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Developments in Human Geography: Niches for a Christian ContributionAuthor(s): Martin ClarkSource: Area, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Dec., 1991), pp. 339-344Published by: The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20003018 .
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339
Observations
Developments in human geography: niches for a Christian contribution Martin Clark, Department of Geography, University of Sheffield, Sheffield S10 2TN
In a remarkable editorial to a special edition of Society and Space (1990, 375-8), Susan
Smith and Nigel Thrift discuss recent developments in social theory, commending the
authors of the papers in the volume who
draw attention to the need, in a setting dominated by new theories and turbulent
ideas, to explore the relationship between theories of identity and the lived,
experienced process of identity formation. This is an area which urgently needs attention if we are ever adequately to conceptualise the character of society, or to
understand what ' experience ' is. Questions like 'what is identity? ', ' what is
memory? ', ' who is self? ', ' what is consciousness? 'are asked all too infrequently in social geography and, indeed, in social science, today. Yet they are crucial to the
explanatory task of contemporary social theory (376).
Assuming human geographers are not suddenly rushing to take up night classes in
psychology, I can only conclude that what Smith and Thrift really want to know is ' Who am I? ' and ' Why am I here? ' (or at least, ' Who is everybody else and why are
they here? '). Such metaphysical concerns are usually left to the theologians and philo
sophers of this world. Or, if we allow ourselves to think them, we try to bracket them
from our geographical work. Can geographers really be asking these kinds of questions?
Where on earth are they going to get the answers? No doubt many will maintain to the
death that answers can be found within a wholly materialist framework (simply because
all answers can and must be thus located). However, I detect gnawing disillusionment
with the limitations of such an approach and growing openness to any inputs which
might shed light on these (seemingly) imponderable social scientific taboo questions. Note, for example, the Social and Cultural Geography Study Group's recent
'Initiative ' (S&CGSG 1991) on the reconceptualisation of social and cultural geogra
phy. Underpinning their concern to examine ' moral geographies ' and ' the geography in everyday moralities ' is a recognition that ' the time has come to address more
rigorously the morality of our own work as geographers'. For some this seems to involve
deriving appropriate moralities from the situations of the people and places under
study, while for others it may mean 'making explicit their moral rootedness in (say) Marxist, Christian or other forms of supposedly transcendent thinking about human
freedom ' (5).
Presuppositions in geography
The need for, and legitimacy of, this latter process was highlighted over ten years ago by Harrison and Livingstone (1980) who demonstrated that no methodology exists
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340 Observations
independently, but is the product of different epistemologies, ontologies and, ultimately, cosmologies held by geographers and the discipline as a whole. They argued that ' the presuppositional approach to geographical thinking ... would make explicit
the apriorisms implicit in all scientific investigation '(26). This might be an uncomfort able experience, because ' explanations of particular phenomena ... often reveal more about the observer than the observed ' (26-7). It is essential because, as Lowenthal reminds us, 'underlying all our expressed attitudes towards the (personally appre hended) milieu is a core of assumptions about the nature of man (sic) and nature ' (1967, 2). This is the case for Marxists, humanists and positivists even post-modernists! as much as for those with ' conventional ' religious beliefs: each has a ' faith ' (or ' ultimate concern') of some kind (see, for example, Sopher's (1981) comment on
Harvey's (1979) 'confessional approach'; and Eyles' (1985) autobiographical testimony as background to understanding his own sense of place).
Christian activity in geography
These and other developments have prompted a number of Christians in geography to explore the implications of their faith for their work and for the discipline itself. Individual efforts have surfaced only rarely in the literature, perhaps inhibited by fear of losing academic face or because of barriers imposed by publishers and refereed journals. Collective initiatives have recently begun in the form of conferences in North
America and Britain.' Here I shall try briefly to summarise and evaluate progress on these two fronts.
In Britain, the Christians in Geography group's recent conference Christians in
geography: whose agenda, whose methods? addressed the issue of whether Christians should participate uncritically in geography-that is, accepting the way it is conducted, even if its philosophies are at variance with one's own.
Matthew Sleeman (Cambridge University) reiterated that everybody has a world view (which may be more or less conscious or explicit) shaping their lives and therefore their academic work. We cannot and should not try to split our worldview from the conduct of our geography, especially if, as Christians, we hold that nothing is neutral in relation to God (Shaw 1989). What are the implications of such a stance? Paul Cloke
(Saint David's University College, Lampeter) emphasised that' Christian geography' should not be regarded as, or allowed to become, another passing' ism'; nor should it
be limited to superficial applications such as the geography of the Bible lands or church attendance; nor is it an unimportant characteristic of the Christian geographer, to be ignored or repressed. However, by the nature of the Biblical record and its differing contextual interpretation, we cannot expect a single Christian ontology. It follows that we should not expect a single Christian geography. This became clear during the conference, where speakers took different approaches but remained focused around a common central theme of seeking integration of Christian principles and concepts with the conduct of geography.
