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Domestic violence:

Moving On

A Qualitative Investigation

Exploring How women

Move On

From

Violent Relationships

Researcher: Carole Le Darcy

Supervisor: Dr Sue Becker

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AcknowledgementsI would like to express my sincerest thanks and gratitude to all of the

exceptionally strong women

that participated in this research that have freely given not only some of their

precious and valuable time but have also revealed that which is sadly all too

often concealed; the remarkable, courageous and often very moving accounts

of their experiences, journey and exit from abusive and violent relationships.

Thanks also to

Pat Craven

for providing me with inspiration and granting permission to evaluate the

Freedom Programme.

I am greatful also to the team at Stockton Doves;

Mal Watson-DotchinCarol Larkman Suzi Debrah

Trish Bridgewater

for trusting me to carry out this research, for their enormous support, for

providing me with the benefit of their vast experience and knowledge and for

the fond memories of my time at Stockton Doves that I shall always value.

And a big thank you to

Dr Sue Becker

for her inspiration, support, motivation and faith in me to carry out this

research.

And finally, thank you to my wonderful children:

EstherSarah

Joshua

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Rosie for their continued toleration of my shared interest and attention whilst

completing this research

Contents Abstract page: 4

Introduction page: 5-9

Methodology page: 10-12

Setting page: 13

Access page: 14

Procedure page: 15

Interviews page: 16

Ethics page: 17-18

Analysis page: 19

Results page: 20-33

Discussion page: 34-37

References page: 38-41

AppendicesAppendix 1: The Freedom Programme page: 42

Appendix 2: Stockton Doves page: 43

Appendix 3: Example Questions page: 44

Appendix 4: Information Sheet page: 45

Appendix 5: Consent Form: Study 1 page: 46

Appendix 6: Consent Form: Study 2 page: 47

Appendix 7: Example of transcribed Interview page: 48-55

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Abstract

Domestic violence is defined in many ways and is subject to many

stereotypical and false presumptions that contribute to the stigmatisation of its

victims. Paradoxically, there is an abundance of statistics that outline the

prevalence of domestic violence in society and the far-reaching effects upon

women. Research reveals that women in violent relationships suffer

physically, emotionally and psychologically. It has also been established that

there are serious consequential effects that can continue long after the abuse

has ended. Focusing specifically on the under-researched area of the

woman’s exit, this paper aims to discover the processes involved in moving

on from a violent relationship and how women’s lives and sense of selves are

rebuilt. A qualitative method was employed and data generated from

interviews with ten female victims of domestic violence was thematically

analysed. Results of the research indicate that one of the biggest barriers to

recovery is the stigma associated with domestic violence and the judgements

that society imposes upon victims. This research also provides an evaluation

of one of the existing support services designed to educate women about the

reality of domestic violence and abuse and outlines the impact and effects of

that which is taught upon the lives of those taking part.

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IntroductionThere are certain differences in the terminology and language used to explain

and define domestic violence. This is often attributable to the way in which a

particular society deals with and politicises the issue. American research may

use the term ‘spousal abuse ‘or ‘battering’ whilst in the UK, ‘domestic

violence’ or ‘domestic abuse’ is more commonplace. There are also major

differences in the way in which this type of abuse is explained, accounted for

and dealt with. However for the purposes of this research, literature has been

reviewed from both Britain and America and both British and American

phraseology are used interchangeably.

As the aim of this research is focused primarily upon the adverse

circumstances and internal struggles involved in the woman’s exit from an

abusive relationship, it is therefore deemed to be crucial that a review of the

available literature outlining the consequential effects of this sort of abuse are

considered in order to comprehend the enormity and complexity of the

process. Current research highlights an important consideration by

emphasising the fact that women are experiencing similar patterns of abusive

behaviour and are still subject to the same sort of despicable, misogynistic

conduct whatever their geographical location.

Despite there being numerous definitions of domestic violence and an

abundance of statistics, ambiguity regarding the true nature of domestic

violence is regretfully apparent within society and subject to various myths

and stereotypical attitudes. Statistics abound and connote that although

chronically underreported and with more repeat victims than any other,

domestic violence accounts for 16% of all violent crime. Of the one in four

women that experience domestic violence over their lifetimes 57% are

involved in more than one incident and an average of 35 assaults occur

before victims call the police and of these, two lives of women are claimed

each week (Women’s Aid, 2002).

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Aside from the physical aftermath of such abusive behaviour, there are other

serious consequences for the victim. The World Health Organisation (2001)

lists depression, anxiety, psychosomatic symptoms, eating problems, sexual

dysfunction and effects on reproductive health as being a direct result of the

endurance of domestic violence. Campbell (2000) cites depression and post-

traumatic stress disorder as the most prevalent mental-health sequelae of

intimate partner violence with substantial co morbidity. Research has shown

with certainty that domestic violence has long-term negative health

consequences for survivors which can continue long after the abuse has

ended. Some of these effects become manifest in poor health status, poor

quality of life, and high use of health services (Campbell, 2002). The

Department of Health (1996) recognise that 5% of health years of life are lost

worldwide by women because of domestic violence and on a worldwide scale,

domestic violence is a significant cause of disability and death.

Assertions that all forms of domestic violence whether psychological,

economic, emotional or physical come from the abuser’s desire for power and

control are widely supported (Women’s Aid, 2004). Research suggests that

domestic violence occurs within a context of coercive control because of male

attitudes and beliefs in the rightness of male dominance and control over

women (Johnson, 2001). Dobash & Dobash (1998) reveal four general

themes: men’s possessiveness and jealousy, disagreements and

expectations regarding domestic work and resources, men’s sense of their

right to punish ‘their’ women for perceived wrongdoing and the importance to

men of maintaining and exercising their power and authority. Similarly,

describing violence in intimate relationships, Cavanagh et al (2001) state that

violence does not ‘just happen’; it is used as a means of exercising power and

control over women it is purposeful and intentional. As the roots of violence lie

not in individual pathology or in family conflicts, but in men’s domination and

control over women (Milner, 2004), this type of violence is distinguishable

from other types of traumatic events as it is likely to occur multiple times over

an extended time period within the home (Hage, 2000). Because violence is

gendered and a considerable problem of masculinity, (Braithwaite & Daly,

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1994) it is therefore a defining male characteristic, fundamental to men’s

power over women (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). As one of the most obvious

and discernible forms of domination used by men to assert and maintain their

authority over women, as well as to uphold male honour, is the use or threat

of violence, women’s unequal status in patriarchal societies and consequently

one’s value, status, authority, power, privileges, and socialization are

determined by gender (Taylor, 2001).

It is not only while enduring an abusive relationship that the woman feels the

impact of the negative stereotyping associated with domestic violence,

research shows that even after leaving the relationship, feelings of rejection

and stigma from the wider society are apparent. McInnes (2003) describes

these negative stereotypes as being a form of social violence inflicted upon

single mother families, who she says are an easy and visible scapegoat for

public lamentations about the breakdown of family values, the associated

costs and the lack of discipline for children without fathers.

Victims of domestic violence can also encounter an unexpected and more

specific form of re-victimisation when engaging in the criminal process. By

seeking redress through the criminal justice system, it appears that victims

are seeking to gain acknowledgement and validation of their experiences, not

only from the perpetrator but from ‘bystanders’. However, women often

discover their insignificance when the crimes committed against them that

have had such a profound impact on their lives are not of major concern to

others; thus preventing victims from transferring the burden of disgrace to the

offender (Lewis Herman, 2005). In this instance, the woman is denied the

opportunity to tell her story in her own way which once more, has the effect of

silencing the victim (Braithwaite & Daly, 1995).

