me pagaba cada quince dias para que yo tuviera un flujo de caja constante, cuando a los contratistas se les pagaba a 60 dias. Drummond tambien me permitia cobrar precios superiores a los del mercado, entre un tres y un cinco por ciento, para que yo pudiera sufragar los costos de la construccion y los equipos. En ese momenta los costos de construccion del centro de produccion, para 10 cual se compro un lote a la senora Carmela de Molina, y los equipos de cocina, de restaurante y demas, alcanzaron aproximadamente $250.000 dolares.

12. Mi contacto en Drummond, qui en facilitaba todos estos beneficios, era un ciudadano americano, Jim Adkins, el Jefe de Seguridad de Drummond. Llegue a conocer a Jim Adkins muy bien despues de que comence mi contrato con Drummond.

13. En el momenta que empece a trabajar en la Lorna en el segundo semestre de 1996, Adkins era un hombre de unos 63 anos, de contextura robusta, ojos claros, y de aproximadamente 1.75 metros de altura. lim Adkins era un hombre muy amable y cordial, pero ideologicamente se identificaba con la extrema derecha. El me dijo que era un ex funcionario de la CIA y que habia trabajado previamente con las Contras en Nicaragua. Adkins tambien me comento que habia una investigacion en Washington contra el por violaciones de derechos humanos, derivada de sus funciones con las

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Contras en Nicaragua. Adkins estaba casado con una senora Hamada Pat, ex funcionaria del servicio diplomatico de los E.E.U.U. Creo que trabajo en las embajadas de Pue110 Rico y Brasil, y domina bien el castellano. Tienen dos hijos varones que para esa epoca debian tener 13 y 17 anos. En el ano 1999, cuando fui a Morgantown, West Virginia a estudiar ingles en la universidad de West Virginia, Adkins fue a visitarme. El vivia a una distancia de mas 0 menos tres horas por carretera, pero fue a visitarme durante un fin de semana. Estuve en West Virginia en el verano de 1999, que fue uno de los pocos veranos cuando hubo chicharras que chillaban ensordecedoramente. Adkins me informo que estas chicharras eran un tipo de especie que solo se aparecen cada 25 anos.

14. Adkins tenia mucha influencia sobre los gerentes de la mina de Drummond. E1 trabajaba bajo ordenes directas del dueno de la compania, Garry Drummond. EI tambien era el que servia como mi intermediario con la mina, para asegurar que se cump1ieran mis necesidades. Por ejemplo, Adkins, junto con el Jefe de Seguridad de la Mina, Ricardo Linero Gonzalez, aseguraban que se me prestara seguridad. Esto era necesario ya que en La Lorna habia una grande presencia guerrillera, principalmente el Frente 41 de las FARe.

15. Las AUC fueron fundadas como una respuesta a la presencia de los grupos guerrilleros que operaban en la zona. Estos grupos guerrilleros impedian que los duenos de fincas llegaran hasta sus tierras y cosecharan sus cultivos. La guerrilla secuestraba a mucha gente que se desplazaba por carretera y forzaba a otros de hacerles pagos de extorsiones. Si la gente se negaba a pagar, la guerrilla les dinamitaban las instalaciones y les mataban el ganado. La accion del Ejercito contra la guerrilla era insuficiente para combatirla, por eso las empresas y los terratenientes de la region necesitaban a alguien que defendiera sus bienes. Por esta razon, los grupos paramilitares, las autodefensas, surgieron como un aliado del Ejercito para enfrentar la guerrilla. A finales de 1995 y comienzos de 1996, por gestion de Jorge Gnecco, Salvatore Mancuso se comenzo la organizacion de los grupos paramilitares. En el primer semestre de 1996, Rodrigo Tovar, alias Jorge 40, se involucraba con estos grupos y el fue la persona que manejaria ese tema en el Departamento del Cesar. Este conocimiento 10 obtuve directamente de Jorge Gnecco quien era mi amigo y compafiero de colegio. Las compafiias mineras, incluyendo a Drummond, tambien apoyaban la fundacion y expansion de estos grupos paramilitares por las mismas razones- proteger sus bienes y empleados de ataques de la guerrilla. Los hechos de los guerrilleros fueron de conocimiento comun ya que no habia ningun estamento de 1a sociedad que estuviera excluido del conflicto, por 10 que debian someterse a las extorsiones de las FARC y el ELN. Por mis propios intereses comerciales, asisti a algunos de las reuniones de formacion y di la bienvenida a este formacion para combatir la guerrilla.

