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Defensive dining: Notes on the public diningexperiences in Singapore

Article in Contemporary Islam · January 2008

DOI: 10.1007/s11562-007-0033-8

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Defensive dining: notes on the public dining experiencesin Singapore

Kamaludeen Mohamed Nasir & Alexius A. Pereira

Published online: 8 February 2008# Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2007

Abstract This paper examines the relationship between an individual’s degree ofreligiosity (or piety) and his/her participation in everyday life in a secular,cosmopolitan and multicultural society such as Singapore, by focusing on thepractice of public dining. Given that Islam has dietary restrictions (‘halal’), thispaper hypothesizes that a devout Muslim might be placed in a situation ofconsiderable unease when dining publicly, as the external environment may conflictwith these restrictions. The research for this paper involved interviews with 20Singaporean Muslims, who have described themselves as being ‘devout’ and‘practicing’, asking about their views on dining at public food courts or hawkercenters. It finds that rather than choosing to avoid these situations, they engaged in aseries of defensive strategies to accommodate their religious obligations as well asintercultural interactions, to a certain degree. This paper concludes that becausedeeply religious Muslims in Singapore implement ‘defensive dining,’ concerns aboutself-exclusion, isolationism and separatism are probably unfounded, as these individualsappear willing to participate in multicultural and cosmopolitan everyday life.

Keywords Public dining . Singapore .Muslims

Eating and drinking, the oldest and intellectually most negligible functions, canform a tie, often the only one, among very heterogeneous persons and groups.(Simmel 1950:33)

Introduction

This paper examines the relationship between an individual’s degree of religiosity(or piety) and his or her level of participation in everyday life in a secular,

Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73DOI 10.1007/s11562-007-0033-8

K. M. Nasir : A. A. Pereira (*)Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore, 11 Arts Link, Singapore 117570,Singaporee-mail: socaap@nus.edu.sg

cosmopolitan and multicultural society. Turner (this volume) suggests that if adeeply pious individual remains true to virtues set out by religion, participation andinteraction in a mundane, and sometimes profane, world could result in conflicts. Forexample, the everyday life of a modern multicultural society is one where religiositymight not only conflict with ‘liberal, secularized and cosmopolitan’ values andpractices, but might also be in conflict with the different religious beliefs. As such, itis posited that deeply religious individuals are more likely to practice ‘rituals ofexclusion,’ and possibly even the creation of an enclave society, in order to retainreligious purity.

In the light of this idea, this paper sought to analyze the public dining experiencesof devout Muslims in multicultural Singapore. This issue is sociologically interestingdue to several factors: firstly, Islam has clear dietary restrictions (halal), which notonly prescribe food and drink consumption, but also the practice of consuming.Secondly, Muslims are a numerical minority community in Singapore – theyconstitute around 15% of the population – hence, most of Singapore’s everyday lifeis generally tailored for the general population, who are not Muslims. Thus, thispaper hypothesizes that devout and practicing Muslims might find themselves in anuncomfortable situation when dining publicly as it might be possible that the diningpractices of the other Singaporean communities may conflict with Islamic dietaryrestrictions. As such, this paper seeks to understand how Muslims in secular,cosmopolitan and multicultural Singapore cope with such situations. Do they chooseto avoid these situations altogether (rituals of exclusion), or do they adopt strategiesto cope with the situation?

Religiosity, dining, and social action

This section outlines how ‘devout’ and ‘practicing’ Muslims ought to behave withregards to food and drink consumption, particularly given that there are clear Islamicrules and prohibitions.

