DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 320 969 UD C27 307

TITLE The Elusive Decade of Hispanics.INSTITUTION Cuban American National Council, Inc.SPONS AGENCY Ford Foundation, New York, N.Y.PUB DATE 89NOTE 24p.

PUB TYPE Reports - Research/Technical (143)

EDRS PRICE MFO1 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS.DESCRIPTORS Bilingual Education; *Cubans; *Demography; *Economic

Progress; *Educational Attainment; ElementarySecondary Education; Higher Education; *HispanicAmericans; Immigrants; *Political Power

ABSTRACT

The 1980s were dubbed "The Decade of Hispanics" bythe news media, who realized that the rapid growth of the HispanicAmerican population could be used by them to demand equitablepolitical empowerment and full participation in American social,economic, and educational life. But Hispanics did not move as rapidlyas observers had predicted because the diverse groups comprising theHispanic community required the early part of the decade to develop acollective awareness. It was not until the latter part of the 1980sthat their leadership could focus on a national political agenda.Political influence was reflected by an increase in the number ofHispanic elected officials and the appointment of several Hispanicsto high-level government positions. Hispanic affluence increased,Hispanic businesses proliferated, and the Hispanic consumer marketalso grew. However, the following shortfalls and losses are alsonoted: (Y) an anti-Hispanic backlash, including immigrationrestrictions and the English Only Movement; (2) an increase inHispanic poverty and unemployment levels; and (3) a serious declinein Hispanic educational attainment levels and the loss of bilingualeducation programs. The Cuban American community was negativelyaffected by the decision to cease granting automatic exile status toCubans, the use of immigration as a negotiating tool between theUnited States and Cuba, and the deportation to Cuba of non-MarielCuban immigrants. The Cuban American school dropout rate increased asdid participation in juvenile gangs. However, Cuban Americansexperienced political, economic, and professional growth. Statisticaldata are included on five graphs. (FMW)

Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be madefrom the original document.

THE ELUSIVE: DECADE of HISPANICS

1/0/70

U DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONOffice of Educational Research and Improvement

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?le'This document NU been reproduced asreceived from the person or organizationoriginating it

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Points of view of opinions stated in tnis docu-ment do not necessarily represent officialOERI position or policy

"PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THISMATERIAL IN MICROFICHE ONLY

HAS BEEN GRANTED BY

Alm a E. Secl'''Cuban Avi,e,,Ca.-.

WA .71-.1 CotA.v colTC THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)

mPublished by

TN- Cuban American Policy Centera program of

The Cuban American National Council, Inc.Fall 1989

BEST COPY AVAILABLE

2

Cuban AmericanNational Council, Inc.

300 S.W. Twelfth Avenue, Third FloorMiami, Florida 33130-2038

(305) 642-3484

OfficersAgustin-de Goytisolo

ChairmanMina E. Becker

SecretaryFrancisco Paredes

TreasurerGuarione M. Diaz

President /Executive Director

Board of DWilfredo AllenMina An tonetti

Antonio L ArgizEnrique BaloyraLaureano Batista

Mina E. BeckerNelson Benedico

Marta BequerWilly Berme llo

Peter BernalAnnie Betancourt

Elva Collazo-BodnerFederico Costa lesGuarione M. Diaz

Rita Di MartinoAlbert E. Dotson

Nancy DreicerJor& iscalonaZulima Farber

Marcelo Fernandez-ZayasVincent Forte

Juan GalanMargarita GarciaMario GoderichGustavo Godoy

Sara GomezWilly Gonzalez

Barbara GothardAgustin de Goytisolo

3

irectorsPedro Jose Greer, Jr.Alma GuerraJose Manuel HernandezAntonio JorgeAda KirbyCarme la LacayoIvan LlorenteSergio MasvidalMarta MiyaresBeatriz OliveraFrancisco ParedesDavid Perez-GinartJose S. PrinceMaria A. PrioRichard J. Razook, Jr.Rene RochaAngel RodriguezMax RothmanJorge SalazarGonzalo SanchezCelia SuarezJose SuquetFrank TorafioMaria E. TorafioBarton UdellMario VizcainoRaul YzaguirreTere Zubizarreta

TheElusive Decade

OfHispanics

Cuban AmericanNational Council, Inc.

Miami, FloridaFall 1989

4

The Elusive Decade of Hispanics was prepared by the CubanAmerican Policy Center (CAPC), a program of the CubanAmerican National Council (C.C..), funded by the FordFoundation.

Editors:

Mipell del Campillo Cuarione M. DiazCoordinator President/Executive DirectorC ban American Policy Center Cuban American National Council

Consulting Editors:

Dr. Antonio Jorge Dr. Thomas BoswellProfessor of Political Economy Professor of GeographyFlorida international University University of MiamiSenior Research ScholarUniversity of Miami

Antonio VillamilChief EconomistU.S. Department of Commerce

Cuban American National Council300 SW Twelfth Avenue

Third FloorMiami, Florida 33130-2038

(305) 642-3484

0 A Limed Way Supported Agency

Copyright 0 1989

5

"The Elusive Decade of Hispanics" highlights keyissues and outcomes that shaped this communityduring the 1980s.