16. Las AUC se formaron en Cesar en el ano 1996, segundo semestre. Por alguna razon, ellos tuvieron conocimiento de las buenas relaciones que yo tenia con las directivas de la Drummond, especialmente con Jim Adkins. Jhon Jairo Esquivel Cuadrado, alias "EI Tigre," era el comandante de las AUC en la zona y el me pidio que fuera el intermediario entre las AUC y Drummond. El esperaba que Drummond apoyara economicamente a las AUC. En ese momento, yo Ie conteste que la persona adecuada

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para contactar seria Alfredo Araujo Castro, quien aun mantenia una gran amistad con Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, alias Jorge 40, el comandante de El Tigre en las AUC.

17. En una reuni6n posterior con El Tigre, el me dijo que si Araujo llegaba a un acuerdo directamente con Jorge 40, el dinero iria a las arcas centrales de las AUC, en vez de las tropas del Tigre, los cuales operaban en la zona de las explotaciones de Drummond. El Tigre me dijo que como comandante de zona, el necesitaba dinero directamente de Drummond para comprar armas y expandir sus tropas para que el pudiera combatir con mayor eficacia las FARC y otros guerrilleros para expulsarlos de Ia zona. Yo me comprometi con el de discutir el tema con Adkins. Inmediatamente Ie comente esta informaci6n a Adkins, y el me dijo que no hablara con nadie respecto al tema y que el 10 iba a tratar directamente con el dueno de la compania, Garry Drummond.

18. Adkins viajaba a los E.E.U.U. cada 20030 dias. Mas a menudo, el viajaba a Alabama a la sede de Drummond Company. En esa epoca Drummond contrataba un vuelo charter para movilizar a sus ejecutivos desde Birmingham, Alabama a Cartagena y viceversa. Adkins me coment6 que cada vez que llegaba a Birmingham se reunia con Garry Drummond, a conversar temas de seguridad de la mina, la linea ferrea y el puerto. Tambien me coment6 que el senor Drummond era obsesionado por conocer todo 10 relacionado con el actuar de las autodefensas en Colombia y que conseguia mucha informaci6n en los diarios y a traves de internet. Adkins me coment6 que en su pr6ximo viaje trataria el tema de colaboraci6n con las AUC. Despues de dos 0 tres viajes, me dijo que habia tocado el tema de financiar el Frente de las AUC de EI Tigre, y que Garry Drummond estaba de acuerdo con la idea. Adkins pensaba que era imposible que Drummond pagara a las AUC directamente. A consecuencia, teniamos que disenar una estrategia para hacer los pagos a las AUC a traves de mi empresa, ISA. Adkins dijo que las cantidades que Drummond Ie pagaria a las AUC a traves de mi empresa no podian ser de cantidades exageradas. Por esta raz6n, Adkins dijo que el iba a tratar de traer dinero de Drummond en efectivo para darle a las AUC. EI viajaba a Colombia en vuelos particulares desde Alabama hasta Cartagena, y creia que el podria traer hasta $10,000 d6lares por viaje. Yo estuve de acuerdo con este plan.

19. Despues de que Adkins me dijo de su plan para que Drummond apoyara econ6micamente a las AUC, yo entre en contacto con El Tigre. El era un comandante conocido en la regi6n de la Lorna, patrullaba por el pueblo. El operaba abiertamente, y la Policia 10 dejaban transitar por la zona sin problemas. En una oportunidad estando yo en 1a construcci6n del casino lleg6 un emisario de El Tigre y yo accedi a reunirme con El Tigre en la antigua instalaci6n de la feria ganadera, debajo de unos frondosos arboles de caucho que aun existen. Yo Ie comente a EI Tigre el plan de suministrarle al Frente de EI Tigre, el Frente Juan Andres Alvarez de las AUC, 30.000.000 de pesos Colombianos mensuales. De los pagos mensuales, 25.000.000 de pesos colombianos (que equivale mas 0 menos a $13,000 d6lares) serian pagados por Drummond, y 5.000.000 de pesos colombianos serian pagados por mi compania, ISA. El Tigre creia que esa cifra era suficiente, ya que con esa cantidad el podia comprar 4 fusiles por mes de un traficante de armas de Ocana, en el Norte del Departamento de Santander. Este traficante de armas Ie traia las armas procedentes de Venezuela, y las vendia a mas 0

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menos 4 0 6 mill ones de pesos colombianos cada fUsil, dependiendo de las condiciones del mercado.

