Diachrony of Stative Dimensional Verbsin French1

Brigitte Schwarze & Hans Geisler

AbstractIn the present paper we will trace the evolution of French verbs like peser ‘weigh’and coûter ‘cost’ which encode a dimension – weight and price, respectively –and allow for the external speciVcation of a value of this dimension as in peser 2kilos ‘weigh 2 kilos’ and coûter 5 euros ‘cost 5 euros.’ We call these verbs stative di-mensional verbs (SDVs). Our main focus will be on SDVs which evolve from verbsencoding sensorimotor concepts such as main body postures (e. g., standing) orelementary hand actions (e. g., grasping). We will try to delineate the semanticchanges they undergo in the course of their development. Special attention willbe paid to the correlation between source concepts and the emergence of speciVcdimensional readings.

1 Stative dimensional verbs, functional nouns anddimensional adjectives

Stative dimensional verbs (henceforth SDVs) include verbs such as peser ‘weigh’and coûter ‘cost’ that encode a dimension (or attribute) – weight and price,respectively – and allow for the external speciVcation of a value of this dimensionas in peser 2 kilos ‘weigh 2 kilos’ and coûter 5 euros ‘cost 5 euros.’ Constructionswith SDVs can be described in terms of a mathematical function f(x)=y, where fis the dimension given by the verb meaning, x is the subject argument and y is

1 The subject matters tackled in the present paper are part of two projects (“Dimensional Verbs” and“The development of functional concepts in French”) funded by the German Research Foundation(DFG) within the Research Unit FOR 600 “Functional Concepts and Frames.”

Thomas Gamerschlag, Doris Gerland, Rainer Osswald & Wiebke Petersen(eds.). 2015. Meaning, Frames, and Conceptual Representation. Düsseldorf:dup.

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the predication, i.e., the value speciVed for the subject argument with respect tothe dimension:

x f y

Le pain

Le pain 5 euroscoûte

pèse 2 kilos ZdZ��bread weighs 2 kilos[

ZdZ��bread costs 5 euros[

Table 1: SDV construction

SDVs correspond to a class of nouns that we term ‘functional concept nouns’or, for the sake of simplicity, ‘functional nouns’. As for SDVs, functional nounsserve to denote functional concepts; that is, concepts which can be described bya function. Functional nouns have an obligatory possessor argument, which inFrench is often realized as de-complement, and a unique referent per possessor,therefore they are usually deVnite.2 This is illustrated in Table 2.

f x =

Le poids

Le prix 5 eurosdu pain

du pain est ZdZ��weight of the bread is 2 kilos[

ZdZ��price of the bread is 5 euros[

y

est

2 kilos

Table 2: Functional noun construction

The variants presented in Tables 1 and 2 both specify the value ‘2 kilos’ for the di-mension weight and ‘5 euros’ for the dimension price. However, in the nominalvariant in 2, the dimension is explicitly referred to, whereas in the verbal variantin 1, the verb encodes the respective dimension without explicitly expressing it.Moreover, there is a third means of expressing functional concepts, namely by

dimensional adjectives such as Fr. lourd ‘heavy’ and cher ‘expensive.’ Dimen-sional adjectives only imply the dimension and, in contrast to SDVs and func-tional nouns, they are usually value-speciVc, i.e., they themselves denote a cer-tain value. Thus, they are generally less Wexible; in most cases, they cannot becombined with explicit value speciVcations, as demonstrated in Table 3.However, some languages – like German, for example – allow for the use of

the verbal, the nominal, and the adjectival variant at the same time. As shown

2 For the notion of functional concept, the corresponding lexical noun type and the role of determi-nation cf. Löbner (1979), (1985), (2011).