Integration? Without such integration we will be irrelevant. Alan Hay (Sheffield University) encouraged geographers to attempt more fully to integrate the subject matter and principles of Christian thinking, ethical thinking and geographical thinking, illustrat ing some possible ways forward with reference to justice and equity in transport planning (see also Trinder, Hay et al 1991). Much of this is common ground with the rest of geography; but could there be a place for concepts such as mercy, righteousness
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Observations 341
and forgiveness, which are central and radical concepts in Christian theology but which
rarely appear in our geographical writing?
One of the most fully developed Christian contributions to geography has been
provided by Iain Wallace. Building on his 1978 paper on economic geography, Wallace
(1985) explores ways in which we might regain a coherent understanding of the human
condition in a society (and in the study of society) which has become fragmented and
relativistic. This is epitomised in the Foucaultian commitment to the demolition of
homocentrism (Foucault 1973, 1980), a decentring which expresses itself in processes
which tend to dehumanise society (Ellul 1964), delegitimise the political order
(Habermas 1976) and destabilise the basis for exerting reasoned control over the
economy (Hirsch 1976). Thus 'there is ultimately no ontological basis for our
aspirations towards coherent personhood and the social, international and environ
mental relationships which reflect it ' (26), for coherence is scorned in a world of ' short
term truths, context-dependency and partial information' (Gale 1977, 272). Biblical theology, claims Wallace, offers perspectives which point us towards a fuller
understanding of personhood. (Note that any such approach must be ' permanently
iconoclastic' (Lash 1981, 132) of both naturalistic philosophies and of its own con
ditional formulations.) There are three main axes to the theological understanding of
humanity: the materialism of human life; that humanity is constituted ' in the image of
God' and that existential ambiguities of personhood and human action (such as those
raised by social theorists) result from the alienation of humankind from God. This
secures the fundamental dignity of each individual, but simultaneously insists that
human life is corporate and relational, having a boundary set by the constraints of the
attached obligations and legitimate expectations and a normative dimension in which ' acknowledgement of creaturehood logically entails acknowledgement of the creator's
ontological distinctiveness and acceptance of his/her project' (29), and from which
are derived ethical norms for human behaviour: love of God being significantly
demonstrated through love for neighbour. Wallace notes the substantial parallels with Habermas' critical theory (1971),
especially the emancipatory themes. However, he is sceptical of Habermas' 'ideal
speech situation ' in which individuals are supposed to suppress their self-centredness.
Wallace believes that only ' the theological account of repentance and conversion
leading to moral transformation speaks into this silence not merely conceptually but
with the promise of spiritual resources to effect the necessary ethical reorientation'
(29). This is Wallace at his most explicit. Intriguingly, Johnston (1990) appears to
chastise him for hinting at but not developing the Christian position in a more recent
work (1989)!
Interconnectivities? Paul Cloke described how Christians have felt most comfortable working within the
humanist tradition (for example, Houston 1978; Ley 1980; Wallace 1986), but have
shied away from structuralist positions. However, with recent developments in radical
thought there would seem to be enormous scope for interconnectivity with areas of
structuration, critical theory and realism, especially as the Bible is strongly suggestive of the existence of systemic or structural aspects of society in the way individual human
actions are' corporated up 'into structures which perpetuate evil. For example, Martin
Clark and Juliana Mansvelt (Sheffield University) examined secular and Christian
perspectives in urban geography, which necessarily entailed discussion of the nature of
'good' and 'bad' structures. Theoretical developments in urban geography were
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342 Observations
traced, and contrasted with the Biblical insight into the urban expression, especially the powerful prophetic critique of cities in the Old Testament. A set of Christian principles to guide urban policy were outlined (Ashcroft and Schluter 1989).
Among the literature, Ley's (1974) comparison of Christian and Marxist interpret ations of the urban condition is quite well known. He despairs at attempts to locate the root of the problems (and hence to formulate solutions) which never recognise 'the fundamental structure, the bottom-most level of explanation for the urban alien ations ', that is, the evil within individual people. Sadly, ' social science models of man (sic) continue to reflect methods of investigation and theoretical goals, rather than
man's existential nature' (71). Is this still true now? If so, like Wallace, Ley asks for a fuller view of human personhood which acknowledges both our dignity and our depravity. Thus, while the language of the spiritual is unfamiliar in this age, we need to recognise that ' the revolution must be spiritual as well as institutional. For it is privatistic iniquity, not social inequity, which is the root cause of evil in the city' (71).