20. Le hice saber a Adkins que El Tigre estaba de acuerdo con la propuesta de Drummond. Cuando Adkins regres6 a Colombia de su siguiente viaje a los E.E.U.U., me entreg6 10.000 d6lares, que yo personalmente entregue al Tigre. Estos fondos luego fueron entregados a las AUC. Este pago inicial fue cumplido segun nuestro acuerdo.

21. Se realiz6 el primer pago mensual de alrededor de 30.000.000 de pesos Colombianos a las AUC, pero en el transcurso del primer mes Adkins me coment6 que si en algun mes no podia traer todo el dinero requerido en efectivo, yo debia cobrar cualquiera cantidad que se necesitaba a Drummond por medio de ISA, creando costos ficticios 0

sobrefacturando servicios no prestados. Adkins me dirigi6 a enviar estas facturas a un joven Barranquillero de nombre Rafael Quintero, quien era el encargado de firmar las planillas con las que se cobraba la alimentaci6n a Drummond, prestada por los contratistas. No se si este senor estuvo alguna vez enterado de las irregularidades de mis facturas para facilitar los pagos a las AUe. Creo que el todavia trabaja para Drummond. A partir de ese momento, Quintero firmaba mis facturas sin ninguna pregunta u objeci6n.

22. De esa manera, se estableci6 que 5.000.000 de pesos colombianos se pagarian mensualmente al Frente de las AUC de El Tigre por ISA y otros 25 millones de pesos Colombianos serian pagados por Drummond en pagos efectivos de Adkins 0 por medio de ISA, que salian de los alimentos y servicios sobrefacturados. Yo siempre fui el encargado de entre gar este dinero a EI Tigre directamente, 0 a la persona que El Tigre designara para recibir los fondos. Recuerdo que uno de los representantes se conocia por el alias Amin.

23. De este modo, Drummond hizo una colaboraci6n mensual al Frente de EI Tigre de las AUC. Yo puedo proporcionar los registros de contabilidad de mi empresa que he podido recuperar, donde puedo demostrar la parte de los pagos que recibi de Drummond que fueron lavados por medio de ISA a las AUC. Dentro la contabilidad de ISA existia un rubro que tenia el nombre de "diversos," por donde se sacaban alrededor de diez millones de pesos Colombianos mensuales para cumplir la cuota pactada con las AUe. Tambien, a veces Adkins me dirigi6 a brindarles a las tropas de las AUC viveres y abarrotes de mi casino. Estas entregas se hacian en uno de mis camiones.

24. Solo puedo hablar en detalle sobre los pagos que hizo Drummond a las AUC en que yo intervine, pero se que otros funcionarios de Drummond tambien arreglaron pagos a las AUC directamente con Jorge 40. Tuve informaci6n que la linea ferrea cancelaba otra suma de dinero a las AUC para su protecci6n y que este contacto 10 manejaba el coronel retirado Jorge Garz6n, jefe de seguridad de la linea fen·ea. En una oportunidad El Tigre me coment6 que Jorge 40 recibia unos dineros directamente y que esos dineros eran para brindarle seguridad a la linea ferrea. Era un acuerdo de Drummond y Jorge 40 y entiendo que 10 manejaba directamente Jorge 40 para la compra de annamento y fortalecimiento militar del Bloque Norte de las AUC, que el comandaba. Los 30 millones de pesos Colombianos que recibio El Tigre fueron por separado, e iban

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directamente al Frente de las AUC de El Tigre. Drummond financio a El Tigre porque El Tigre era el comandante AUC en la zona de la mina de Drummond y una gran parte de la linea ferrea de Drummond. Drummond querria tener un contacto directo con el jefe paramilitar de la zona porque era una ventaja poder utilizar a El Tigre y sus tropas en cualquier momento.