The basic guidance about the halal food laws is revealed in the Quran (thedivine book) from God (the Creator) to Muhammad (the Prophet) for all people.The food laws are explained and put into practice through the Sunnah (the life,actions, and teachings of Muhammad) as recorded in the Hadith (thecompilation of the traditions of Muhammad). In general, everything ispermitted for human use and benefit. Nothing is forbidden except what isprohibited either by a verse of the Quran or an authentic and explicit Sunnah ofMuhammad. These rules of Shariah (Islamic Law) bring freedom for people toeat and drink anything they like as long as it is not haram (prohibited). (Riazand Chaudry 2004: 1)

In this sense, that Islam has certain food and drink prohibitions is not unusual.Many other religions also have similar restrictions, including kosher rules for Jews,and beef prohibitions for Hindus and Buddhists, for example. In Islam, all food anddrinks are divided into halal (permissible) and haram (prohibited). The Quran hasmany verses that indicate foods and drinks that are considered haram, and also offersan explanation for the prohibition. In essence, all foods pure and clean are permitted

62 Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73

for consumption by the Muslims, except the following categories, including anyproducts derived from them or contaminated with them, as summarized below:

– Carrion or dead animals– Swine (all variants), including all by-products– Animals slaughtered without pronouncing the name of God on them– Animals killed in a manner that prevents their blood from being fully drained

from their bodies– Animals slaughtered while pronouncing a name other than God– Intoxicants of all types, including alcohol and drugs– Carnivorous animals with fangs, such as lions, dogs, wolves or tigers– Birds with sharp claws (birds of prey), such as falcons, eagles, owls, or vultures– Land animals such as frogs or snakes (Riaz and Chaudry 2004: 15)

With regards to prohibited drinks, Yusuf Al Qaradawi posits that Muslims areordered to stay away from drinking parties or gatherings at which alcoholic drinksare served, stating that it was the duty of a Muslim to eradicate any evil heencounters and in the event he is not able to do so, he must stay away from it andleave behind those who are engaged in such things. He cemented his point by citinga hadith of the Prophet Muhammad, “Whoever believes in Allah and the Last Daymust not sit at table at which khamr is consumed” (Al-Qaradawi 1994: 74). Al-Qaradawi defines khamr as “any substance, which intoxicates, in whatever form orunder whatever name it may appear. Thus, for example, beer and similar drinks areharam” (Al-Qaradawi 1994: 71–72).

It is also important to note that under Islamic law, not only are there rules andprohibitions on food and drink, but the slaughtering, processing and serving of anyfood and drink must also conform to Islamic law. For example, with regard to theslaughtering of animals, the animal must be of a halal species (i.e. all forms of porkare prohibited); the animal must be slaughtered by a Muslim of proper age; the nameof God must be pronounced at the time of slaughter; and the slaughter must be doneby cutting the throat of the animal in a manner that induces rapid, complete bleedingand results in the quickest death (Riaz and Chaudry 2004: 18). In addition, theenvironment where halal food is processed must also be completely free from haram(prohibited) products.

It is also significant that within the last 50 years, there has been a formalization ofthe halal food and drink process. More specifically, unlike the past, where foodprocessing and production has been a traditional and local practice, there are nowmany international, national and regional organizations that issue halal certificates(Riaz and Chaudry 2004: 78). This has allowed for the import and export of halalcertified food, as will be discussed later.

From a theological perspective, Muslims are taught that it is a virtue to onlyconsume halal food. To illustrate, this is the English text of a Friday sermon givenby the official Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (MUIS) (translated: Islamic ReligiousCouncil of Singapore):

A good Muslim would pay attention to what he eats, for whatever he put intohis mouth would be a part of him, and has an effect not only on his physicalbody, but also on his spiritual self. And by taking only those that are halal and

Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73 63

good, a good Muslim is showing his gratitude towards Allah for all theblessings Allah has given. (MUIS, 1 June 2007)

In addition, MUIS discusses why alcohol is prohibited by Islamic law:

Alcoholic drinks too have proved to be dangerous to ourselves. On top ofimpairing our mind, it brings us physical illness like high blood pressure, aswell as many social illnesses, for a person who is drunk will most likely bedestructive (MUIS 1 June 2007).

To recapitulate, food and drinks that are halal must not only be permissible, butmust also be ‘pure,’ which means it cannot be contaminated by any haram(prohibited) elements.