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x = f

Le pain

*Le pain de 2 kilosest

est lourd

y

lourd

Le pain est cher

*Le pain est cher de 5 euros

Table 3: Dimensional adjective construction

in Tables 4 to 6, the dimension price may be encoded alternatively by a verb, anoun or an adjective in German.3

x f y

Das Brot wiegt 2 Kilo ZdZ��bread weighs 2 kilos[

Table 4: SDV construction (German)

f x =

Das Gewicht des Brotes ist ZdZ��weight of the bread is 2 kilos[

y

2 Kilo

Table 5: Functional noun construction (German)

x = y

Das Brot schwerist

f

2 Kilo ZdZ��bread is 2 kilos Z��ÀÇ[��������

Table 6: Dimensional adjective construction (German)

The lexical devices for expressing functional concepts vary considerably acrosslanguages. In modern Indo-European languages, the nominal variant seems tooutweigh dimensional verbs and dimensional adjectives, both in number and fre-quency. Our cross-linguistic investigation of functional concepts clearly shows

3 In French, the combination of dimensional adjectives and explicit value speciVcations is mainlyrestricted to a subset of spatial adjectives (e. g., long ‘long,’ haut ‘high,’ large ‘large, wide,’ profond‘deep,’ etc.), whereas such a restriction does not exist in German. This does not mean that thereare no restrictions at all in German; in many cases, the availability of the adjectival paraphrase isat least questionable (cf.: ?Das Brot ist fünf Euro teuer. Lit.: ‘The bread is Vve euros expensive.’).Starting out from a large-scale analysis of German SDVs, Gamerschlag (2014) demonstrates thateven in German only few SDVs can be paraphrased by adjectives.

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Lt. pendĕre ‘let hang down’

Lt. pendĕre ‘weigh’

Lt. pensum ‘weighed’

Fr. poids ‘weight’

V

SDV

PP

FN

Figure 1: Lt. pendere > Fr. poids

that this class of nouns saw a signiVcant upsurge in German and French in scien-tiVc discourse and all kinds of expository texts that try to impart depersonalized,objective knowledge during the last centuries. Nevertheless, there are many di-mensions which are encoded alternatively by nouns or by SDVs. Furthermore,in many cases SDVs seem to have constituted a preliminary stage for the laternominal encoding of functional concepts. This is true, for example, of Frenchpoids ‘weight.’ It can ultimately be traced back to the Latin verb pendere whichoriginally meant ‘let hang down.’ As it was used in the context of weighing (‘letthe scales of a balance hang down in order to weigh something’), it acquired thetransitive reading ‘weigh something’ as well as the dimensional reading ‘weigh’;the noun then derives from a nonVnite form of pendere, namely the past participlepensum.A comparable development is attested in case of Fr. coût ‘(the) cost(s),’ a near

synonym of prix ‘price.’ Coût goes back to Lt. constare which is composed ofthe preVx con/com (from the Old Latin comitative preposition cum) and the verbstare ‘stand.’ Its original meaning is ‘come to stand’ or ‘stand still.’ In commercialdiscourse it developed the dimensional reading ‘cost.’ Here again it is a nonVniteform, the inVnitive in this case, from which the noun is Vnally derived.A third example is Fr. contenu ‘content.’ It stems from the Latin verb continere

‘hold (together).’ Once more, an SDV reading, ‘enclose’/‘contain’ in this case, hadbeen acquired before the functional noun was coined on the basis of the nonVnitepast participle form of the verb.These examples also indicate that the dimensional reading of the verbs them-

selves can often be traced back to nondimensional usage. The verbs initially referto intersubjectively stable bodily experience, to body posture or motion and hand

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Diachrony of Stative Dimensional Verbs in French

Lt. constare ‘come to stand’

Lt. constare ‘cost’

Fr. coûter ‘cost’

Fr. coût ‘cost(s)’

V

SDV

INF

FN

Figure 2: Lt. constare > Fr. coût(s)

Lt. continere ‘hold (together)’

Lt. continere ‘enclose’, ‘contain’

Fr. contenu ‘contained’

Fr. contenu ‘content’

V

SDV

INF

FN

LtSDV

INF

FN

V

SDV

PP

FN

Figure 3: Lt. continere > Fr. contenu

action. In the following sections we will take a closer look at possible origins andlines of development of SDVs. We will try to outline how these anthropomorphicconcepts are transformed into more abstract concepts by means of associativeprocesses like metonymy and metaphor, and how this Vnally leads to the iso-lation of a single semantic property that allows us to assign a dimension to anobject.