25. Drummond maneja cuatro empresas en Colombia con su propia autonomia administrativa y financiera. ElIas son: la mina, donde se produce el carbon; la empresa transportadora, duefia de los ferrocarriles; el puerto y la empresa comercializadora. Entre los afios 1998 y 2000, si no estoy equivocado, hubo un aumento en ataques con dinamita por parte de las FARC y el ELN contra la linea ferrea y los trenes, impactando fuertemente la infraestructura de transporte de Drummond. Drummond se encontraba en un estado de desesperacion, porque las voladuras se producian con mayor frecuencia cada dia. Adkins me dijo que debido a estos ataques, Drummond lIego a un acuerdo directo con las AUC para prestar seguridad a la linea ferrea.

26. Adkins me comento que el Coronel Jorge Garzon, jefe de seguridad de la linea ferrea y uno de los empleados mas antiguos de Drummond, habia sido autorizado para realizar estos pagos a las AUC. Adkins me dijo que Garry Drummond habia autorizado estos pagos el mismo, a fin de apoyar a las AUC en el departamento de Magdalena y minimizar estos ataques de la guerrilla. EI tambien me dijo que Drummond estaba a punto de un colapso porque, debido a estos ataques, ellos no eran capaces de cumplir con las demandas de carbon de sus c1ientes en el mercado internacional.

27. El coronel Garzon deberia tener algunos de los registros de Drummond entre sus cuentas personales que demuestren como se realizaban estos pagos a las AUC. Yo se que Garzon deberia tener estos registros porque aproximadamente en mayo de 2000, dentro del efectivo que me entrego Adkins para las AUC, tambien me entrego un sobre que tenia diez millones de pesos para que yo se 10 entregara a las AUC , dentro del sobre venia un recibo bancario en el que aparecia un registro de retiro de dinero. El recibo bancario era de la cuenta bancaria de Jorge Garzon.

28. Adkins y Garzon tenian una relacion muy cercana y de confianza. Su relacion era tan cercana que cuando uno de los hijos de Garzon fue a estudiar a los Estados Unidos, e1 se quedo en la casa de Adkins en West Virginia.

29. Despues de alrededor de julio de 2000, cuando EI Tigre fue capturado en el Departamento de Cordoba, yo continue haciendo los pagos de Drummond a las AUC. Yo entregaba el dinero de Drummond a un abogado muy cercano a las AUC, llamado Jose Alfredo Daza Ortiz, que despues se 10 pasaba a las AUC. Yo continue entregando los pagos de Drummond a las AUC por medio de Daza Ortiz hasta diciembre de 2000. Ya para esa epoca, un nuevo comandante habia sido designado en la zona, Oscar Ospino Pacheco, alias Tolemaida.

30. Jose Alfredo Daza Ortiz fue muy cercano a Tolemaida. Tenian varios negocios en los que eran socios 0 en los que Daza Ortiz figufllba como propietario siendo el verdadero duefio Tolemaida. Daza Ortiz varias veces me comento que el Frente Juan Andres

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Alvarez ya comandado por Tolemaida recibia otros dineros de la Drummond aparte de 10 que facilite yo. Yo no participe ni ayude con en estos pagos adicionales porque tenia una mala relacion personal con Tolemaida.

31. Yo no tuve relacion directa con Tolemaida, pero cada mes facilitaba el pago de 5.000.000 de pesos colombianos a este Frente de las AUC, que era 10 que Ie correspondia pagar a ISA. Igual que con El Tigre, esos 5 millones de pesos Colombianos que page por medio de ISA fueron parte de los 30 millones de pesos Colombianos que pagaba Drummond a Tolemaida mensualmente. Yo hice estos pagos a Tolemaida a traves del comandante de las AUC, alias Adinael.