Sociologically, Islamic law therefore delineates social action for the practicingMuslim. As Turner has pointed out earlier (in this volume), religiosity comes fromthe word religare, which refers to the ‘daily disciplines.’ Thus, to be a good Muslimis to necessarily live one’s life in a generally halal manner; it therefore follows thatwhen it comes to food and drink consumption, it is expected that the good Muslimmust also only engage with halal items. This paper posits that it might be oftentimesproblematic, indeed uncomfortable, for practicing Muslims in any given multicul-tural society, including Singapore, where there might be other communities thatmight not have the same prohibitions, or have different prohibitions and rules. Howthen do practicing Muslims go about retaining halal-ness in a multicultural setting?

Multicultural Singapore

It is crucial at this juncture to briefly introduce ‘multicultural’ Singapore. Singaporeis a city-state of a main island and 63 offshore islands with a total land area of682.3 km2. It is generally an urban space with a negligible rural sector of 9.8 km2. Atotal population of 4,131,200 persons and a resident population of 3,319,100 wererecorded in 2001 which makes Singapore the third most densely populated city inthe world after Macau and Hong Kong. In Singapore, 15% of the total population areMuslims (see Table 1). Also, 93% of all Muslims are ethnic Malays.

Singapore’s small size, high degree of urbanization and racial diversity haveinfluenced the state’s policy-making process in a number of ways. Firstly, theSingapore state has in place a policy of multiracialism since national independencein 1965. Multiracialism has many facets; however, relevant to this paper are three

Religion Percent

Buddhism 42.5Islam 14.9Christianity 14.6Taoism 8.5Hinduism 4.0Other religions 0.6No religion 14.8Total 100

Table 1 Religious affiliation inSingapore

Source: Geok (2001: 4)

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aspects. The first is a policy of social integration. As there were inter-racial conflictsduring Singapore’s pre-independence era, the state implemented a series of measuresto foster ‘racial harmony’ in Singapore. This includes ensuring that most aspects ofpublic life in Singapore are ‘multiracial.’ For example, the state has legislated that allpublic housing estates must conform to the racial ratios of Singapore society. Thus,the state allocates up to 70% of all apartments in these state-controlled estates toChinese applications, up to 20% to Malay applications and 10% to Indian and other(races) applications (Chua 1997). This practice of having proportional representationis also present in the education system, as these ratios are also enforced in mostprimary and secondary schools. The logic behind this initiative is to ensure that thereis inter-community contact and interaction, which is believed by the state to improveracial harmony. To reiterate, to the Singapore state, cultural diversity is not just a factof life, but a desired outcome.

Secondly, Singapore is officially a secular society. This does not mean that thepractice of religion is disallowed; instead, Singapore is secular insofar as there is noofficial state religion, and the constitution states very clearly that religion is a privateissue which must be kept separate from politics (see Pereira 2005). Despite thestate’s official secular position, the Singapore government does actually viewreligion as being important to people’s personal lives. This is because the Singaporegovernment views religion as a basis for morality, and even good citizenry. Towardsthis end, the Singapore government has always set aside land and space for the majorreligious organizations – such as the Roman Catholic Church, the Methodist Church,Islam, Hinduism, Taoism, and Buddhism – to build places of worship in newhousing estates (see Chua 1997). However, the state closely monitors religiousactivities must always be subservient to ‘broader needs,’ such as social stability.Therefore, the state allows various religions to be practiced in Singapore, as long asthese do not conflict with the state’s secular constitution, and so long as they do notthreaten Singapore’s religious harmony (Hill and Lian 1995).

