National Tax Association
DISCUSSIONSource: Proceedings of the Annual Conference on Taxation under the Auspices of the NationalTax Association, Vol. 10 (AUGUST 28-31, 1916), pp. 94-101Published by: National Tax AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23399473 .
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DISCUSSION
Me. W. H. Habt, of Indiana : I did not expect to enter into the discussion of this question, although Indiana seems to be the curtain-raiser for the program that is to follow. It was
my privilege during the Pan-American year, when this In diana law was in its infancy so to speak, to attend a tax con
ference at Buffalo. I think it was probably an unorganized organization; at least it did not have the pretension of this conference. The virtues of the Indiana law were explained
by our attorney general then, as now. The same questions
were being discussed that we have been discussing this eve
ning, and will be discussed on the other days of this confer ence. The law from Indiana was received with loud acclaim. It had been a success so far as it had experience, and I re
member when coming home that our state tax board had an
extra edition of the laws printed and I think they were sent
practically to every state in the Union. I have been a member
of the Indiana State Tax Board for eight years. I am filling now probably temporarily an unexpired term. I do not share
in the opinion that the state tax law of Indiana is a failure. I do affirm that what defects have come to the surface in the
state tax law have been because of its administration. All tax laws will fail if they are not administered according to law. I share in the opinion of my friend Professor Rawles as to the virtues of the income tax. I doubt whether it could be
adopted in Indiana—it has been adopted virtually in Wiscon sin—for the fear of administration. But be that as it may, I
contend here and now, although the sentiment of previous conventions and the thought of this convention and scholastic
thought upon taxation matters is that a general property tax
is a failure, that it has not been a failure in Indiana where it has been given a fair chance.
Take this matter of sequestration. In this county alone in the last two years there has been placed on the duplicate five
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DISCUSSION 95
million dollars of taxables sequestered. There has not been a
proseeution for perjury. Would the United States govern ment stand for a thing of that sort? I have seen on the
streets of Indianapolis contentions between rioting men dur
ing strikes where violence was being used and passions were
aroused ; the United States mail wagon appeared in sight and
those men parted and gave way. Why? The United States was on that wagon. If the taxing officers of Indiana had
done their duty from the moment this tax law was inaugu rated into the fiscal system of this state there would have been no failure. The tax board of this state has simply advisory
powers. There is nothing cheaper in all lands than advice.
I know philanthropists who give to charity nothing but ad
vice. This state tax board ought to have something more
than advisory powers. It ought to have powers over town
ship assessors and county assessors. It has some homeopathic
powers over county assessors, but it ought to have the power
my friend Sims has said; we ought to have a corps of asses
sors that are selected upon merit, and they ought to be paid like men of merit—the assessor in every state in the Union
could make more money on the section and probably ought to
be there. If this law had been given the chance that any other law has been given, it would have sustained itself; and
it has sustained itself more than most laws would have been
sustained with the same measure of support. Now the asses
sor has been larruped here this evening; at Buffalo I heard
him get the cat-o'-nine-tails, just the same as here. In states
which have adopted this progressive legislation, with the ex
ception of Wisconsin, the burden of conference meetings has
been to get the assessors to do their duty. You cannot, in my
judgment, form any sort of tax law having these special fea
tures that have been spoken of and get very far from the
basic features of a general property tax.
Take our board of review. It has a great power when it is
legitimately used. To use the words of the ubiquitous Colonel,
there are too many pussyfooters among them. They do not
do their duty, and where men will not do their duty what is
the result of the administration of the law? It is not the
fault of the law. If every man sworn to do his duty had to
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96 NATIONAL TAX ASSOCIATION
go before Judge Anderson of the federal court and make such
oath, and then failed to do his duty, he would get what is
coming to him. Now, what I plead for in Indiana is better
conditions. We cannot get better conditions under our con
stitution. We must have a constitutional convention, or else
constitutional amendments that will admit whatever is best in the many forms which have been suggested. We will not
get a constitutional convention in Indiana in twenty-five
years, I do not care how bad the tax situation becomes, until
we have a special election in order that the people may vote
on that directly. The liquor interests and the liberal inter
ests of this state would not support it—they would not sup
port it if they could—but they will use their influence against it when there is a call for constitutional amendment at a gen
eral election, and I can tell you the reason why. They know
that on the direct issue of a constitutional convention in this
state it would carry by 50,000. Under our law or constitu
tion, in order for a general election to carry it would have to
get a majority of votes. There are thousands of voters who
do not think enough about this important question to vote,
and consequently it is always lost. And so, for fear that a
constitutional convention would carry, somehow or other the
legislature has never given us the power to vote at a special
election, and the reason is that the liberal and liquor interests
are afraid of woman suffrage and prohibition. At the last legislature the state board of tax commissioners
had introduced three or four bills that would have given
power sufficient to make a very material change in the admin
istration of this law. The most homeopathic measure of those
proposed by the state board of tax commissioners had a peace ful journey through. The others were held up viciously, and
persistently imprisoned in the pigeon-hole until the last few
days of the session and then, at the behest of the special in
terests, they died and passed to that sleep that knows no
waking. I am violating no confidence when I say that if the
just and courageous governor of this state had known the
situation he would have sent a special message to the legis lature demanding or requesting, suggesting in his official way, that those very important amendments be brought out to see
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DISCUSSION 97
the light of day. I do not believe that tax conditions under a
general property tax anywhere are so wretched that we ought
to call in the troops or organize a Boston Tea Party. This Indiana law has been fought to the supreme court on every
proposition affecting the assessment of corporate property.