32. Para resumir y hacerlo claro, el sistema de pagos que arregle yo entre Drummond y las AUC fue 10 siguiente: cada mes Drummond aporto 25 millones de pesos Colombianos y mi compafiia, ISA, contribuyo otro 5 millones de pesos Colombianos, y yo hice el pago para Drummond y ISA cada mes en la manera siguiente: entre junio 0 julio de 1997, la fecha del primer pago, hasta julio de 2000 cuando fue capturado El Tigre, yo fui cada mez a un sitio en la carretera entre Bosconia y La Lorna llamado Cuatro Vientos, donde hay una tienda con un restaurante 10 cual era propiedad de Benedicto Estupifian, quien fue asesinado hace poeos afios en la carcel La Modelo. Este sitio fue conocido como la oficina de El Tigre, y yo Ie pagaba a el directamente 0 el nombaba a alguien, usualmente "Amin", para recibir esos fondos. Ya cuando El Tigre estuvo capturado, el me dirigio a seguir haciendo estos pagos a Daza Ortiz, con quien me encontre en varios sitios para recibir el dinero. Este arreglo continua hasta alrededor de enero, 2001. Me dirigio entonces el nuevo comandante de las AUC, Tolemaida, a hacer estos pagos a su hombre "Adinael." Este siguio asi hasta alrededor de junio, 2001, cuando termino mi contrato con Drummond.

33. Una vez, el comandante Tolemaida, me decomiso un vehiculo que se utilizaba para entre gar los suministros de viveres. Tuve que ir a la poblacion de San Angel a reunirme con Tolemaida para conseguir la devolucion del vehiculo. El se habia quedado con el camion con el fin de presionarme para que yo Ie consiguiera mas dinero de Drummond. Yo nunca confie en Tolemaida, por tanto no hice estos esfuerzos a nombre de e1.

34. Ambos Adkins y Jairo Charris me dijeron directamente que Tolemaida fue la persona que ordeno el asesinato de los lideres sindicales de la Drummond el dia 12 de marzo de 2001. Claro, Jorge 40 tendria que aprobar cualquiera operacion como esa.

35. El tiempo previo a los asesinatos de los sindicalistas fue una epoca muy dura para Drummond. Su linea ferrea habia sido blanco de ataques guerrilleros y Drummond tenia que hacer convenios con el Ejercito Nacional para la proteccion de la via. Sin embargo, estos esfuerzos no impedian las voladuras de la linea ferrea. En una reunion que tuve con Adkins, el me comento que el dinero para financiar las voladuras del tren venia de los fondos del sindicato de Drummond. Adkins me dijo que el sindicato de Drummond tenia vinculos con el ELN y el Frente 41 de las FARC. Tambien dijo que una vez un miembro del sindicato fue atracado y Ie robaron 35.000.000 de pesos colombianos. Despues escuche de Jairo Charris que el robo fue un montaje y fue realmente una

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manera para transferir dinero del sindicato a la guerrilla. Charris era empleado de ISA, en el departamento de seguridad.

36. Jairo Charris recogia mucha informaci6n sobre las actividades del sindicato a traves de su trabajo en la seguridad de ISA. El Ie entregaba esta informaci6n a Jim Adkins y al comandante de las AUC, Tolemaida, quien mantenia una buena relaci6n con Chan·is. Tarnbien se que Adkins Ie daba regalos de dinero y otros objetos a Charris, a cambio de informaci6n de inteligencia que Ie pasaba Charris. Este arreglo no fue de mi agrado, pero Adkins me dijo que este tipo de regalo 0 soborno era necesario con el fin de conseguir la informaci6n requerida.

37. Durante mi tiempo trabajando con Drummond, yo me converti en una persona muy allegada a los directivos de Drummond. Yo termine siendo buen amigo del Presidente de Drummond Ltda. Augusto Jimenez, el Vicepresidente de Drummond Ltda. Jose Miguel Linares, y seguia con mi amistad cercana con el Gerente de Relaciones con la Communidad, Alfredo Araujo. Con ellos existia una relaci6n jovial pero a 1a vez respetuosa. Por medio de estos gerentes, entendi que era una inconformidad de la multinacional con el sindicato por diferencias laborales. Los gerentes me contaban a mi que el sindicato pretendia coadministrar la mina, 10 que seria imposib1e para 1a multinacional. En varias oportunidades que Jimenez estuvo en Valledupar comentamos este tema con otros funcionarios de Drummond. Ya que la oficina de ISA quedaba en e1 mismo edificio en donde estaban las oficinas de Drummond nos veiamos con frequencia porque Araujo tenia su oficina en el mismo edificio. No recuerdo la fecha exacta pero alrededor del ano 1999, Jimenez y otros funcionarios de Drummond me comentaron que veian al sindicato como una amenaza para las pretensiones de Drummond en Colombia, que era de llegar a una producci6n de 25 mill ones de toneladas anuales. Drummond queria sobrepasar la producci6n del Cerrej6n, el principal competidor de Drummond.