Thirdly, as just mentioned, the state has invested heavily in the construction ofmany public or ‘satellite’ housing estates situated across the island, whereSingaporeans can gain access to low cost public housing. In 2001, over 98% ofSingapore’s resident population resides in one of these estates. Given that the state hasstrict racial quotas for these estates, there are no ‘ethnic enclaves’ in Singapore; eventhe highly popular areas known as Chinatown, Little India, and Geylang Serai (Malayarea) are in fact not resident ethnic enclaves but cultural tourism constructions (Chang1999). Of relevance to this paper, in these carefully planned public housing estates, thestate has created ‘public spaces’ – often around main transportation hubs – wheremuch of communal life takes place. This includes commercial, retail and diningoutlets. Most of the dining outlets – including restaurants, cafes, food courts, hawkercenters, coffee shops and similar establishments – are operated by private enterprises.Interestingly, most food courts and hawker centers also tend to gravitate towardsproviding food almost in proportion to Singapore’s racial and ethnic ratios (see Chuaand Ananda 2003). For example, in a typical 10-stall food court, there will be onehalal Malay vendor and one Indian food vendor. Hence, public dining in Singapore isgenerally ‘multiracial’ just as much as everyday life is in Singapore.

Lastly, ‘dining out’ is a popular aspect of everyday life in Singapore, especiallywith what is known as the ‘low end dining’ as opposed to ‘fine’ or ‘high end’ dining.

Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73 65

This is due to many factors, including the relative low cost of dining at locationssuch as food courts or hawker centers. Also, the relative abundance of these low-end establishments means that it becomes very convenient for most Singaporeansto dine affordably at a food court or hawker center. It is interesting to note thatthe Singapore Tourism Board has even embarked on a marketing campaign tohighlight that dining in Singapore would not be complete without dining at atypically Singaporean hawker center, which will have various ethnic food stalls(see http://www.visitsingapore.com/).

The hypothetical social ‘problem’ is that multiracial or multicultural public lifecould potentially be conflicting. For example, in the sphere of public dining, quiteliterally, one man’s meat might be another man’s poison. Hence, at a hawker centre,food court or restaurant, beef – which is prohibited by Buddhism – or pork – which isprohibited by Islam – could be sold and consumed by communities that do not havethese dietary restrictions. Similarly, alcohol, whose consumption is restricted by certainChristians and by all Muslims, can be readily found at many public establishments.Given that public dining is a regular and much celebrated aspect of everyday life inmulticultural Singapore, there exists the possibility that there could be occasions orsituations where the devout and practicing Muslim might be faced with food, drinkand even practices which are technically non-halal. How would he or she cope? Orwould he or she choose to avoid the whole situation altogether (rituals of exclusion)?To understand the relationship between religiosity, dining and social action, this paperexamines the public dining practices of Muslims in multicultural Singapore.

Data for this paper was drawn from a series of interviews with 20 Muslims inSingapore who profess themselves to be ‘devout’ or ‘practicing’ Muslims. Thesample list was initially generated from personal contacts and friends, andsubsequently through snowballing referrals to other devout Muslims. In total, thesample consisted of 10 men, and 10 women who consented to be interviewed (seeAppendix A for the respondent profile). The sample was interviewed with a fixedbut open-ended questionnaire framework, which allowed them to respond freely.Most interviews lasted an average of an hour each, and were conducted over thespan of 6 months. The focus of the interviews was to get the respondents to reflect,comment and describe their experiences at public food courts and hawker centers,since these are the two most common forms of public dining in Singapore.Respondents were also asked questions about their views towards ‘fully’ halal foodcourts and hawker centers.

Analysis

In the research, when analyzing the data, we noticed that all the respondentsregularly engaged in ‘defensive dining.’ Defensive does not mean trying to excludeoneself from perceived danger or contamination. Instead, we propose that defensivedining is a strategy utilized by individuals to maintain purity in an impure setting.The practice of defensive dining emerged when respondents were asked about threemajor aspects of public dining: the authenticity of halal food and its the preparation,the overall halal-ness of the environment of food courts and hawker centers, and the

66 Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73

respondents’ views on having a choice between all-halal and mixed public diningestablishments.