In view of the profusion of statistics and abundance of information available,

domestic violence is still often explored in ways that portray women as

helpless victims (Davis, 2002). It is important to note that a woman is made a

victim by the use of violence; however, the construct of victim is a product of

culture and language, meaning different things at different times, (Hyden,

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2005). It is therefore important to distinguish that in the case of domestic

violence the ‘victim’ label is worn not to typify a characteristic of a woman but

it is bestowed upon the woman as a direct result of the perpetrators actions.

One of the most common questions asked regarding the predicament of the

victim of domestic violence is “Why does she stay”? This is the prevailing

question that contains its own underlying assumptions that there is something

about the woman that makes her want to be abused, (Rhodes & McKenzie

Barranoff, 1998). Similarly, Burman & Chantler (2005) suggest that the

question of ‘why doesn’t she leave’ brings its own conjecture, inferring notions

of ‘learned helplessness’ and ‘battered women’s syndrome’ which is not

helpful in understanding the complex dynamics of domestic violence, nor does

it convey the true, definitive nature of the problem.

Without an acknowledgement of the far-reaching consequences of domestic

violence, uninformed opinions appear to perpetuate current myths regarding

this form of abuse that already exist within society, some of which are

revealed in statements such as; “It can’t be that bad or else she would leave”

or “She must ask for it”. Hyden (1999) elaborates on the question “Why

doesn’t she leave”? and suggests that this enquiry not only implies

dissociation from the violent event but also adds an undertone of criticism of

its victim. This consequently renders the question into a judgement, not upon

the perpetrator of violence but upon the victim.

Upon review of the literature, it becomes apparent that despite the available

information regarding domestic violence, its consequences, impact and

effects, victims are still viewed in some way as being responsible for their

plight. Arguing for a greater acknowledgement to be given to the link between

domestic violence and serious emotional distress, Humphreys & Thiara

(2003) suggest that women’s accounts of emotional abuse are likely to be

misconstrued, misunderstood and possibly used against them. Consequently,

these responses generate a climate of judgement and suspicion resulting in

many women learning how to survive by silencing their voices (Van Hook,

2000). Seemingly, with regards to either staying in the relationship or leaving

it, it appears that the victim is damned if she does and damned if she doesn’t.

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It becomes apparent that the content and volume of information available

regarding domestic violence is not sufficient to dispel the myths, nor is it able

to challenge society’s stereotypical assumptions. Mullender & Hague (2005)

advocate that an appropriate response to the nature and scope of domestic

violence can only occur if the myths about it are replaced with services that

are designed according to the discourse of women’s actual lived experiences.

This research was carried out within a service offered to women that have

experienced domestic violence; The Freedom Programme (Craven, 2000-

2002) (Please see Appendix 1) operating from Stockton Doves (Please see

Appendix 2); with the specific intention of giving a voice to those that have

previously been silenced and to give a voice to women’s versions of reality

(Wilkinson & Kitzinger, 1996). The research also provides an evaluation of the

service by outlining the impact of that which is taught and its effects upon the

lives of those taking part in the Programme.

As most of the literature available tends to focus upon the relationship itself or

the exit in general, this research is concerned with the investigation of an area

that is presently under researched by focusing specifically upon the women’s

exit in order to generate insight into how women deal with the important

process of surviving and coping with life outside of the relationship. There

appears to be no one reason why a woman chooses to stay in or to return to

an abusive relationship as all women are individuals. Therefore this research

provides valuable insight from the individual perspective as to how not only

women’s lives are rebuilt, but also their sense of selves.

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MethodologyAll women accessing the Freedom Programme at Stockton Doves had been

victims of domestic violence. Despite the fact that men are responsible for the

perpetration of this abuse, the literature reveals that it is women that are

subject to the associated stigma both within and outside of the abusive

relationship. This stigma takes on many forms and has the effect of shaming

and silencing women. Consequently, literature from the victim’s perspective is

minimal and subject to the judgements of the uninformed.

For this reason it was felt that by giving those that had previously been

silenced a voice, there existed the potential to understand more about the

effects of domestic violence from those with the ability to impart first hand

knowledge. It was also felt that in relating their experiences, women would

gain empowerment by the validation of their accounts.

Qualitative analysis offers an accessible and theoretically flexible approach to

analysing qualitative data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). As the use of qualitative

methods for data collection are sensitive to the unique personal experiences,

perceptions, beliefs and meanings related to individuals, (Sim, 1998) it was

believed to be the most appropriate method to employ with this particular

group of participants. One of the strengths of a qualitative approach

(Silverman, 2005) is that it is able to focus on identifiable themes and patterns

of living and or behaviour (Aronson, 1994) and assess the meaning of terms

in different contexts (Walby & Myhill, 2001) that emerge from the data. It was

therefore desirable to hear women speak about their experiences in order to

discover that which was important to them, from their own unique perspective.

Giving a voice to the womans’ perspective is valuable in identifying the ways

in which women create meaning and insight into how they experience life from

their position in the social heirarchy (Riger, 1992).

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Data was generated from interviews with women that have experienced

domestic violence. All transcribed data was derived from naturally occuring

interaction (Silverman, 2005), transcribed into word format and thematically

analysed. Utilising a bottom-up process, the researcher was guided by that

which participants chose to speak about in response to a limited amount of

semi-structured interview questions.

The methodology employed for this research was also assumed to be the

most appropriate for the evaluation of a service provided to women that have

experienced domestic violence by giving women the opportunity to speak

about how the provision of and access to the Freedom Programme has

assisted them in their journey.

Participants Due to the specific nature of the research, a purposeful sampling strategy was

implemented and participants were recruited purely on a voluntary basis. The

sample consisted of women that had experienced domestic violence first-

hand, were involved with Stockton Doves and were also attending the

Freedom Programme.

Because of the sensitive nature of the research and the safety issues

involved, the risk of exposing an already vulnerable population to the

possibility of further harm or injury was seriously considered. It was therefore

decided that certain personal details about participants such as names, age,

locations and other potentially identifiable information should be deliberately

omitted from the final write-up. Also due to issues of confidentiality, all

transcribed interviews except one (for the purpose of providing an example)

have been omitted as the researcher felt that the risk of identification posed

too much of a threat to the women involved. Access to this material will be

granted to select interested parties upon request. All participants were

assured anonymity and have therefore been given a pseudonym and where

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women were interviewed on multiple occasions, this has been indicated by a

corresponding number beside their pseudonym.

Participants Study 1Ten participants that attended a previous Freedom Programme were

contacted via telephone and invited to take part in the study. Six of those gave

a verbal agreement however, only four of those contacted actually gave

interviews. All those contacted were given verbal information about the

researcher, her affiliation with Stockton Doves, student status and research

interests. The aims of the study and method of data collection were also

related as were issues about confidentiality and assured anonymity. The

researcher also stressed the importance of hearing each woman’s individual

story and emphasised that there were no right or wrong answers. All those

expressing an interest in participation were invited to arrange a mutually

convenient time to be interviewed and a room was booked at the offices of

Stockton Doves. At the time of interview, informants were given an

information sheet containing the aforementioned details.

Participants Study 2All participants that were in attendance to a Freedom Programme in progress

were invited to take part in the study. Many expressed an interest but had

limited available time. Of those, six were interviewed. All those involved in

Study 2 were introduced to the researcher at the beginning of the Freedom

Programme and were given the same verbal information about the researcher

as those in Study 1. The researcher clarified that participation in the research

purely voluntary and that making the choice not to participate would not in any

way affect access to the Freedom Programme.