2 Diachrony of stative dimensional verbs in French

2.1 DataOur inventory of French SDVs has mainly been developed by analyzing approx-imately 2500 entries in the verb dictionary compiled by Busse & Dubost (1977/21983). The SDVs and SDV readings identiVed here were revised and extendedby means of other synchronic dictionaries (e. g., Petit Robert and TLFi), the syn-tactic semantic thesaurus of French verbs by Dubois & Dubois-Charlier (1997),

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the data oUered in the realm of lexicon-grammar,4 and French text corpora (Fran-text). We eventually distinguished more than one hundred items5 which havebeen examined in terms of their diachronic sources and stages of developmentusing diUerent etymological dictionaries (e. g., EWFS, FEW, Robert Historique).6

2.2 Origins of SDVsThe analysis has shown that the majority of SDVs are transparent. Most of themdo indeed go back to dynamic verbs or special groups of stative verbs, whichoriginally encode sensorimotor concepts. In many cases, the source conceptswhich can be attested for the Latin period, e. g., basic hand actions like holdingreoccur in more recent developments. This can, for example, be illustrated by Fr.tenir < Lt. tenere ‘hold.’ In modern French tenir is still used in the sense of ‘hold’in sentences like (1a) and (b)

(1) (a) La petite Vlle tient un sac à main.‘The little girl holds a handbag.’

(b) Tiens-moi ça un instant, s’il te plaît.‘Hold this for me a moment, please.’

but it is also used as an SDV denoting capacity, e. g., in (2):

(2) La cuve tient mille litres.‘The vat holds a thousand liters.’

4 See particularly the material available on the website (http://infolingu.univ-mlv.fr/).5 Note that the number of SDV readings is actually higher than the number of items (verbs) in our

inventory, since one verb generally displays several SDV readings (cf. infra).6 There are diUerent types of SDVs which we cannot discuss in detail in this paper. Some SDVs like

peser and sentir can take an absolute use without a value argument. In this case, they denote a Vxed(positive or negative) high value (cf.: Ce sac pèse. ‘This bag weighs (a lot).’/Ce poisson sent. ‘This Vshsmells (bad).’). Other verbs can adopt a dimensional reading in special contexts (cf. vendre ‘sell’ inCette voiture se vend bien. ‘This car sells well.’). Still others may be used to specify more than onedimension like, for instance, German sitzen ‘sit’ (posture and location) or kleben ‘stick’ (contactand location). As has already been pointed out in other contexts (cf. Talmy 1985, Schwarze 1993),these ‘bidimensional’ uses can be described as rare in Modern French as well as in other RomanceLanguages; French makes use of resultative constructions instead (cf. être assis ‘be seated’, être collé‘be stuck’). For an overview of the diUerent types of SDVs cf. Schwarze (2008), for a more detailedaccount cf. Gamerschlag (2014).

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Diachrony of Stative Dimensional Verbs in French

Not every speaker accepts this kind of construction, but it is attested.7 So onceagain, it is the concept of holding which gives rise to a capacity reading.Another example which is completely uncontroversial among native speak-

ers of French is composer. It is derived from OFr. poser ‘rest’/‘put in a place’which goes back to Lt. pausare ‘pause, halt, seize’ and whose meaning was pre-sumably inWuenced by Lt. ponere ‘lay down’/‘put down’ and componere ‘put to-gether’/‘compose.’ Although the sense of Lt. componere is (still) vivid in ModernFrench, the middle construction as well as the resultative yield a dimensionalreading and allow us to specify the dimension structure or composition:

(3) (a) Le groupe se compose/est composé de garçons et de Vlles.‘This group is composed of/consists of boys and girls’

(b) Cet ouvrage se compose/est composé de trois parties.‘This work is composed of/consists of three parts.’