Halal food and preparation

As mentioned earlier, halal means permissible and lawful. It applies not only to meatand poultry, but it also extends to other food products, cosmetics and personal careproducts. The term also governs other aspects of Muslim social life from personalbehaviour to one’s interaction with the community. General Quranic guidancedictates that all foods are halal except those that are specifically mentioned as haram(or prohibited, the direct opposite of halal). In addition, it is also required that halalanimals be slaughtered while pronouncing the name of God at the time of slaughter(Riaz and Chaudry 2004: 24). In Singapore, the regulation of halal is undertakenMUIS. This organization has been issuing halal certificates since 1978. MUIS alsorecognizes certain international, national and regional halal certifications centersbased in other countries; as such, there exists a large imported halal food market.Finally, MUIS also certifies Singaporean exporters to export their products to aglobal halal market, as well as certifies local establishments (such as restaurants,food courts and individual stalls) as being compliant with halal regulations (Riazand Chaudry 2004: 86). For example, MUIS insists that its halal certificates must bedisplayed clearly in the establishment.

While halal status is clear, it is important to note that much of everyday life inSingapore is not necessarily halal certified. Thus, are Muslims concerned abouthalal status? Based on the interviews with 20 persons for this research, all ofthem indicated that they only consumed halal food and drinks. All of themmentioned that they would actively look out for the MUIS halal certificate whendeciding on a place to dine publicly. It appeared that for all of them, the vendor’sprofession to have ‘no pork, no lard, only vegetable oil’ – this phrase is sometimesused by vendors, usually who are non-Muslims, who do not have MUIS halalcertification – was insufficient.

This research also found that a large majority of the respondents indicated that ‘...when in doubt (about the halal status of a food), do not proceed.’

I have my reservations about chicken wings because some have the tendency tojust buy the cheaper one and ignore the halal. You’ll never know as this isdifficult to check. (Teacher, male, 28)

Implicit in this statement is the perception that non-halal certified productsgenerally cost less than halal certified products. This is because the procedures andregulation of halal status invokes higher operational costs, as opposed to non-halalfood production. For instance, much of Singapore’s fresh poultry comes from(Chinese) farms in Malaysia that do not have halal certification. As such, therespondent is suggesting that it is possible that an unscrupulous vendor who mighthave a MUIS halal certificate might choose to use cheaper non-halal chicken. In thissituation, trust and perception appear to be very important factors when decidingwhether or not to patronize a particular vendor.

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Thus, restaurants that have managed to acquire halal certification are thereforevery eager to maintain this status, not only because it is a mandatory requirement,but also because it affects the mentality of potential customers.

Customers are also not allowed to bring outside food to preserve the halal status ofthe food that is served. (Business Executive of a halal restaurant, male, early 30s)

Despite the certification, the respondents have shown that they are alwaysquestioning whether the food and its preparation are actually halal.

Depends on the companies also. Kalau kompani besar besar kita percaya ah (Ifthe companies are big, we will trust). Like McDonald’s and all. My brotherworking at the airport saw that the meat from McDonald’s have halalcertification. But small companies always arrested for cheating [prosecuted byMUIS for breaching halal standards]. (Housewife, 52)

Thinking about it, some Muslim vendors I also have my doubts about [whetherthey follow halal practices]. Kau tengok orang dia macam mana. Kalauselekeh, asal boleh (You have to see how the person is, whether he is sloppilydressed, whether he does things anyhow). (Teacher, male, 28)

One respondent mentioned that she would prefer to frequent restaurants that notonly sell halal food, but also that the food is cooked and prepared by Muslims. Thisis because it is possible for a halal-certified establishment to hire non-Muslims ascooks, waiters and cleaners.

Our Chinese cooks are not allowed to bring or consume any outside food. Wehave 5 Chinese cooks. 2 are Buddhists and 3 free thinkers. Sometimes ourneighbouring shops give out beers, especially during festive seasons, as giftsto our Chinese cooks. We make sure that they send it home immediately. Ifpeople were to see beer bottles lying around in the restaurant we are shootingour own ass. Customers are also not allowed to bring outside food to preservethe halal status of the food that is served. (Manager of a local MuslimRestaurant, male, 20s)

It is therefore evident that the devout and practicing Muslims intervieweddemonstrated that halal-ness was a critical issue to their lives. This is not surprising,considering that these individuals strongly desire to be ‘good Muslims.’ Hence, theyneeded to be defensive and absolutely sure that the food and its preparation was‘pure’ and free of ‘contamination’ before consumption.