It never lost a battle. Without a constitutional amendment the passage of any law by the legislature would come, in my
judgment, very seriously in contact with the proposition that
it might be unconstitutional. This law with proper enforce
ment is workable. If we had assessors who were free from
politics—the curse of public business ; if we had men selected for merit and if we paid for men of merit ; if we had a board
of review in every county that was bold and courageous and
did not pussyfoot around looking for pull and personality and politics, we would have different results. I think I know
what I am talking about when I say that there is not this
wide discrepancy in the averages that go with the much
abused term "equalization," as heralded about. I did not
expect to say anything. I was present at the birth of this
law. It was written by one of Indiana's most distinguished
jurists, who passed away a few days ago, and I think the state
of Indiana should, for his services as one of the justices of
our supreme court and for the writing of this law, erect a
memorial on the beautiful grounds of Notre Dame Institute,
an institution he loved so well. I do not care what sort of
statute you pass, you will in time have the objections that this
or any other statute has.
General property tax seems to be in such bad odor now
that, with many theorists, it is a death warrant to propose it.
But I believe firmly in the principle of the general property tax. Conditions may have outgrown it, but the law should
be amended to conform to the conditions. It has been said
again and again, educate the whole community. If you will
prosecute perjury just as the United States government does,
you will have a more wholesome respect for the law pertain
ing to sequestration of property. A few years ago a very
large taxpayer, a prominent citizen in one of our southern
counties, appealed to the tax board that his personal assess
ment was not just, and when he came before the board it was
7
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98 NATIONAL TAX ASSOCIATION
apparent that he had sequestered probably fifteen or twenty thousand dollars of mortgages owned in the state of Illinois.
He appeared before the board. The board very promptly ratified the action of the assessor and the board of review of
the county below. The late Governor Mount was president
of the board. He said: "You are a substantial citizen, a
man of wealth ; you made oath to that affidavit. Why didn't
you answer that! Why did you commit perjury? Why didn't you answer that assessment as you ought to have done
under your oath ?" He studied a moment, then said : ''Gov
ernor, to tell you the truth, I did not think it was anybody's
blankety-blank business." That man went home and made
an honest return for a year or two; then the assessor found
property in Illinois, which was on the border of the county. He went to work and put him on for the mortgages discov
ered in Illinois. The prosecuting attorney got after him and
indicted him. They fined him $2,500, and that man never
again tried to sequester a dollar up to the day of his death.
I do not care what kind of tax law you adopt, if you do
not give it the proper enforcement you are going to have a
failure. I see, in reading over the conference reports in
other states where they have adopted this progressive legisla
tion, they still put the gaff to the assessor about provisions in
the law that provide for full cash values. They tell them
that this thing must not go on any more and all that, threat
ening them like mad all the time. I saw a circular from the
state of Maryland last week. I considered it a thoughtful
document, and the principle of it was that assessors must do
their duty. Maryland is a progressive state. Ohio is a pro
gressive state. I never heard a more caustic criticism on
modern law or modern features of the law than the state
auditor gave in his last annual report in the state of Ohio.
You cannot without proper administration administer any law. I am here to defend and uphold the Indiana law. It
has served its purpose faithfully and well up to the measure
of administration. Administer the law with officials who will
respect their oath. Given this law with agencies to carry it
out, that have the merit to do it, that have a working knowl
edge of the law, and that are free from the baneful influences
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DISCUSSION 99
of pull, personality, and politics, and you are going to have a much different result. I recognize what Professor Rawles has
said; I agree with him heartily in the Wisconsin idea. The truth is, I admire very much the altruistic features of the
Henry George theory; but I think in both of them you will have to have a campaign of education, certainly in the Henry George theory. But what I plead for is this, that any law which this convention may adopt must depend upon its ad ministration. Dr. Ely was not far off when he said: "He who hopes a perfect tax to see, hopes for what is not and never will be."