Only minor groups of SDVs do not evolve from verbs but from adjectives – suchas Lt. durus ‘hard’ which gives rise to Lt. durare, Fr. durer ‘last.’ Another (andapparently more frequent) source is nouns. Denominal derivation can be of twokinds: Derivation from sortal nouns which designate (classes of) objects withspeciVc salient characteristics seems to be typical of particular semantic groupsof SDVs, such as SDVs denoting light emission (cf.: chatoyer ‘shimmer’ < chat ‘cat’(supposedly because of the cat’s eyes), étinceler ‘sparkle’ < étincelle ‘spark,’ Wam-boyer ‘blaze’ < OFr. Wambe ‘Wame’/‘blaze’ etc.). On the other hand, we assert thatmore concrete functional nouns, such as bouche ‘mouth’ or bout ‘limit’/‘endpoint,’constitute the basis for the derivation of verbs displaying an SDV reading. Bouchegives rise to déboucher (dans/sur) ‘Wow into’/‘lead to,’ bout yields aboutir (à) ‘leadto (an end)’; both specify the dimension endpoint, goal or outcome:

(4) (a) La rue débouchait sur une place immense.‘The street led to an enormous square.’

(b) Une philosophie qui débouche sur l’action.‘A philosophy which leads to action.’

7 The example is taken from Dubois & Dubois-Charlier (1997). Standard dictionaries of modernFrench do not unambiguously account for a capacity reading. The judgements of native speak-ers on the acceptability of capacity denoting uses vary considerably. According to Petit Robertone meaning of tenir is “occuper (un certain espace)” (Petit Robert s. tenir I, 8), TLFi is more explicitin this respect, since they add “avoir une certaine capacité” (TLFi s. tenir IV/A, 2).

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(5) (a) Le chemin aboutit au village.‘The path leads to the village.’

(b) Ses recherches n’ont abouti à rien.‘His research didn’t lead to anything.’

However, we have to be considerate here because in some cases this kind ofdenominal derivation as well as the deadjectival derivation does not immediatelylead to an SDV reading. As for Fr. déboucher (dans/sur) and Lt. durare, dynamicuses of the verbs in question might be older.8 Taking this into account, we statethat the SDV readings develop, once again, from a verb.9 Nevertheless, these verbsusually do not pertain to the most prototypical group of source verbs, namely theone encoding sensorimotor concepts, which we will look at in the remainder ofthis paper.

2.3 From sensorimotor concepts to functional conceptsSome of the most frequent sensorimotor concepts originally expressed are ‘drag,’‘put,’ ‘give,’ ‘hold,’ ‘take,’ ‘touch,’ ‘carry,’ etc. These concepts give rise to a numberof diUerent dimensional readings. In (6) to (10) this is illustrated by French porterwhich also keeps the ‘original’ meaning, that is the meaning of the Latin verbportare ‘carry.’10

(6) range: Le canon porte (jusqu’) à 10 km.‘The range of the cannon is 10 km.’(Lit.: ‘The cannon carries (up) to 10 km.’)

(7) subject: Cette étude porte sur le chômage.‘This study deals with unemployment.’(Lit.: ‘This study carries on unemployment.’)

8 Déboucher is initially used in the sense of ‘appear,’ ‘come out of,’ durare Vrst means ‘make hard.’ Lesscontroversial for the second denominal type are German verbs like abstammen < Stamm ‘trunk (ofa tree)’ and beinhalten < Inhalt ‘content.’

9 Moreover, the nominal base of the verb in question may ultimately go back to a dynamic verb(cf. bout ‘limit’/‘endpoint’ which, according to most scholars, is derived from bouter < Old LowFranconian *botan ‘push’/‘beat’).

10 Note that the following SDV uses are not meant to cover the full meaning range of French porter.

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Diachrony of Stative Dimensional Verbs in French

(8) location: L’accent porte sur la dernière syllabe.‘The accent lies on the last syllable.’(Lit.: ‘The accent carries on the last syllable.’)

(9) potential: Un argument qui porte.‘A convincing/valid argument.’(Lit.: ‘An argument that carries.’)

(10) pregnancy time: La chatte porte soixante jours.‘Cats’ pregnancy lasts sixty days.’(Lit.: ‘Cats carry sixty days.’)