38. Yo informe persona1mente 1 Jose Miguel Linares, Vicepresidente de Drummond Ltda. Sobre los asesinatos de los lideres sindicales. Esta claro por 10 menos que en el departamento de servicios especiales y seguridad de Drummond estuvieron involucrados en e1 asesinato de los sindica1istas. Jim Adkins, Charris y e1 Jefe de la Seguridad, Luis Carlos Rodriguez estuvieron involucrados en planear y hacer los asesinatos. Luis Carlos Rodriguez era un Coronel retirado del Ejercito. Fue Rodriguez quien inform6 a Charris la hora de salida de los sindicalistas, para que Charris pudiera trabajar con las AUC y asesinarlos.

39. Por declaraciones que rindiera Jose Peinado, en Justicia y Paz, he tenido conocimiento que Tolemaida ha presionando a sus antiguos hombres para que digan que la muerte de los sindicalistas fue por su militancia con la izquierda, 10 han dicho tambien otros versionados. Que la muerte de los sindicalistas fue una decisi6n de mi alianza con Charris. La verdad es que Charris y Adkins juntos Ie hicieron creer a Tolemaida que los dos lideres sindicales eran miembros activos del Frente 41 de las F ARC, y que tenia que matarlos por esa razon. En varias oportunidades tuve conocimiento que Charris y Adkins se reunieron en las oficinas de servicios especia1es de la mina para programar 1a informaci6n que ellos Ie pasarian a1 comandante Tolemaida con el fin de lograr ei

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objetivo de causar la muerte de los directivos de Sintraenergetica. De estas reuniones fue testigo Peinado, y el fue condenado por estos muertos. Para esa fecha Peinado trabajaba en el casino de ISA, y por eso 10 conoci. Fue tan grande la campana de exterminar al sindicato que un ano despues de la muerte de Locarno y Orcasita fue asesinado Gustavo Soler qui en reemplaz6 a Locarno en la presidencia de Sintraenergetica. EI homicidio fue realizado por el comandante Omega de las AUC. Conozco directamente por informaci6n de Adkins, que Drummond no podia permitir que el sindicato paralizara la producci6n de carb6n, porque si esto ocurria perdian sus contratos internacionales al no poder entre gar el carbon prometido. Yo no estuve presente en las reuniones cuando planearon los asesinatos de las sindicalistas pero conoda de ellas a traves de Chan·is y Peinado. Sabia que ellos se reunian con frecuencia a tratar el tema de los sindicalistas.

40. Despues de los asesinatos de los sindicalistas, yo me pase los pr6ximos meses en Wla negociaci6n muy dura con Drummond referente a la terminaci6n de mi contrato, al que Ie quedaba una vigencia de 8 0 10 meses. Asisti muchas reuniones con Drummond, en sus oficinas en Bogota con el Presidente de Drummond Ltda. Augusto Jimenez. En una de estas reuniones, Jimenez dijo que qued6 satisfecho con la muerte de los lideres sindicales, con eso resolvi6 una gran problema de Drummond. En otra ocaci6n el manifest6 su preocupaci6n acerca de qui en iba a manejar la relaci6n de Drummond con las AUC si yo me iba. Me sorprendi6 que el me manifestara esta preocupaci6n directamente. En ese momento, yo supe que yo estaba actuando como intermediario entre Drummond y las AUC con la aprobaci6n tanto de Gany Drummond como de Augusto Jimenez.

41. Dias antes de esta reuni6n con Augusto Jimenez, Adkins me habia dicho que en una reuni6n que habia sostenido con Garry Drummond en Alabama, se habia discutido la posibilidad de que yo continuara como contratista de Drummond. Adkins me dijo que Garry Drummond habia acordado contratarme pero no en servicios de alimentos sino como prestador de vigilancia y seguridad de la linea ferrea. Adkins me coment6 que Garry Drummond habia aprobado $600.000 como indemnizaci6n por la terminaci6n del contrato y pago de bienes muebles e inmuebles asociado con el casino. Gary Drummond Ie habia dicho a Adkins que con los 600.000 d6lares yo podria iniciar la nueva empresa de prestaci6n de servicios de vigilancia en la linea ferrea. Era evidente que yo era un aliado importante por mi relaci6n con las AUC y mi probada habilidad para hacer llegar a las AUC, los dineros pagados por parte de Drummond. Drummond no queria perderme. Como eran 200 ki16metros de linea entre la mina de Drummond y el puerto, la idea propuesta por Adkins era contratar a miembros activos de las AUC para la vigilancia de la via, y esto seria otra forma de colaborar con las AUC. Las condiciones de tenninaci6n de mi contrato de alimentaci6n con Drummond fueron muy favorables, incluso me pagaron aparte la indemnizaci6n laboral de todos los otros empleados de ISA.