Mr. A. E. James, of New Mexico: I listened with a great deal of interest to Mr. Rawles' paper outlining a possible tax on incomes for Indiana, which follows in all its substantial details the Wisconsin law. I would be the last to detract in
any way from the wonderful pioneer work Wisconsin did in an income tax, but it has always seemed to me that, in some features at least, important mistakes were made, mistakes which go to the very fundamentals of the thing that an in come tax ought to accomplish; namely, the taxation of the
person on the basis of the income that he enjoys. I refer
particularly to the taxation of corporations feature of the
Wisconsin law. At the present time substantially 60 per cent of the Wisconsin income tax is assessed not on individuals, but on corporations, is assessed not on the basis of ability to
pay, but is an excise upon corporation earnings, net earnings
if you please; but it bears absolutely no relationship to the
earnings of the individuals who put up the capital to finance those corporations. The individual may own stock in a Wis
consin corporation which is subject to the maximum rate
under the law, six per cent, or approximately that, he may not have a taxable income under that law at all, and yet he
will be forced to contribute his proportionate part of the in
come tax in that state.
Furthermore, the Wisconsin income tax is a long way from
a solution of our tax problems in the broader sense. The
maximum amount assessed there is about four millions of dol lars out of a tax of forty millions or more. It is a solution of
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100 NATIONAL TAX ASSOCIATION
our tax on intangible property. It is not a solution of our
general property tax problems. The Wisconsin tax provides
for the exemption or substantial exemption of the tangible personal property of all persons who have taxable incomes.
That feature, it seems to me, is illogical. It grew historically out of the desire entirely to exempt tangible personal prop erty. After thinking about it ever since that law went into
effect, I have been wholly unable to see — and I know Mr.
Lyons of the Wisconsin commission feels the same way—any difference between tangible personal property and any other kind of property. I do not see any reason for exempting
tangible personal property if we are adhering to the principle of a personal property tax, or of the property tax. There is
a clear line of demarcation between tangible and intangible
properties, but I do not see the same line between tangible
personalty and tangible real property.
Mr. Nils P. Haugen, of Wisconsin : You have reference to
the offset provisions?
Mr. James: Yes. It does not seem to me that the income
tax, if we are going to try to put it into actual practice, should apply to anything but personal income, that the indi
vidual owner of the corporation should be assessed for every
thing that he gets, by corporate return or otherwise, but that
the corporation which is the mere intermediary should not be
subjected to the corporate income tax, thereby making the
owner of the corporation pay by indirection more than he
would pay if he were half owner or part owner of a partner
ship. That feature of the Wisconsin tax has always seemed
to me illogical and unreasonable.
The other provision, that is, the taxation of the income tax
payer on all his income within the state, excepting from prop
erty located without the state, and the taxation of a non
resident on the basis of his property located within the state, seems to me to violate the rule of personal taxation. Professor
Eawles recognizes that and says there is a combined tax ; but
the property tax meets the demand for the taxation of prop
erty, so why should you undertake to make the income tax
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DISCUSSION 101
serve two functions when in all propriety it ought to serve
only one, the taxation of the person where he resides and to
which place he owes his economic allegiance ?
Mr. Lawson Purdy, of New York: There seem, to be in the
United States very few places where assessors are selected by
competitive examination. I suppose there may be some in
attendance here who do not know that in the city of New
York they are so selected, and it may be a matter of encour
agement to them to know that fact. For about thirty years assessors in the city of New York have been selected after
competitive examination, and the law requires that one out
of the first three who are rated highest in the examination
must be appointed. If more than one, three, for instance, are
to be appointed, three out of the first five must be appointed. For the last five or six years the mayors of the city of New
York, Mayors Gaynor and Mitchel, have issued executive
orders that appointments must be made in the order of eligi
bility on the list—one, two, three—unless reasons appear to
be very strong against it, and then only after the personal
approval of the mayor. No such approval has been given by the present mayor for appointments in my department. The
result is that in the main skilled men are appointed. They are under no fear of removal so long as they do their work
faithfully. There has been no removal in at least ten years for any cause other than a very grave dereliction, and those
cases have been exceedingly few. In the city of New York
there are about 100 men holding office today after appoint ment under the system which I described. I should think
that at least 20 of them have been deputy assessors, as we call
them, for twenty years or more, at least 20 more for fifteen
years or more, and fully one-half for ten years. There is this
to be said about those men. There are only a very few of
them who are delegated to that distressing task of attempting to assess persons for personal property. Most of them are
engaged in a man's job of assessing real estate.
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