All those expressing an interest in becoming involved were invited to remain

at the end of the session in order to be interviewed or to make more suitable,

alternative arrangements. An information sheet prepared by the researcher

was distributed amongst the group which contained the same details as given

to those in study 1.

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Setting All interviews were conducted at the Stockton Doves offices, either

immediately following the Freedom Programme or on an appointment basis at

mutually convenient times. Issues around the safety of each participant were

considered to be of the utmost importance throughout the entirety of the

research. Therefore much thought and consideration was given to this area as

it was felt that due to the nature and sensitivity of disclosures made during

interviews, without privacy and confidentiality, the potential for detrimental,

consequential effects existed. In order to address this, a private room was

booked specifically for the purpose of interviews. It was also felt that as

Stockton Doves had become a place that each woman had become familiar

with, had previously disclosed details about their experiences of domestic

violence and received support, that the location provided an adequately safe

environment not only conducive to further disclosure but also appropriate

should any of the participants need support after speaking about their

experiences.

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AccessPrior to seeking access to this particular population, the researcher was

already known to the Doves team and had participated in training from

Stockton Doves that was designed to raise awareness and promote the

exploration of the different issues surrounding domestic violence.

The Doves team were also responsible for providing the researcher with

training delivered by Pat Craven (2000-2002), (author of the Freedom

Programme) which was designed to provide the necessary instruction

required to facilitate the Freedom Programme. The researcher’s assistance in

facilitating the Programme was carried out in a voluntary capacity.

Permission for access to this particular population was initially sought from

Pat Craven and a proposal was sent out outlining the rationale, aims and

anticipated method of data collection. An enthusiastic response prompted the

pursuance of access from the team at Stockton Doves, which was duly

granted after perusal of the aforementioned proposal and discussion with the

Partnership board.

Once ethical clearance from the University of Teesside was granted, the

researcher abstained from her voluntary role in order to avoid role-blurring

and was then known and understood to be a researcher to all those accessing

the service in the future.

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Procedure: Study 1All those that made themselves available to be interviewed were made

welcome and thanked for their agreement to participate. In order to establish

clarity, the researcher verbally reiterated the aims of the research, method of

data collection and gave assurances about confidentiality and anonymity.

Consent forms were signed and each participant was given her own copy to

keep.

Interviews for study 1 took place on a one-to-one basis with women that had

previously participated and completed the Freedom Programme. All

interviews were audio-taped with the informants consent. Informants were

asked about their initial feelings about attending the programme, their

expectations, what they hoped to gain and how they presently felt about the

information that was presented to them. All data gathered for this part of the

study was retrospective, eliciting an overall picture of each woman’s

experience on the Programme. All informants were thanked for their time and

contribution.

Procedure: Study 2It was proposed that the interviews for study 2 should be held at three points

throughout the duration of the Programme: week 2, week 7 and week 12 as it

was felt that this would reflect the various stages of the women’s experiences.

For a number of reasons this did not always occur, however as flexibility was

incorporated into the research design, arrangements were made to resume

interviews at times more suitable and convenient for informants with busy

lives, family and other commitments. Because of the various commitments of

informants, some interviews took place on a one-to-one basis. All data

gathered for this part of the study reflected the current feelings of each

informant. The same courtesy and respect that was afforded to those in study

1 was extended to those participating in study 2.

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Interviews All interviews were semi-structured and implemented a limited number of pre-

determined questions (Please see Appendix 3 for examples). In order to

minimise experimenter effects (Baron & Byrne, 2004), flexibility and freedom

to digress was not only permitted but welcomed. The researcher employed

the use of her counselling skills throughout each interview and listened

empathically, enabling full engagement with the informants (Egan, 2002). As

it was felt important that the women should have the freedom to speak about

the things that were important to them, the interviews were conducted in a

client-centred way. This was thought to be specifically beneficial in capturing

the unique perspective of the informants’ (Dryden & Mytton, 1999).

The decision to limit the use of questions was a deliberate choice made by the

researcher. It was felt that too many specific questions would not only detract

from the women’s natural discourses but may result in making the informants

feel interrogated. Wherever possible, open questions were used, requiring

more than a simple yes or no response as this has the effect of opening up

the dialogue in a natural way (Egan, 2002). The researcher intentionally kept

her responses to a minimum, occasionally paraphrasing or reflecting back to

the informant. This was done in an attempt to reduce the likelihood of social

desirability (Baron & Byrne, 2004) in informants’ responses and also so as not

to detract from the women’s discourse.

The duration of the interviews varied in length. Most interviews had a natural

termination point where it was felt by the researcher that any further

prompting would be intrusive. Some informants were limited by their own time

constraints due to family and other commitments; therefore the initial proposal

that interviews would last for approximately one hour, proved to be unrealistic.

Consequently, the duration of interviews was largely determined by the

informants. At no time was there any pressure exerted upon participants to

remain beyond their limitations, neither was there any pressure exerted upon

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informants to disclose anything other than what they were willing to divulge.

All interviews were conducted in a sensitive and courteous manner, with the

feelings of the informants regarded with the utmost respect.

Ethics Ethical clearance for this research was granted by the University of Teesside

and conformed to B.P.S. guidelines. All those invited to participate had been

verbally informed about the aims of the research, the researchers affiliation

with Stockton Doves, student status and research interests. The aims of the

study and method of data collection were also clarified, as were issues about

confidentiality and assured anonymity. An information sheet that outlined the

aforementioned details was distributed to all those invited to participate

(Please see Appendix 4). This course of action was decided upon by the

researcher so that all potential participants had in their possession sufficient

information to reflect on and assist in their decision whether or not to

participate.

Participants were also required to sign a consent form and were given a form

containing standardised instructions (Please see Appendix 5 and 6). This

contained their participation number, details of their right to withdraw from the

study, the contact telephone number of the research supervisor and the

researchers’ student email address. Additionally, the researcher verbally

clarified each participant’s right to withdraw at any time throughout the

duration of the study and directed attention to the email address and

telephone numbers contained in the consent form.

Because of the sensitive nature of the research and the possibility of

identification, all participants’ names have been omitted from the final write-up

along with certain other identifiable details such as age and location. This

decision was taken by the researcher as a measure of precaution and also to

minimise the risk of exposure to the potential risk of further endangerment.

Informants were guaranteed anonymity and assurances were given regarding

respect for their privacy and access to audio-taped interviews.

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Because of the specific nature of the interviews which often involved the

recounting of traumatic events, the emotional well-being of each woman was

an area of concern to the researcher. Therefore the decision was made that in

the eventuality of informants becoming noticeably distressed, the researcher

would reserve judgement to terminate interviews and allocate sufficient time

the interview schedule to adopt a supportive role for as long as required.

The rights of participants were also respected regarding time constraints and

those that could offer a limited amount of time were honoured by having the

freedom to terminate the interviews at their discretion.

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AnalysisUpon the completion of interviews all audio-taped data was transcribed into

word format. Thematic analysis (Silverman, 2005) was employed to reveal

recurring themes from the data. This involved obtaining an overview of the

material and identifying patterns and major ideas emerging from the

interviews. A theme captures something important about the data in relation to

the research question, and represents some level of patterned response or

meaning within the data set (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Several steps were taken

to identify and construct themes (Flick, 2002). Some were immediately

apparent and others were discovered upon further analysis. Each theme was

given a label descriptive of its content and this was reviewed several times in

an effort to reduce the researchers own interpretations upon the findings.