42. Esta oferta de Garry Drummond no se pudo concretar en raz6n a la voladura de la torres gemelas en los E.E.U.U. elll de septiembre de 2001. Aunque me pagaron la cantidad acordada de $600.000 d6lares, despues de este ataque, las AUC fueron declaradas como una organizaci6n terrorista y Drummond queria una relaci6n de mas distancia con las

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AUC. en una esquema de pago nuevo. Este desarrollo me 10 comunic6 Adkins en una reuni6n que tuvimos en Cartagena. Yo Ie sugeri a Adkins que buscara otra empresa con la que Drummond pudiera seguir lavando dinero a las AUC.

43. Para finales de 2001 0 comienzos de 2002 estando en Bogota, recibi una llamada de Jorge 40, solicitandome que me reuniera con el en Monteria. Viaje a Monteria por avi6n, donde un campero blanco me recogi6 en el aeropuerto y me llev6 a una finca del comandante de las AUC, Salvatore Mancuso. La tinca estaba ubicada en Tierra Alta. En esta tinca, me reuni con Vicente Castafio, alias El Profe, y Jorge 40. Tambien estuvo presente Mancuso. Ellos me manifestaron que tenian un preacuerdo con Drummond para una financiaci6n pero que "los gringos hijueputas" estaban ofreciendo muy po quito dinero. Ellos dijeron que les habian ofrecido 30.000.000 de pesos colombianos mensuales. Vicente Castafio dijo que con las multinacionales, como Drummond, no se podia pelear, y Ie sugiri6 a Jorge 40 que en vez trataran de negociar una cantidad de 50.000.000 de pesos colombianos. Ellos me llamaron a esa reuni6n para informarles de mi experiencia en facilitar el financiamiento de Drummond a las AUC en el pasado, como ellos no sabian cuales cifras Drummond habia estado pagando anteriormente. Yo tome un vuelo de regreso a Bogota el mismo dia.

-+4. Desconozco si esta negociaci6n se realiz6 con exito, pero luego me entere a traves de Jorge 40 que las AUC recibian dinero de Drummond por medio de una nueva compafiia de seguridad, Secolda. Esa informaci6n me la confinn6 Jorge 40 en la reuni6n que yo sostuve con el en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (descrito abajo). Me dijo Jorge 40 que la empresa Secolda recibia el dinero de Drummond y luego 10 entregaba a las AUC. Esta compafiia Ie prestaba seguridad a la linea ferrea de Drummond, y su duefio y gerente se llama Henry Echeverry. Yo supe de contrataciones anteriores con el, que fue la idea de Augusto Jimenez de usar a Echeverry en este cargo.

45. Despues de un tiempo en 2002, Adkins se retir6 de Drummond y regres6 a trab~iar en la CIA, dependiendo de la Embajada Americana en Bogota. En este cargo, tambien sirvi6 como asesor del Ejercito Colombiano en la base Tres Esquinas. Adkins se alojaba en el hotel Embassy Suites, ubicado en Calle 70, entre las Carreras 5 y 7 de Bogota. En muchas de las reuniones que tuve con Adkins en este hotel, conoel a otro funcionario de la EmbajadaAmericana llamado Douglas Hewik. Hewik vivia en la Calle 74 arriba de la Carrera 7 en Bogota. Yo fui alla en muchas ocasiones donde compartiamos socialmente bebiendo vino juntos.

46. Creo que Hewik era un funcionario de alto nivel en la Embajada porque en el momento que se me venci6 las visas Americanas de turista a mi y a mi familia, yo Ie entregue a Hewik nuestros pasaportes. Sin necesidad de asistir a la Embajada 0 de presentar una aplicaci6n para las visas, Hewik nos regres6 nuestros pasaportes con las visas renovadas. Esto fue alrededor del mes de julio de 2002.