Halal environment

We believe, in any event, that the body obeys the exclusive laws of physiologyand that it escapes the influence of history, but this too is false. The body ismolded by a great many distinct regimes; it is broken down by the rhythms ofwork, rest, and holidays; it is poisoned by food or values through eating habitsor moral laws; it constructs resistances. (Foucault 1977: 380)

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As suggested earlier, the notion of halal-ness is not just restricted to the food ordrinks themselves but also to the surrounding environment as well. This is becauseharam items have the ability to ‘contaminate’ halal food, drinks and environments.This notion becomes particularly problematic for devout Muslims dining publicly inmulticultural Singapore, where in a food court or hawker center, there might be stallsselling haram food and drinks, such as pork and alcohol to non-Muslims.

The research sought to understand if devout Muslims would willingly choose toexclude themselves from environments, which sold haram food and drinks. Wheninterviewed, most of the respondents reported that they were not adamant aboutpatronizing a totally halal food court or hawker center; most of the respondents didnot mind going to a food court as long as there was at least one halal certifiedvendor. Many reported that the presence of non-halal food and drinks was not a‘problem’, but obviously would not patronize those vendors. However, many had toactivate ‘defensive dining’ strategies in food courts or hawker centers where bothhalal and non-halal food are sold.

I will not place my bare hands on the table whenever I dine at an outlet thatserves both halal and non-halal food. The rag that is used to wipe the table hasalso been used to clean the other tables [where there might be non-halal food].(IT Executive, male, 20s)

When asked about dining together with non-Muslims who might be consumingnon-halal or haram food, many respondents talked about the need to establish ‘asafe distance’ between friends/colleagues/strangers eating non-halal food andthemselves. This is so that the ‘halal-ness’ of their food can be safeguarded andpreserved. If the non-halal food were to come within too close a proximity, then the‘halal-ness’ of the Muslims’ own food could be threatened due to accidental orunintentional spilling, splashing and so on.

Of course as far as possible I wouldn’t want to be close but I won’t stop them ifthey want [to sit at the same table]. It’s the same with any other condition sayfor example on a plane, if the person beside you drinks beer, you can’t tell himno or to insist on sitting beside a non-alcoholic drinker. (Airline StationManager, Male, late 20s)

Hence, both respondents reported that they employed vigilance, which meant thatthey were constantly on the look out for situations where ‘contamination’ might takeplace.

When dining with non-Muslims eating at the same table there must bereasonable distance. In Singapore, cannot be avoided lah, we have to sharetables. Unless they are eating soupy stuff, then I don’t want. Then if they eat, itwill splash all over. (Businesswoman, Female, 40s)

There were other means to dine defensively, including selecting where one sits tohave the meal.

With respect to the seating arrangement when dining in an eatery or hawkercentre selling both halal and non-halal food, I always try to sit at a distance

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from the stalls selling non-halal food. Nearer the halal food is better. (Manager,female, mid 20s)

Many respondents also had to resort to defensive strategies to cope with the‘unwelcome’ presence of alcohol nearby.

If I eat with non Muslims and they drink beer, in a formal situation likefunctions then you can’t really do anything about it, I’ll just tolerate. If it is aprivate function, I’ll ask my friends not to consume alcohol. Even for drinks, Iprefer to buy from Muslim stalls because of the washing of cups and all that.(Teacher, male, 28)

When it comes to what constitutes a safe and reasonable distance, the issue of theolfactory – also known as ‘the aroma of food’ – becomes pertinent. Based on theresponses in this research, we found that some respondents reject dining at the sametable as non-Muslims who are consuming pork or alcohol on the basis of smell.