The development of deverbal SDVs from the above mentioned source concepts ispropelled by associative processes such as metonymy and metaphor. These pro-cesses rely on gestalt principles of perception (like Vgure and ground, proximityor contiguity and similarity) and can be speciVed for every step in concept de-velopment.11 In initial stages, metonymic proVling strategies in verbally encodedevent frames appear to dominate. Metonymies serve to highlight speciVc mean-ing components and to proVle noncanonical roles (like theme, path, source, goal,instrument etc.). Subsequently, metaphors enable domain mapping of functionalconcepts.This development can be illustrated by means of Lt. ducere ‘drag’ (Figure 4).

According to diUerent syntactic as well as semantic parameters (such as animacy,control and volitionality on the side of the agent), Lt. ducere can be regarded asa prototypical transitive verb. The semantic changes motivated by metonymiesinvolve a gradient loss of transitivity. In a Vrst step, the meaning of ducere shiftsfrom the concept of dragging to the concept of leading and accompanying,and this is how Fr. conduire (< VLt. conducere) is Vrst used. Apart from the agentand the experiencer, the underlying concept frame comprises elements such asinstrument, path and goal. Since Old French, the orientation or goal componentbecomes central, while the comitative reading recedes.12 This tendency seemsto be a prerequisite for subsequent argument alternations and the emergence of

11 There is a whole wealth of contemporary literature dealing with the diUerent associative processesand their relevance in (synchronic) language variation and (diachronic) change. For comprehensivediscussions which draw especially on French and other Romance Languages cf. Blank (1997),Waltereit (1998), Koch (2001) and Gévaudan (2007).

12 “Dès l’ancien français, l’extension des sens s’est faite [. . . ] par la valorisation de l’idée d’«orientation»aux dépens de celle d’«accompagnement»” (Robert Historique, s. conduire).

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dimensional readings: The agent is Vnally shifted out of its canonical subjectrole and the noncanonical role of path becomes subject. At the same time, thecomitative reading (‘accompany sb,’ ‘escort sb’) is lost completely. This is wherethe SDV reading endpoint, goal is acquired. Finally, metaphorical leaps allowfor other uses.

Lt. alqd/alqm ducere ‘drag sth/sb’

Fr. conduire qn (par la main) (sur un chemin) (à l'école)

‘lead sb (by the hand) (on a way) (to school)’

Fr. le chemin (nous) conduit à l'école

‘the way leads (us) to school’

Fr. cette politique conduit à l'échec

‘this strategy leads to disaster’

metonymy

metonymy

(path à agent)

metaphor

(path = method)

Figure 4: Lt. ducere > Fr. conduire à

Unergative and unaccusative verbs denoting elementary movements, such as go,run, fall, transform in a similar way. In accordance with transitive verbs, lessprominent components of the original event frame become highlighted while allanthropomorphic and dynamic aspects are lost. Starting from a complex eventverb, the associative processes even allow us to single out diUerent attributes lead-ing to diUerent dimensional readings, as has already been illustrated for Frenchporter above. In the following, we will go into more detail for the intransitiveFrench verb descendre to demonstrate how this diversity may occur.For French descendre (< Lt. descandere ‘move down’/‘go down’ < scandere ‘jump

up’/‘climb’) at least three SDV readings can be distinguished:

(11) origin: Elle descend d’une ancienne famille./L’homme descend du singe.‘She descends from an ancient family.’/‘Man descends from ape.’

(12) gradient: La rue descend à pic.‘The street falls away/drops steeply.’

(13) depth: Le puits descend à 40 mètres.‘The well is 40 meters deep.’