Focusing upon how women rebuilt their lives and their sense of self, analysed

data revealed several key themes that were identifiable.

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Reflexive Box: (Edwards & Potter, 1992)

Much of what was related to me throughout the interviews, the nature of

the abuse, the physical violence and the psychological trauma that my

informants had experienced at the hands of their partners was deeply

moving. Hearing these emotional accounts repeatedly whilst transcribing

the audio-tapes at times proved to be a difficult task. Therefore I became

aware that there was a risk of applying my own interpretations to the data.

In order to combat this, a conscious effort was made on my part to

minimise any researcher bias by focusing on other aspects of the research

and resuming transcription and analysis at a time when I was feeling less

affected by the details of abuse.

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Results Data gathered from transcribed interviews generated rich insight concerning

each woman’s journey. Although varying from woman to woman, the

experiences recorded elicit enlightenment on the struggles involved in

rebuilding lives and the rebuilding of their sense of selves.

Findings from the research demonstrate that the voices of women that have

experienced domestic violence are able to contribute enormously to the

current understanding of this subject. Findings also reveal the impact and

effects of that which is taught on the Freedom Programme upon the lives of

women.

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One of the aims of the Programme is:

“To help women gain self-esteem and the confidence to improve the

quality of their lives” (Craven, 2000-2002).

The gaining of self-esteem and confidence is something was observable in

informants as their progress was monitored throughout their individual

journeys. The study provided insight into the processes involved in leaving the

abusive relationship, including how women cope and survive upon exit.

Also providing an evaluation of the support service offered to women, the

study demonstrates the effectiveness of the material delivered within the

sessions and the impact this had upon the lives of those taking part.

Illustrating this, the following section illuminates recurring themes, reflecting

that which was considered to be important to the women that were

interviewed.

Anxiety Anxiety was one of the first themes that became instantly and unexpectedly

visible. The Freedom Programme is a resource designed to support and

empower women, yet a large proportion of the participants spoke about their

‘anxiety’ and ‘nervousness’ which was predominantly affecting the way that

they experienced their first session. This can be seen in excerpts such as:

Anne: 3, 4

“Well since coming in last week, I was really frightened of coming last

week, really frightened”.

And similarly:

Donna: 10, 11

“A bit nervous (pause) but I wanted to come cos I need help”

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Chris: 7

“Well I was quite nervous about it”

Hesitancy, fear and high expectations are characteristics associated with the

early stages of group development (Ratigan, 1997), therefore it is

understandable that women would feel some sort of initial apprehension.

However, further comments from women indicate what appears to be a

contributory factor to the anxiety:

Chris: 16

“I didn’t think I was going to fit in”

Lynne: 21, 22

“I didn’t know what to expect”

These comments reveal that women either did not have enough information

about the Programme beforehand in terms of knowing what to expect or the

relaying of information about the supportive nature of the Programme was

lacking in some way. One suggestion for improving this and reducing the

anxiety experienced by women could be to prepare new participants about the

format of the programme by sharing an evaluation of a previous group with

them, outlining other women’s experiences and feelings about the course.

Knowledge The theme of ‘knowledge’ was referred to often throughout the interviews. As

women were hearing domestic violence being spoken about in a clear,

definitive manner and seemingly in a way in which they had never heard it

spoken about before and was greeted very positively. This ‘knowledge’

related to the information presented within the Programme which assisted in

the identification of patterns of abusive behaviour and tactics used by the

perpetrator.

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This is a very positive finding in terms of the success of the Freedom

Programme as one of their aims state that the Programme is designed:

“To help women understand the beliefs held by abusive men and in so

doing, recognise which of these beliefs they have shared”

(Craven, 2000-2002).

Knowledge was something that participants had expressed a desire for in the

early stages of the Programme:

Julia: 61-65

“Well I just hope that I can gain knowledge from it and make erm

(pause) decisions erm (pause) that are may be gonna be right and get

like when I don’t understand something and like you know, help me

realise that I can cope you know”.

Emma 1: 139-140

“I want my freedom back; you know and gain more knowledge

about....”

Women’s responses to their learning of this ‘knowledge’ at the mid-way point

appear to indicate that they are in a better position to identify abusive

behaviour. In response to the researchers question about what had been

learned from the Programme, one respondent answered:

Chris: 62-66

“to be quite honest, erm if I can have a better understanding of how,

how those kind of er relationships work or well if they don’t work, and

how a lot erm, I can change that you know with the knowledge I’ve

gained and that”.

The ‘knowledge’, as referred to by participants has enabled women to make

informed decisions about their life course and ‘knowledge’ was also spoken

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about as being something they wished they had possessed before entering

their relationships.

Fiona 1: 67-68

“Well there was nowhere like this years ago, you know and I think it’s

really good that information like what we get here is available”

Emma 1: 71-73

“I honestly think that if I’d known all about this before and I just wish I

had this sort of information like before and I wouldn’t have....”

Emma 1: 71-73

“I wish I had known about this before, like things might not have got so

bad”

The Freedom Programme is used as a vehicle for sharing experiences and

thoughts. Focusing on specific aspects of the abusive man through structured

discussions, women are invited to apply what they learn in considering their

own behaviour as well as that of others (Craven, 2000-2002). As women

gained more ‘knowledge’ about patterns and specific tactics employed by the

perpetrator, they were able to start to make sense of what had happened to

them. Realising that they were not alone in the abuse they had been subject

to and that domestic violence was spoken about in ways that they could relate

to, assisted women to shift the blame from themselves and place it where it

belonged, with the perpetrator. The acquisition of this ‘knowledge’ appeared

to be an important factor that contributed to women making future decisions

about their life and in some provided the catalyst to leaving and moving on.

Emma 3: 530-539

“And erm, its given me my freedom back basically, its like gave me my

life back and that made me feel like a lot stronger person and its made

me realise that I can make my own decisions in life and do what I want

to do and decide what’s best for me and my children and not do what a

man says so. That’s what the Freedom Programme’s done for me.

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Give me my life back, like made me realise a lot of things that I make

my own decisions in life and you don’t have to listen to what a man

says and a man can’t control you”.

A sense of belonging‘A sense of belonging’ was communicated almost as an expression of relief

and had the effect of allaying initial anxieties and reducing original tensions.

Women experiencing domestic violence often commented on how

misunderstood they felt from family and friends. However by hearing other

women’s stories and sensing that they were in the company of others that

knew what it was like to experience domestic violence appeared to have the

effect of prompting their own disclosures. In ‘going public’, women transgress

gender roles by stepping outside the boundaries of the relationship

(Cavanagh, 2003). This is a very important finding in terms of moving on, as it

appears that by the acquisition of ‘knowledge’, women are afforded the

opportunity to view their situation in a completely different context, one which

is diametrically opposed to the previous frame of reference that stemmed from

within their relationships. Women also appear to gain comfort in the familiarity

of the shared experiences of others.

Donna: 36-37

“It makes you realise you’re not the only one going through it”

Donna: 250-258

“ ..but I just feel it’s helpful more than anything. You’re comfortable; it’s

not as if like people, like you say, judging you, they don’t. Nobody

judges you whereas if, if you’re walking down town now, you just get

looked at funny if you’ve got a different type of top on or something or if

you’re not dressed like them then you can be (inaudible) fashion, but

it’s not like that in here, its just like, you are yourself, you don’t need to

put an act on for anybody”.