Pork, also cannot because of the smell. Alcohol cannot. Oh, the smell...! Evenin public transport, I’ll move to another seat if someone who consumes alcoholis sitting near me. It’s not because I look down on the alcoholics and all. It’sjust because I have a sensitive sense of smell.” (Businesswoman, 40s)

If possible there must be a distance between the halal and non-halal stalls.Sometimes the smell and all. If it is too close, I don’t like. (Kitchen Helper in aMuslim Restaurant, female, 50s)

(Translated) Just the smell (of pork) can make my throat go queasy andsqueamish. Alcohol also cannot. It’s not just the smell. Later if people were tosee then they’ll think that we are condoning them to consume alcohol. (Tailor,female, 46)

Some respondents, however, took a more rational viewpoint with attempts atciting the Islamic jurisprudence.

The smell of the pork is nothing what? Of course it smells but from religiousperspective it’s nothing. I used to eat with my Chinese friend and everyone....Ofcourse it’s not that comfortable lah because of the smell, right? But I can accept,just that I feel not comfortable. (Taxi Driver, male, late 40s)

Mixed vs segregated

This research has confirmed that there is a direct correlation between degree ofreligiosity and the individual’s concern about halal-ness. In other words, devoutMuslims take the issue of halal very seriously; as such, it can be argued that theyhave a halal-consciousness. Already, many caterers, hawkers and restaurateurs haveresponded to this consciousness by acquiring formal halal certification, in order tocater to the Muslim market. As mentioned in an earlier section, MUIS is solely incharge of the administration of halal certification in the country. In 2005, MUISreported a 27% increase in applications for halal certification with the rise mainly

70 Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73

coming from the food industry (Straits Times, 5 Feb 2005). One of the main reasonsfor this can be argued to be the increasing religiosity of Singaporean Muslims (Tan2004; Mukhlis 2006) which has manifested itself in a greater interest in adhering toIslamic requirements laid out in areas for example concerning the Muslim diet(Funston 2006:75).

Given that there was the parallel process of increasing ‘halal consciousness’among Muslims in Singapore and the increasing number of halal certified foodvendors, this research hypothesized that devout and practicing Muslim mightchoose to exclusively dine at fully halal establishments. In the case of a food court,for example, a fully halal establishment would mean that not only are the foodserved halal, but the entire environment would be halal as well. Already, inneighbouring Malaysia, where Muslims form the majority of the residentpopulation, there are already many such totally halal food courts and hawkercenters. Singapore, too, has seen several fully halal establishments, including onechain of food courts known as Banquet, which has 13 outlets in Singapore.Banquet is unique because unlike other food court chains such as Kopitiam orFood Junction, it ensures that the entire food court is halal. There is a clear sign atthe entrance of all Banquet food courts, stating that ‘...outside food may not bebrought into this food court as this is a MUIS certified halal establishment.’Interestingly, Banquet does not only serve ethnic Malay food. Instead, Banquetattempts to replicate all the ‘usual’ fare that can be found in the archetypalSingaporean food court or hawker center, including Chinese, Malay, Indian,European and other (such as Japanese or Korean) cuisine.

The reasons for Banquet’s emergence include the growth of the Malay-Muslimmiddle class, who now have greater economic power in Singapore, and also theability of non-Muslims to consume halal food. These two reasons probably create aviable business model for Banquet. It is highly likely that this model was firstpioneered by the multinational fast food chains, such as McDonalds’ Restaurants,Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC), Pizza Hut, and Burger King, amongst others. Theseestablishments amended their menus and food production methods to gain officialhalal certification in Singapore so that they could attract the Muslim ‘market.’ Forexample, pork ham and bacon – found in pizzas and found accompanying someburgers – were replaced by halal turkey or chicken ham and bacon. Yet, theseestablishments continued to appeal to the non-Muslim market by essentially notaltering their food fares significantly.

All the respondents were asked about their views towards fully halal establish-ments, such as food courts and hawker centers. At an aggregate level, all therespondents said that they would prefer to patronize a fully halal food court orhawker center, such as Banquet. However, many also said that they would still goto a mixed food court or hawker center, as long as there was at least one halalvendor.