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Diachrony of Stative Dimensional Verbs in French

The original reading given in (11), which is Vrst attested in the 12th century, ismetaphorically motivated. The underlying conceptual metaphor is genealogyis a path. The relevant aspect of the descendre concept is that descendre is amovement that implies a change of location of the subject referent leading froma starting point, the high point A, down to a low point B (descendre = ‘move/godown from A to B’). The starting point of the downward movement is overtlyexpressed when descendre is followed by a prepositional phrase introduced byde (e. g., descendre du grenier ‘move/go down from the loft’). Transferred to theconcept of genealogy, descendre de acquires a purely relational meaning. Sincemovement is lost, it serves to express the ‘starting point,’ i.e., origin of the subjectreferent.13

The SDV reading in (12) dates back to the 17th century and is based on a tran-sitive use of descendre (e. g., descendre une rue ‘move/go down a street’). Thegradient reading arises out of a metonymical shift parallel to the one observedin the ducere example above. In the case of descendre, the coding of the path argu-ment in the subject position leads to the isolation of the downward orientation(=gradient); accordingly, the adverbial, which in the underlying event framewould serve to express the manner of the downward movement (cf. descendrerapidement/en courant ‘go/move down fast/in a running manner’), turns out toexpress the value that the object acquires with reference to this dimension (i.e.,measure of gradient).Finally, the depth reading given in (13) is best interpreted as the outcome of a

metaphorical transfer. Due to its downward orientation descendre can be appliedto (subterranean) vertical cavities such as wells and shafts. From the point ofview of the observer, objects of this nature are essentially characterized by the di-rectional dimension down (or having depth). Now, descendre à which originallyserves to express the endpoint of the downward movement (e. g., descendre à lacave ‘move/go down to the cellar’) allows the speciVcation of the value that theobject acquires along the dimension of depth.14

13 In our opinion, the downward orientation of descendre does not play any crucial role for themetaphorical transfer. Nevertheless, descendre originally may have been preferred against otheroptions due to its orientation, since family trees, for example, are usually arranged in a top-downmanner.

14 Note that the depth reading is neither recorded in etymological dictionaries nor in standard dictio-naries of modern French. It is attested in Dubois & Dubois-Charlier (1997) and the online version ofthe Larousse encyclopedia (Larousse Encyclopédie sur Internet, cf.: http://www.larousse.fr/).

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2.4 Correlation between source concepts and dimensionalreadings

Up to now, we have seen how diUerent dimensional readings emerge from oneand the same source concept – depending on which aspect or attribute of theunderlying frame becomes isolated. However, if we take speciVc dimensionalreadings as a starting point we have to note that some dimensions at least, suchas origin and cause as well as content, seem to be linked systematically toparticular source concepts both within a given language and across diUerent lan-guages. A majority of SDVs denoting origin and cause can be traced back toverbs of movement or, more precisely, locomotion:

ORIGIN/CAUSEmovement

locomotion

Fr. procéder de

Fr. provenir de

Fr. résulter de

ß Lt. procedere

ß Lt. provenire

ß Lt. resultare

ß Lt. cedere ‘go’

ß Lt. venire ‘come’

ß Lt. salire ‘jump’

Figure 5: Correlation of source and dimension: ORIGIN/CAUSE

SDVs which encode content often stem from verbs related to speciVc hand ac-tions like grasp, hold and carry:

CONTENTgrasping

holding

Fr. comprendre

Fr. contenir

Fr. comporter

ß Lt. comprehendere

ß Lt. continere

ß Lt. comportare

ß Lt. prehendere ‘grasp’

ß Lt. tenere ‘hold’

ß Lt. portare ‘carry’

Figure 6: Correlation of source and dimension: CONTENT

The meaning changes leading to the SDV readings are usually motivated by com-mon types of metonymies and metaphors which remain stable over time, e. g.,starting point of movement→ origin of state or entity→ cause of state or entity,container → contained/content. Therefore they occur more than once within a

212

References

given language and in a similar fashion across languages; as can be illustrated bythe German examples given in Figure 7.