Anne: 134-139

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“Even though I’ve got friends, sometimes I just don’t want to talk to

them, you know, friends of a long time, I, I just don’t want to talk this

way to them cos unless you’ve been through it, they haven’t got a clue.

They can sympathise but unless they’ve actually been attacked”...

Emma 2

“Yeah, yeah, hearing the other women’s stories, not so much, I mean

the staff, they’re brilliant but I feel like people who run the group they

sort of like, they’re not going through it at the moment like the people

who are in the group are. And I feel like the people in the group are a

lot more understanding and they know what you’re going through and

everything and hearing their stories and talking about my own gave me

the confidence to walk away from it and to stay away from it so, its

been really, really useful”.

These excerpts powerfully demonstrate the effect of self-disclosure within the

group setting and the impact upon those hearing and identifying with another

woman’s story. Women often feel prevented from expressing strong emotion

(Butler & Wintram, 1991). However, personal disclosures revealing aspects of

abuse from group members had the effect of eliciting a motivational response

from silent members to reveal their own stories. Women felt understood,

possibly for the first time and it appears that this ‘sense of belonging’ is a key

factor in breaking the women’s silence.

AcceptanceBeing accepted by the group was of major importance to the women in this

study. If a person feels fully accepted, with compassion and without

judgement, the individual is able to come to terms with themselves, give up

defences and face their true selves, having the effect upon the individual to

sense a climate of safety (Rogers, 1961).

Barbara: 109

“they just accept it as it is”

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Chris:19, 20

“they’ve welcomed me in here as well so there’s no clicky bits”

Anne: 39-44

“But they don’t expect anything of you, they’re just friendly, you come in

and they kind of know (pause) emotions start building up, see and you

start shaking and like you kind of go through them and you know, that’s

accepted. You’ve got confusion and they know things are going on...”

In a group situation, acceptance is the communication of high regard and

feeling accepted within the group forms the foundation of trust (Johnson&

Johnson, 2006). Once women are able to articulate their internal

representation of self, it is based on connection with others (Butler & Wintram,

1991). The fact that women were able to express feelings of acceptance is a

credit to the structure of the group and another positive aspect of the Freedom

Programme.

The sharing of experiencesThe sharing of experiences within a group setting appears to be instrumental

in the reduction of shame and stigma felt individually by group members. Men

excuse, rationalise, justify and minimise their violence against female partners

and interpret violent conflicts in ways that suggest that women are responsible

for their behaviour (Anderson & Umberson, 2001). However, participants

related that hearing other women’s stories had a positive effect in feelings of

being understood and the confidential, non-judgemental atmosphere within

the group appears to contribute to the regaining of confidence and self-

esteem felt by participants. The following quote is in response to the

researcher’s reflection about the sharing of experiences.

Barbara:123-125

“erm it makes you stronger cos then you think well I did do it right you

know, I did do summat right I didn’t always get it wrong”

Donna: 20-22

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“Yeah, I found it helpful, cos I was like, they talked about (pause)

people that I didn’t know before, it made me understand some things”

Emma 2: 97-111

“Yeah, and hearing other people’s experiences and knowing that

they’ve gone through it for a long time and they sort of separated from

their partners and they’ve been able to get on with their life and they’ve

been able to cope and they’re still here today, you know, they look a lot

happier and everything and that’s made me realise that I’d, what if I

walked away from my partner, I can be a lot happier and I can still cope

and I can still get on with life”.

Barbara: 55, 56

“It’s like a burden off yer shoulders cos your not carrying it then and

people do understand things”.

The principle of open self-disclosure can provide the testing ground for

empowerment as feeling able to share degrading experiences; women are

afforded a sense of relief (Butler & Wintram, 1991). This appeared to be the

case in this research, as women became more and more comfortable in the

group by identifying with the experiences related by others; women became

more able to express their own accounts of abuse and as a consequence

unburden themselves, breaking their silence, often for the first time.

Not being judged Unsurprisingly ‘not being judged’ was a very prevalent theme which was

referred to often by women. Not being judged followed on from the ‘sharing of

experiences’ which was helpful in the reduction of shame and stigma. This

finding is in stark contrast to what women had experienced from family,

friends and wider society prior to programme attendance. The non-judgmental

environment in the group promoted a willingness to speak openly and gave

permission to women to speak about personal experiences of domestic

violence.

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Emma 2: 226-243

“Sometimes its like, you can talk to family and everything but they don’t

have an understanding like other people who’ve gone through the

same thing and its like the people here are not gonna judge what you

say or what you do or your actions or the fact that you stayed with them

after they’ve put you through violence, the people here will understand

that they won’t judge that, they’ll understand why it happened and its

nice to be in that atmosphere because, normally, like I say, if you tell

friends or you tell family, like well then why are you putting up with it?

Why don’t you just walk away? They don’t have a clear understanding

of why. It’s not as simple to just walk away, whereas these people help

and it’s really good to get together with a group of people who do

understand you like that, get things off your chest you feel like you can

open up to them and they won’t judge you at all so like its brilliant”.

Barbara: 107-109

“so you think you know how people judge you, do they think it’s wrong

or do they think it’s right, but they don’t, they just accept it as it is”.

Shifting the blameFor many women, carrying the burden of guilt is a result of the perpetrators

attempts to minimise, deny or blame the victim for his actions. This is also

compounded by cultural narratives which surround and support gender

oppression (Wood & Roche, 2001). When a woman is in this ‘self-blaming’

position, she does not acknowledge her strong and active self and attention is

then focused upon her vulnerability (Hyden, 2005).

Gemma: 63-73

“Knowing that I wasn’t alone and that I did think that things were

necessarily my fault erm I’ve always felt to blame from my family. My

partner always told me it was my fault, you know, my parents, they told

me it was my fault, erm that I’ve been brought up from being a small to

child to (omitted) year old nearly, and ive always been told it was my

fault but ive got to change my self-beliefs that its not always me that’s

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in the wrong, you know, and sometimes I can be right, which, you

know, isn’t heard of. I would have never ever have thought that I could

be right type of thing”.

Chris: 35-40

“And erm I was feeling like I needed the self-confidence to believe in

myself and that I’m not all these things that erm I was led to believe,

you know about myself, like erm worthless and no good you know

(pause) that’s what I wanted, (pause) but I’ll, I’ll get there.

Chris: 45-50

“Yeah, erm (long pause) I don’t know really, its just more confidence in

myself, that’s what I hoped to get and that I couldn’t actually stand up

to somebody without er fear. Now it’s changed and I put my point

across and you know I have an opinion in my head and I have a voice”.

Reflection It became apparent from the transcribed interviews that women became

involved in a reflective process by taking away with them the information that

was taught on the course. This reflective process brought about a significant

shift in the development of women’s perceptions of the abusive relationship,

enabling them to see the abuse in a different light

Anne: 131-132

...”but coming here, I mean, like I say, it just all connects really”

Anne: 78-80

“But you know, I sat and thought eeeh, Christ, why, why, what made

him like hit me and do all this to me”?

Barbara: 151-155

“It’s good it helps you it gets you through err, like when you get down

and then you think back through the things that you were taught in the,

in the programme it does get you back up, erm it gets you stronger and

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it doesn’t matter what life throws at you, you can, you can get through

it”.

Changes in perceptions of domestic violenceAs outlined in the introduction, there are many varied definitions of domestic

violence and some women did not perceive that they were in fact the

recipients of such abuse:

Lynne: 84-91

“I mean I’ve not been through you know like these lot in here, like who

they’ve beat the shit out of, I mean, he’s not, he’s not done that. He’s

thrown me and threatened me with things like a gun, but he’s never

done it. I’m, I’m I’ve not had black eyes or out, I’ve had erm, I’ve been

held hostage, been kidnapped and what have you, held with a gun,

he’d break into the flat, stole my phone...”