Pacione (1990, 1991) has drawn attention to the role of the church in challenging urban deprivation in Britain, both at the symptomatic level and increasingly at the causal level (see Church of England 1985, 1990). His empirical work in Glasgow and
Newcastle leads him to believe, perhaps in broad agreement with Cloke, that:
the mechanisms underlying urban poverty and deprivation are so embedded in the social and economic structure that it is unrealistic to expect either market based government policies or alternative local community initiatives to resolve the problem. Even the most radical challenges to the socio-spatial injustices of capitalism can claim only limited success. What is required is a fundamental reassessment of the moral philosophy underpinning the capitalist mode of pro duction. The humanitarian and organisational attributes of the church make (it) the ideal advocate for this approach (Pacione 1990, 201).
Among other subjects the conference addressed, Chris Park (Lancaster University) tackled physical and environmental geography. He focused on the important, but often sidetracking issue of creation and evolution (it is not how, but why God created the
world that really matters), stewardship of nature (and the 'exploitation' debate), and attitudes to property and possessions (see Doughty 1981; Livingstone 1983; Kay 1989; Park forthcoming).
Methodology/ies Michael Bradshaw (St Mark and St John, Plymouth) was left the unenviable task of pulling these threads together to respond to the question many people have justifiably asked, 'Just what is a Christian methodology? '. Our conclusion will not satisfy every one, but it is essentially that Christian integrity and principles should exert an influence at every stage of the research process: recognising topics worthy of study, formulating questions, gathering information, theorising, and making a contribution to the trans formation of geography and society (after Paterson 1986). This will mean substantial interconnectivity with existing methodologies and theories, but always seeking to overcome any reductionisms introduced by failure adequately to conceptualise the reality of the human and global condition and the spiritual dimension to that reality. A good example of work embracing all these considerations is that ofJohn L Paterson on a Christian farmers' group in Alberta (1985, 1986, 1989). He demonstrates how their Christian principles affect the geographic world and offer a critique of capitalist agri culture. This can be used as a springboard for discussion of how Christian action and
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Observations 343
principles may have wider application, for example, to the conduct of scholarly geography.
Conclusions By a process of critical engagement with real world situations and the philosophies which underlie them and their study, Christians in geography are contending for a recognition that Christian orthodoxy and orthopraxis are viable sources of normative knowledge for the conduct and analysis of human life. Such a project seems warranted by openings in contemporary human geography which suggest a growing existential crisis whose contours are broadly those addressed by Christian theology and practice. There is therefore a strong case for outlining and working from Christian presuppo sitions, in a self-critical and dialogical process alongside adherents of other presuppositional positions.
Acknowledgements
Grateful thanks to Paul Cloke and Alan Hay for their insightful comments on an early draft, and to Matthew
Sleeman and Juliana Mansvelt for later advice on revision.
Note 1 This conference, held in the Department of Geography, University of Sheffield, 1-3 March 1991, was the
third and largest organised by the Christian Geographers' Fellowship in the UK (now ' Christians in
Geography'). The first was reported by Olliver (1989). A full report of the 1991 conference may be
obtained free from Martin Clark, Department of Geography, University of Sheffield, Sheffield S 10 2TN.
Furthermore, a Christian Geography Specialty Group has convened at the Association of American
Geographers annually since 1985. Details from Professor Henk Aay, Department of Geology, Geography
and Environmental Studies, Calvin College, Grand Rapids, MI 49506, USA.
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344 Observations
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Lollipop jobs for pin money? Retail employment explored
Michelle S Lowe, Department of Geography, University of Reading, Whiteknights, Reading RG6 2AB and Louise Crewe, Department of Geography, University of
Nottingham, University Park, Nottingham NG7 2RD
'Burton are to axe 1,600 jobs and close 120 shops. Exceptional costs and extra
ordinary items-largely a disastrous foray into property development-will send the group into losses of /166&6 million. Three years ago it made profits of more than ,200 million ... Halpern became the first British businessman to earn a salary of ? 1 million ' (Sunday Times, 1991).
Intimately bound up with the well-documented restructuring of the British econ omy in recent years has been the emergence of a so-called new era of consumer capitalism. While the ' retail revolution ' and the current deepening retail recession are
topics of heated debate amongst city analysts, the health of the high street (or indeed the out of town shopping centre) has been a sadly neglected area of enquiry within geogra phical research. Despite the fact that the largest retailers are now amongst the biggest
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