Singapore is a place whereby halal food is in abundance. There are no reasonsto get in dodgy situations. (Housewife, 50s)

Most respondents also said that dining in a mixed environment was not a seriousproblem because they could always ‘take safety precautions’ to ensure that they andtheir food do not get contaminated. This was ‘defensive dining’ in practice.

Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73 71

There was one respondent who said that she would always try to find a fully halalestablishment, unless there was ‘no choice.’ Some others indicated that if the wholeestablishment was not totally halal, they preferred some evident segregation betweenthe halal and non-halal food.

Normally, I go for Malay food courts or hawker centres which serves all halalfood. I do not go to a place where majority of the stalls serve alcoholic drinksand pork, and there would be only one Indian stall that serves halal food. AtWest Coast, where there are certain separations, it’s ok. Majority of Muslims ofmy age are not so social, so we prefer to go Haig Road and West Coast wherethere are more separations. (Taxi Driver, Male, 50s)

This particular hawker center at West Coast happens to be designed in a mannerwhere all the Muslim food are bunched together at one side, away from the rest ofthe hawker center. As such, although there was no official segregation, the spatialorganization meant that there was at least some separation from the non-halal food.

When probed further, nearly all of the respondents said that they – in actualpractice – did not exclusively patronize fully halal food courts or hawker centers.Instead, all the respondents reported that they would regularly go to a ‘mixed’establishment, which had at least one halal-certified vendor, and where they wouldpractice defensive dining. This apparently contradictory position can be explained bya combination of being religious and pragmatic at the same time. In other words,while they tried to remain true to the teachings of their religion, they were alsopragmatic to accept that they could achieve their religious expectations with regardsto public dining if they took a few additional safeguards. This would allow them awider choice of public dining establishments than if they were restricting themselvesto total halal outlets. Although the number of total halal establishments has beengrowing over the recent years, they currently still only form a very small proportion,when compared to the total number of food courts and hawker centers in Singapore.Thus, it can be concluded that their personal preference for a total halal environmentis a wish for convenience – where they need not be on high defensive alert all thetime–rather than exclusivity.

Conclusion

This research has found that the self-described ‘devout’ and ‘practising’ Muslims areindeed extremely concerned about the issue of halal, not only when it comes to foodand drink consumption, but they are also very concerned about whether thepreparation of the food and the environment within which the food is consumed ishalal or not. Most of those interviewed in this research have also indicated that theypreferred not to have to engage in defensive dining strategies but would do so whenthe occasion necessitates. In other words, most indicated that they would prefer todine in an environment, which was totally halal, if there was a choice. Yet, theapparent frequency with which these individuals do patronize ‘mixed’ establish-ments, either out of necessity (for example, if there were no totally halalestabishments available) or out of choice – for example they want to enjoy thecompany of non-Muslims on occasions – suggested that they are generally not

72 Cont Islam (2008) 2:61–73

exclusionist in principle. Instead, nearly all of them took ‘defensive dining’ measuresin order to fulfill their religious obligations as well as to continue to ‘participate’ inmulticultural and cosmopolitan everyday life.

As such, it does not appear likely that piety will in fact lead to self-exclusion inSingapore in the near future. Even though there is a growing halal-certified market,it does not suggest that it will act as a segregating process. Instead, we argue that thehalal-certification scheme – although entirely commercially driven – is in fact anintegrating process because it allows even the most devout Muslim, who is supposedto be the most selective about food and drink consumption, to patronize theseestablishments. At the same time, none of these halal-certified establishmentsexclude non-Muslims, and they are also not exclusively for Muslims only. Toconclude, defensive dining is in fact not a retreat (or exclusionist) strategy butinstead an active participatory measure to remain somewhat integrated withinmulticultural and cosmopolitan everyday life in Singapore.

Acknowledgements Research for this paper was funded by the National University of Singapore,Academic Research Fund Research Project R-111-000-070-112.

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