The realisation that women were in fact the recipients of domestic violence

came as a revelation:

Julia: 142-148

“Well I think domestic violence is err, it can incorporate under the

umbrella a lot more than getting a punch, which I think a lot of people

think like that, actually getting hit on and I think today has helped me

realise that even though I don’t get a punch, I still fall under the same

umbrella of domestic violence”.

Chris: 8-12

“I suppose I didn’t think that, that I was erm like properly as like erm

being abused as what everybody else would think cos I’m not sort of

being hit or controlled or anything like that it’s all mental abuse”.

The fact that women were able to identify and define their own situations in

terms of domestic violence is another success of the Programme as the

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recognition of this, demonstrates receptiveness to that which is taught and

therefore the potential to openness in exploring ways in which to effectively

change their situation. Also highlighted is the need for domestic violence to be

revealed in more candid ways reflecting the truth of the situation from the

victim’s perspective, rendering a more accurate account of this sort of abuse.

Real changeAbuse can have very deep effects and each woman’s route to recovery is

complex and multi-layered, so it is hard to lay down prescriptive processes.

Some may appreciate a degree of temporary protection, but, for others,

participation and speaking out may be healing to the woman and extremely

useful to service providers (Mullender & Hague, 2005). Merely being in a

group is not sufficient for change to occur; involvement in other processes, for

example, taking the risk of saying what you feel, sharing secrets and catharsis

can all be important (Ratigan, 1997). Women relayed some of the real

changes that occurred as a result of their participation in the Programme and

in response to the researchers’ reflection on how the Programme had helped,

one participant responded:

Gemma: 77-91

“I’ve met with social services; I had my final hearing last week, and erm

I won. You know I can keep my kids, you know, I got a residence order

in my favour. But if you look back to six months ago, I would have lost

my kids for sure. You know, social services were ready to get a care

order to remove my kids, erm but it’s been fantastic, you know, the

support that you get from here, its brilliant erm, and the help that’s

been offered from my support worker, erm, so it has been really good

to get that amount of help that I’ve had”.

Emma 3: 550-559

“In the space of three months, my whole life has turned around and I’ve

got a big confidence boost, my self-esteem has lifted, erm I feel like

more of a stronger person, I feel like a better person and like my

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judgement, I feel like I’ve got a better judgement of people now

because before I didn’t really like have a good judgement of people, I

just sort of accepted people the way they are. But now, I’ll know what

to look out for and everything with the course and all that. I’ll be able to

judge people better”.

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DiscussionIt is evident that despite the abundance of information and statistics available

regarding domestic violence, there is still a considerable amount of negativity

and stereotypical assumptions regarding those that endure such forms of

abuse. The presumptions about those that experience domestic violence not

only serve to perpetuate the pervasive ignorance within society’s continued

comprehension of domestic violence but they also directly oppress and

derogate the victim further by discrediting their accounts and diminishing the

severity of the abuse they endure. The resulting consequence for victims is

shame and guilt and the fear that their accounts will not be believed or

understood. Being part of a society that does little to challenge this, victims

become isolated having to cope with the judgements that society has made

upon them and afraid to speak out because of the fear of being judged. These

factors all contribute to silencing the victim, rendering those that experience

domestic violence subject to the deliberation of the uneducated and the

uninformed.

It is apparent that the women involved in this investigation were subject to the

same considerable stigma both as victims of domestic violence and as

survivors that has been outlined by previous research. This is not only

associated with being a victim of domestic violence but is also apparent upon

the termination and exit of the relationship. Evidence to support this has been

made manifest in the stories of the survivors in and their inability to find

understanding amongst those that have not directly experienced domestic

violence. The failure of society to acknowledge the victims situation

exacerbates their already dire circumstances by preventing honest disclosure

and contributes to the status quo regarding the absence of accurate

information about victims of domestic violence.

A major theme that emerged in the research was that women initially felt

uneasy about disclosing the very private details of the violent and emotional

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abuse that they had endured. However upon hearing the stories and

experiences of other women in the group setting, personal disclosure was

made easier. As women expressed their feelings of being misunderstood by

friends, family and wider society, the accompanying sense of isolation that

was initially felt was heavily contrasted with the feelings of acceptance and

sense of belonging that they found amongst others in the group. This

highlights another positive aspect of the Freedom Programme, for as women

are invited to explore various issues pertaining to domestic violence, the

abuse that they have over time become familiar with takes on new meaning

and women are able to reframe their experiences within a context of a

tangible framework.

Some women participating in this research did not consider themselves as

being victims of domestic violence at all although by listening to their stories,

they were clearly enduring abusive behaviour. This could be viewed as a far-

reaching effect of society’s attitudes and opinions of and towards domestic

that is powerful enough to exert enough influence to distort even the victims’

perceptions of their own reality. The Freedom Programme was successful in

addressing this, by providing clearly defined examples of the nature, beliefs

and tactics employed by abusive men. This information provided women with

a means of identifying patterns of behaviour which was occurring in their

private lives and women were, for the first time able to categorise and label

that which was once confusing and undefined. This indicates that the

information provided on the Programme not only assisted women to recognise

potential future abusers as stipulated in the aims of the Programme (Craven

2000-2002), but by that which was taught, women gained insight into the

patterns and cycles of abusive behaviour which assisted them in making a

clear assessment of their current circumstances. This is considered to be

important in terms of empowerment as it seems that women were able to shift

the burden of guilt and be receptive to viewing a more accurate perception of

their current or former situations of abuse.

The provision of a favourable environment affording women the opportunity to

communicate their experiences could be described as therapeutic as by

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unburdening themselves, women began to develop a new and independent

sense of self by redefining their self definition (Hartsock, 1998). The

supportive atmosphere within the group setting was actively encouraged by

the facilitators by allowing the expressions of emotion. It has been noted that

the expression of anger can be of particular use in learning, growth and

healing and especially so in those that have been traumatised or unable to

express their anger adequately (Ratigan, 1997).

It has been suggested that every time a woman is beaten, she leaves

immediately in a psychological sense, removing herself from the situation in

her mind, making herself unreachable psychologically (Hyden, 1999). And for

whatever reason a woman decides to stay in the abusive relationship, the

same level of strength is implemented in this course of action as in those that

are able to leave. Davis (2002) describes this as a survival instinct that

women are able to develop to form a resilience to employ as significant

coping strategy. This research confirms that women are not merely weak and

passive victims of domestic violence and it is a mistake to characterise victims

in this way. Women actively resist violence by whatever resources and

strategies they have available and these actions indicate strength and

courage (Hollander, 2005). This strength and courage along with much

determination to change the current state of affairs became manifest in the

stories related by the informants in this research.

In summary, it is regretfully apparent that there is an inadequate amount of

research available that is specifically concerned with how victims of domestic

violence move on from the abusive relationship and reliable information

regarding the consequential effects of domestic violence upon the victim is

largely restricted to academic literature. This being so, a profusion of statistics

without sufficient discernment of the implications of such abuse upon

survivors is of limited use in understanding the cumulative effects of domestic

violence, neither is it helpful to those experiencing such fallout.

The results of this study add to what is already known and understood about

domestic violence. However, because the specific area of the woman’s exit

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from an abusive relationship is currently under-researched, this paper adds to

the literature and provides insight from the woman’s unique perspective on

the processes involved in moving on from domestic violence.