47. En el segundo semestre de 2002, escuche que los Estados Unidos estaba pidiendo la extradici6n de Jorge 40. Cuando esto ocurri6, Jorge 40 me llam6 solicitando una cita con Jim Adkins. Jim Adkins no tenia ningun problema en reunirse con Jorge 40. Acordamos reunimos en Santa Marta. Yo viaje a Santa Matia desde Valledupar por

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carretera con mi conductor Enrique Onate, y recogimos a Adkins en Santa Marta, en el aeropuerto. Luego nos recogio una Toyota Prado gris y nos llevo a un sitio en la Sierra Nevada donde Adkins converso con Jorge 40 por alrededor de 4 horas. Yo no estuve

presente durante toda la conversacion, pero si almorce con ellos. Parecia que Jorge 40 queria saber que sabia Adkins 0 que podia averiguar el sobre el pedido de su extradicion. Adkins se comprometio a investigar el tema. En el ahnuerzo Jorge 40 tambien me pregunto si podia averiguar que habia pasado con los pagos de Drummond por medio de Secolda, porque el no habia recibido 10 acordado durante los ultimos tres meses. Le dije a Jorge 40 que no tenia acceso a esa informacion, y que tenia que averiguar directamente con la compania de vigilancia pOl'que Drummond era muy cumplido en sus pagos.

48. Una semana despues de nuestra reunion en la Sierra Nevada, Adkins me llamo y me dijo que Ie informani a Jorge 40 que los E.E.U.U. no tenian pruebas en su contra.

49. Como mencione anteriormente, yo me encuentro actualmente encarcelado enfrentando cargos relacionados con el homicidio del presidente y vicepresidente del sindicato de Drummond. Yo rendi version libre sobre estos homicidios en el ano 2001 ante la Fiscalia General de la Nacion. Inexplicablemente, el fiscal investigador se dedico a recibir dec1araciones exc1usivamente de los empleados de Drummond que estuvieran sindicalizados. Razon por la cual, me reuni en varias oportunidades con el abogado Jaime Bernal Cuellar, quien estaba defiendo los intereses de Drummond y con Jose Miguel Linares, Vicepresidente de Drummond en Colombia.

50. Yo Ie dije a Linares acerca de 10 que yo conoda de las muertes de los lideres sindicales, como esta descrito en esta dec1aracion. Tambien hice un acuerdo con Bernal Cuellar que trabajariamos jlmtos para protegernos y proteger a los ejecutivos de Drummond de lasacusaciones del Fiscal. Yo Ie comente a Bernal al respeto de los pagos que hizo Drummond a las AUC y el me respondio que ya sabia de to do eso.

51. Fui capturado en septiembre de 2010, y acusado de estar involucrado en los homicidios de los sindicalistas. Dos 0 tres meses despues de ser capturado, Bernal Cuellar me visito en Ia carcel para confirmar que yo iba a cumplir con nuestro acuerdo. Mas nunca regreso a verme, entonces despues de un tiempo por intermedio de mi companera permanente, Gloria Patricial Ballen Ruiz, me envio un abogado de su oficina, Jasson Alexander Andrade Castro. Este abogado me visito el dia 28 de febrero de 2011, pero me di cuenta que e1 no tenia la experiencia suficiente para representarme en mi caso, entonces Ie manifeste que ese asunto 10 manejaria solo con Bernal Cuellar. Mi compafiera recibio una llamada de Bernal diciendole que me iba a enviar a un abogado de su bufete para tratar el tema del homicidio de los sindicalistas. Sin embargo, Bernal Cuellar nunca me contacto otra vez.

52. Ese fue mi ultimo contacto con Drummond 0 cualquier representante de Drummond. Despues me entere que Drummond estaba manipulando los hechos para culparme por

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los homicidios de los sindicalistas para exonerar a Drummond y a los funcionarios de Drummond.

53. Esta Declaraci6n esta basada en mis mejores recuerdos en este momento. Estoy en proceso de recuperar todos mis archivos financieros y eso me permiteni brindar detalles adicionaies.

Firmado el dia de hoy _ de octubre de 2011, en la carcel La Picota, Bogota, Colombia.


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