ORIGIN/CAUSEmovement

locomotion

Ge. zurückgehen auf

Ge. herkommen von

Ge. entspringen

ß Ge. gehen ‘go’

ß Ge. kommen ‘come’

ß Ge. springen ‘jump’

CONTENTgrasping

holding

Ge. erfassen

Ge. enthalten

ß Ge. fassen ‘grasp’

ß Ge. halten ‘hold’

Figure 7: ORIGIN/CAUSE and CONTENT in German

3 Conclusion

Our analysis of the historical development of SDVs shows that even highlyabstract functional concepts are rooted in sensorimotor experience. There arestriking parallels to concept formation in general as put forth by the embodiedcognition theory (cf. Ziemke 2003 for an overview). The idea that concepts areembodied assumes that we have a species-speciVc view of the world, due to thenature of our physical bodies. This is corroborated by our work on SDVs (andfunctional concepts in general), since we could demonstrate that a restricted setof action and posture verbs combined with a handful of locational and directionalparticles and prepositions seem to be a convenient remedy for all denotationalneeds.

References

Blank, A. 1997. Prinzipien des lexikalischen Bedeutungswandels am Beispiel derromanischen Sprachen. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

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Gamerschlag, T. 2014. Stative Dimensional Verbs in German. Studies in Language,38 (2). 275–344.

Geisler, H. 1988. Das Verhältnis von semantischer und syntaktischer Transitivitätim Französischen. Romanistisches Jahrbuch 39. 22–35.

Gévaudan, P. 2007. Typologie des lexikalischen Wandels. Bedeutungswandel, Wort-bildung und Entlehnung am Beispiel der romanischen Sprachen. Tübingen: Stauf-fenburg.

Koch, P. 2001. Metonymy: Unity in diversity. Journal of Historical Pragmatics 2(2). 201–244.

Löbner, S. 1979. Intensionale Verben und FunktionalbegriUe. Tübingen: Narr.Löbner, S. 1985. DeVnites. Journal of Semantics 4. 279–326.Löbner, S. 2011. Concept types and determination. Journal of Semantics 28 (3).

279–333.Schwarze, B. 2008. Verbos dimensionales estáticos en el diccionario. In D. Azorín

Fernández et al. (eds.), Actas del II Congreso Internacional de Lexicografía His-pánica, 271–277. Alicante: Universidad de Alicante.

Schwarze, Chr. 1993. Primäre und sekundäre Lokalverben im Französischen. In F.Beckmann & G. Heyer (eds.), Theorie und Praxis des Lexikons, 103–122. Berlin:de Gruyter.

Talmy, L. 1985. Lexicalization Patterns: Semantic Structure in Lexical Forms. InTh. Shopen (ed.), Language Typology and Syntactic Description. Vol. III: Gram-matical Categories and the Lexicon, 57–149. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.

Waltereit, R. 1998.Metonymie und Grammatik. Kontiguitätsphänomene in der fran-zösischen Satzsemantik. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

Ziemke, T. 2003. What’s that Thing Called Embodiment? In R. Alterman & D.Kirsh (eds.), Proceedings of the 25th Annual Meeting of the Cognitive ScienceSociety, 1305–1310. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Dictionaries

Busse, W. & Dubost, J.-P. 1977/21983. Französisches Verblexikon. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.

Dubois, J. & Dubois-Charlier, F. 1997. Les verbes français. http://rali.iro.umontreal.ca/Dubois/

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EWFS = Gamillscheg, E. 21969. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der französischen Sprache.Heidelberg: Winter.

FEW = Wartburg, W. v. 1922ss. Französisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. einedarstellung des galloromanischen sprachschatzes. Bonn: Fritz Klopp Verlag.

Georges, K. E. 81913/1918. Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. 2Vol. Reprint: Darmstadt 1998.

Petit Robert = Rey-Debove, J. & Rey, A. 1993. Le nouveau Petit Robert. Dictionnairealphabétique et analogique de la langue française, Paris.

Robert Historique = Rey, Alain et al. 1992. Dictionnaire historique de la languefrançaise, Paris. TLFi = ATILF / CNRS / Université de Nancy 2: Trésor de lalangue française informatisé. http://atilf.atilf.fr/tlf.htm

Authors

Brigitte SchwarzeHeinrich-Heine-Universität DüsseldorfDepartment of Romance Languagesbs@phil.hhu.de

Hans GeislerHeinrich-Heine-Universität DüsseldorfDepartment of Romance Languagesgeisler@phil.hhu.de

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