Society’s comprehension of domestic violence is incomplete, yet the sources

of accurate information, abused women, are silenced by this deficiency. The

implications of this paper reveal that more research is needed in this area in

order allow women’s voices to be heard and to fully comprehend what is

required to assist victims. The recurring theme of ‘knowledge’ that was

referred to often during interviews suggests that an accurate understanding of

the reasons why men inflict serious injury upon women, the tactics employed

and the distorted beliefs held by perpetrators would be of huge benefit in

combating the stigma and myths that conceal the true nature of domestic

violence.

Pat Craven expresses this wish:

“I would ultimately like to present the programmes in one form or

another to schools, colleges, industry and all statutory agencies, which

deal with women. The programme can also be used with men or boys”.

This research proposes that the way forward in reducing domestic violence is

to educate and inform, preferably at an earlier age and before commitment to

relationships commences. This would have the benefit of providing accurate

information about the issues and have an impact on the reduction of

stereotyping and the perpetuation of myths. The raising of awareness for both

men and women at an early age would also reinforce the unacceptability of

this sort of abuse, which may assist in prevention.

It is regrettable that a larger sample of participants was not available to take

part in this research, therefore the findings are limited. There are considerable

ethical dilemmas for the researcher in gaining access to such a population

without intruding or violating the individuals’ privacy. Therefore the difficulty in

gaining access needs to be acknowledged. Suggestions for future research

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Appendix 1The Freedom ProgrammeThe Freedom Programme is a twelve week rolling programme, delivered to a

maximum of 25 women by two trained staff members. It was devised by Pat

Craven whilst she was working as a probation officer and was first piloted in

1999. It has been designed to provide women with the knowledge to develop

ways of thinking and behaving to protect themselves, their children and others

from harm. Group sessions involve active participation in structured

discussions that involve: value awareness, problem solving, perspective

training, social skills training (assertiveness), understanding and developing

self. The freedom Programme is open to any woman who wishes to learn

more about the reality of domestic violence and abuse (Pat Craven, 2000-

2002).

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Appendix 2Stockton DovesStockton Doves (Domestic Violence Empowerment and support) is a multi-

agency domestic violence team consisting of staff from the Police Domestic

Violence Unit, Social Services, the NSPCC (National Society for the

Prevention of Cruelty to Children) and North Tees Women's Aid.

The aims of the service are to establish a multi-agency team of specialist

support workers who can enhance and develop current practice in relation to

domestic violence. Doves also provide services to individuals and families

experiencing domestic violence and maximise the choices currently available

to them. The 'pooling' of specialist knowledge also provides a more rapid and

co-ordinated response to victim, (Cleveland Police, 2004).

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Appendix 3Example Questions

What were/are your initial feelings about attending the Freedom Programme?

What were/are your expectations about the Freedom Programme?

How does the course live up to your expectations?

How have your feelings about the future changed?

What have you found to be most useful?

How has what you have learned affected your life?

What are your plans for the future?

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Appendix 4Information Sheet

My name is Carole; a volunteer at Stockton Doves. I am an undergraduate Counselling Psychology student at the University of Teesside entering my final year.

I am currently compiling some research that is concerned with how women move on from violent relationships.

As you are taking part in the Freedom Programme, I am interested to know your thoughts on the course from the early stages. I am interested to hear how you feel you might benefit from the course and in which ways you find it may help you.

I am also keen to hear of anything that you may find disappointing throughout the coursed duration or any expectations that you have that do not get met.

There are no right or wrong answers. I am purely interested in how you feel about the course and the ways in which you use the information provided at each session.

Therefore, I am inviting you to take part in some short, informal group discussions about such matters.

Attendance is purely on a voluntary basis, however, should you choose to be involved, I anticipate that the information gathered will be of great value to future participants in the Programme and could also generate insight into how the Programme could be developed or improved.

It is my intention to audiotape the sessions. After analysis and dissemination, all audio tapes will be destroyed. Please be assured that all private details and personal information will be kept strictly anonymous and will comply with DOVES policy of confidentiality.

Thank you for your consideration.

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Appendix 5Consent Form and Standardised Instructions: Study 1

Participant Number:

You are invited to participate in a study investigating how survivors of domestic violence move on in their lives unsupported. I will specifically be looking at issues relating to housing, stigma, isolation and the psychological effects of moving on from an abusive relationship.

If you consent to participate, I would like to interview you about your experiences. The interviews will be audio taped. The audio tape will be destroyed after dissemination.

Speaking about your experiences may cause you to feel uncomfortable. However, I will listen in a supportive manner. Please be assured that your information will be handled sensitively and with the utmost discretion and confidentiality.

The information gathered in this study will be used to improve knowledge and understanding about the ways in which women move on from abusive relationships and to gain insight into some of the difficulties that are experienced whilst doing so.

The interview is anticipated to last for approximately 1 hour. Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission. All interviews will be transcribed and any personal information will be anonymised. All tapes will be destroyed after transcription. Any anonymised extracts which may be used in final reports will be disseminated only with your final approval.

You have the right to ask questions and have those questions answered. If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, contact either myself or my supervisor, Sue Becker.

Your decision whether or not to participate is voluntary and will not influence your future relations with the Freedom Programme held at Stockton Doves. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and to discontinue your participation at any time, simply by notifying the researcher.

You must be 18 years of age or older to consent to participate in this research study. If you consent to participate in this research study and agree to the terms above, please sign your name and indicate the date below. You will be given a copy of this form to keep.

Name (printed) Signature Date

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I, the undersigned, verify that the above informed consent procedure has been followed.

Researcher Signature Date

Appendix 6 Consent Form and Standardised Instructions: Study 2

Participant Number:

You are invited to participate in a study investigating how survivors of domestic violence move on in their lives unsupported. I will specifically be looking at issues relating to housing, stigma, isolation and the psychological effects of moving on from an abusive relationship.

If you consent to participate, I would like to interview you in a group setting on three separate occasions about your experiences. The interviews will be audio taped. The audio tape will be destroyed after dissemination.

Speaking about your experiences may cause you to feel uncomfortable. However, I will listen in a supportive manner. Please be assured that your information will be handled sensitively and with the utmost discretion and confidentiality.

The information gathered in this study will be used to improve knowledge and understanding about the ways in which women move on from abusive relationships and to gain insight into some of the difficulties that are experienced whilst doing so.

Each interview is anticipated to last for approximately 1 hour, taking place on week 2, week 7 and week 12. Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission. All interviews will be transcribed and any personal information will be anonymised. All tapes will be destroyed after transcription. Any anonymised extracts which may be used in final reports will be disseminated only with your final approval.

You have the right to ask questions and have those questions answered. If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, contact either myself or alternatively my supervisor, Sue Becker.

Your decision whether or not to participate is voluntary and will not influence your future relations with the Freedom Programme held at Stockton Doves. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and to discontinue your participation at any time, simply by notifying the researcher.

You must be 18 years of age or older to consent to participate in this research study. If you consent to participate in this research study and agree to the terms above, please sign your name and indicate the date below. You will be given a copy of this form to keep.

Name (printed) Signature Date

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I, the undersigned, verify that the above informed consent procedure has been followed.

Researcher Signature DateAppendix 7: Example of transcribed interview

1 Transcript: Anne, Week 2

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Anne: Well since coming in last week, I was really

frightened of coming last week, really frightened.

There was only two of us, another lady and myself.

So and (-) is it? and the other lady? Lovely lasses,

they just let me sit there and cry it out. I felt so tired

and drained and then when, and by the end of it and

all that I felt drained I told her there, she said “how do

you feel”, I said “I felt so drained after it, it really took,

took it out of me, the actual crying”. I just sat in my

car for a bit and when I got home to my Mam’s house,

I, at tea time when I picked my little boy up, and he

got in the car and I thought you know, I’ve seen

people, and there was another lady here and she got

in her car and my little boy he like looked at me and

said “what we gonna have for our tea” and he’s like,

he said “are you alright Mam” and I said “yeah, I’ve

been to a nice place today and been, talked to nice

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people” and he went “so are you alright”? and I said “I

feel a bit lighter” I said and when I walked out I was

or. And this week I’ve seen a few more people and

last week, you know I think I’ve smiled again, but, you

know the way they are and they’ve got these girls that

talk to each other in our own time and speed and this

week I’m not crying, you know what I mean? At first I

thought I might come in here and cry and but I look

forward to the next meeting now.

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30 Researcher: You’re looking forward to it?

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A: Yeah, I am. Well it’s helping me in that way. I didn’t

think it would, people at first, I seen them come here;

I’ve never experienced anything in my life like this,

violence, this type of thing. Err, even listening to other

people going on, you know, go on. You do it yourself,

and I thought, I can’t, I can’t do it myself cos I don’t

know what to say when I go, I don’t know what they

expect. But they don’t expect anything of you, they’re

just friendly, you come in and they kind of know that

your (pause) emotions start building up, see and you

start shaking and like you kind of go through them

and you know, that’s accepted, you’ve got confusion

and they know things are going on but nobody asks

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you, but it’s good listening to them. I mean I walked

away last week and when I got back and I actually got

my little one settled, I was sat on the night and that’s

when everything started. Cos your sat on your own

and I thought, you know, she’s right, erm ----, said like

“you were a target, he, he, kind of, cos like I was,

what did I do wrong? Why? You know, I got on with

him and all this, you

know, I got on with him. I thought like he was like so,

like a nice person and all that and it went wrong and

she went like “sometimes these men target you, so

don’t blame yourself, cos you’ve actually, he’s

probably...And she made me wonder then cos when I

look back, he hardly mentioned any of his

relationships, he was still at home with his Mam at (-),

which, you know is nice, he must have thought where

he was well off, but no. He’d three relationships with

older women and I was an older woman. You know, I

said to him “did you ever go out with anyone young”

He said no. He was (-), it was a (-) year old, at (-)

(pause) it was a (-) year old and then I got on with

him when he was (-) and I was like (-). So he’s got

this....and she went.... that’s why I sat at home on that

night and I thought about, I wonder if he has targeted,

for some unknown reason to me, his own reason, I

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don’t know why, but I wondered if he....and I said to

her, I’m not a stupid person and fall for silly talk or

anything, I’m like you know I’m like, he seems alright,

he’s treating me alright. I said “how come I didn’t pick”

she said “because he’s, he’s targeted to do this, you

don’t know”. It’s like someone going in for a divorce

isn’t it, the one that doesn’t know about its getting

robbed cos the other one is planning it. You know

things like that happen. But you know, I sat and

thought eeeh, Christ why, why, what made him like hit

me and do all this to me? I feel like I was an alright

person, a good judgement of character and said to

her like “now I just feel like a failure”, she said “no,

no”.

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R: you feel like your starting to make some sense of it

all now?

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A: Yeah, yeah, like all I kept thinking was, at first, but

now I’m coming here, its getting my mind a bit like,

there is answers to it, at first I thought like a big blank

wall, he was just a person who I must have crossed,

upset him so I got a good beating for it, and then I

kept thinking, what have I done to cross? I don’t go

out, I have the little one, I spend a lot of time up the

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hospital, my friends I’ve had for (-) years who know

me very well, they have barbeques with their families,

things like that, you know what I mean? He didn’t

want to mix with that, didn’t want to do that and to

cause less bother, I used to stop going out. So I used

to think, well what do you do, to not get into trouble?

Cos you know, I’ve listened to my nieces and that,

they’re young and they’re boisterous and she’ll go to

her boyfriend, “I’m out tonight” and going on like that

and then I’ll be looking at him, waiting for him to... and

then she goes, “I think I’ll stay at (omitted) tonight”

and I look and she says “what’s the matter”? and I

say, “aren’t you going to get into trouble”?

“trouble, why?” I said your going out tonight and not

coming home, aren’t you gonna get into trouble”? she

said “he won’t even know where I am” She said “in

fact he’d rather me go back to (omitted) than come

home and wake the kids up”. She doesn’t go out a lot

but I was like amazed, I thought why isn’t he gonna

tell her like that she’s got to come home on the night?

Because, like I say, I practically never went out

except for the hospital and the social life just went

down to nil like because, you know....like I say, I’m

starting to get answers and your able to..no I’m not in

the wrong and I didn’t do, I didn’t do anything wrong.

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He’s got the problem not me. See if I, if I was doing

anything wrong he didn’t like he should have walked

away. That’s if I did anything wrong, like, he didn’t

want or did something he can’t stand or something

but I wasn’t like that with him. See as long as he sat

there, holding his hand, I always used to say to him

“have you err had no love when you were young”? “to

me this is not a relationship, it’s like you want to be

pampered like a Mam would pamper a son”, I mean

after about (-) months, he really ground me down. He

used to be like a little boy you know, so I don’t know

whether that...but coming here, I mean, like I say, it

just all connects really, cos I’m sat in the middle and

like talking to these and that (omitted) she’s kind, you

know.....Even though I’ve got friends, sometimes I

just don’t want to talk to them, you know, friends of a

long time, I, I just don’t want to talk this way to them

cos unless you’ve been through it, they haven’t got a

clue. They can sympathise but unless they’ve actually

been attacked...My friends, they’ve been together

twenty odd years with their husbands and my

brothers and all that. Even my family, I mean my

brother’s like “or are you alright”? and I’m like “Yeah,

I’m great” but I’m not, because, how would they

know? If I’m sat there crying, they know what he’s

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done to me and they, they, they’ve heard it you know,

they’ve been in my Mam’s when the police were,

they’ve heard it all (pause) they actually (pause) and I

didn’t, I’ve heard people say, “he hit me, he done that

and he done that” but they still don’t know what I was

feeling when I was getting kicked and getting trapped

and getting locked in and that’s what I’ve started

bringing out here and may be I can find the answers

to that. If I could start finding out the answers to why

he hurt me and locks you in. They can have a bad

mood and they can punch you and walk away, but to

lock you in and say “you women need to be taught a

lesson”, and then from my friend going about half

eleven, right through till my son knocked on the door

at half eight, he just baited all night, like started

drinking and punching and spitting “you need a

lesson”, stamping. I even tried to get the police on the

phone, he smashed the phone. But it went on all

night, now that just proves that you know, even my

sister said years ago she had a relationship, she said

“ I got hit, I got punched but I’ve never seen out like it

in my life, nothing like it in my life” she said “but the

thing is when I, when I got it in my younger days”,

he’s (-) now, it was her first relationship, she says,

“Yeah, he hit me, but then he ran” she said you know,

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“a, a man will hit out then, then, he’ll run and he’ll feel

ashamed of it” but she said “he literally, em tortured

you all night” and that’s what I can’t get my head

round. I can understand if he’d been in a real bad

mood and he, he hit me and he ran away, or he let

me get out, but he wouldn’t even let me get to my

family. Cos I needed help, I needed someone to help

me

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183 R: It’s ok ---- I’m going turn off this tape now

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