Data used in this report were obtained from avariety of sources, including the U.S. Department ofCommerce, Bureau of the Census, National Associationof Latino Elected and Appointed Officials, NationalCouncil of La Raza, Metro-Dade Planning Depart-ment, City of Miami Police Department, HispanicPolicy Development Project, National Center forHealth Statistics, and the Cuban American NationalCouncil: Fourth National Conference.

The conclusions based on the data, and its analysis,are the sole responsibility of the Cuban AmericanPolicy Center and CNC.

Efforts to synthesize complex issues are bound tomiss some aspects, even important aspects of reality.This is particularly true when a ten-year period isunder scrutiny.

On the other hand, CNC feels that addressin? thequestion of whether the 1980s were or were not ' thedecade of Hispanics" serves a useful purpose andshould be done succinctly for the benefit ,y,f the generalreader. Our analysis of several policy issues seeks abalanced answer to and a clearer understanding of thecentral question asked here;n.

Beyond that, we hope that this paper will stimulatefurther discussion of the matter, and will increase thepublic's interest in the affairs of Hispanics in theUnited States.

Guarione M. DiazPresident /Executive Director

Cuban American National CouncilMiami, Florida

Fall 1989

3---6

The Elusive Decade ofHispanics

The Decade of Hispanic..,,`

During the 1980s the U.S. Hispanic population reachedthe 20 million mark. The media was quick to recognizethe event as newsworthy. Hence, Hispanics were "dis-covered" in the 1980s and the general public was amazedthat a virtually ignored group suddenly had become thenation's fastest growing minority.

So widespread and frequent was the media coveragethat the period was dubbed "the decade of Hispanics,"and it was anticipated that Hispanics would seize theopportunity to turn their numbers into equitable politi-cal empowerment and full participation in the nation'ssocial, economic, and educational life.

But Hispanics did not move as rapidly as outsideobservers had predicted. United by a common languageand by their roots in nations that were colonized bySpain, Hispanics are divided by country of origin, therecency and nature of their entry into the United States,race, age, class, and the regions of the United States inwhich they live. These differences are considerabk. andin the early years of the decade the groups were stilldeveloping a collective awareness of themselves as"Hispanics." It was not until the latter part of the 1980sthat their leadership began to focus on a national His-panic agenda and to seriously consider the potentialbenefits that could be derived from the nation's deepen-ing interest in Hispanic issues.

The closing of the decade offers an opportunity tolook back. Did "the decade of Hispanics" fulfill itspromise? What was s,A. in motion? Where did it fall shortof expectations? What was achieved? What lies ahead?

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Cuban American Policy Center

What Did Hispanics Expect?

The issues pursued by Hispanics in the 1980s re-flected their desire to become active players in the U.S.pluralistic society and to participate fully in the "Ameri-can Dream." Although the leadership dealt with a widerange of concerns, attention was focused most stronglyon employment, education, the preservation of the His-panic heritage and cultural values, and a quest for equi-table political representation.

Forceful advocacy campaigns were undertaken byHispanics at the local, state and federal levels. Fewconcrete, measurable goals, however, were establishedto evaluate progress toward parity. For instance, bench-marks were neither identified nor periodically adjustedto reflect the increasing Hispanic percentage of the totalU.S. population. No baselines-1980 or earlierwereestablished for poverty levels or unemployment rates.The accelerated increase required to bring Hispanic percapita income to parity with mainstream citizens was notcalculated at a rate above that of the general population.Goals for high school graduation and college attendancerates were not related to general population levels. Thenational annual GNP growth rate was not adoptedas itmight have beenas a comparative standard in measur-ing growth among the top 100 Hispanic business firms.

While it is true that the achievement of certain agreed-upon goals and benchmarks would not have painted afull picture of how Hispanics fared in the '80s, their neartotal absence means that the gains and shortcomings canbe measured only in isolation. Important tools that mighthave been used to determine whether the 1980s were infact "the decade of Hispanics" were not developed anda significant opportunity was lost.

58

The Elusive Decode of Hispanics

The Numbers

The national and local attention Hispanics attractedin the 1980s was stimulated by a remarkable increase inthe Hispanic population.

In less than a decade the Hispanic percentage of thetotal U.S. population rose from 6.5 percent to 8.1 percent.Between 1980 and 1988 Hispanics experienced a 34 per-cent growth 'ate, compared to an 8 percent general-population growth rate. The numbers increased from14.5 million in 1980 to 19.4 million in 1988. In fact,Hispanics became the nation's second largest ethnic/racial minority, surpassed only by Black Americans.

Chart 1Growth of Hispanic Population

Hispanic 1980 to 1988Population

20,006,000r

19,000,0001

18,000

17,000,

16,000

15,000,

1980 11' ... 13 14 '85 16 87 '88

YearNA

Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census/CNC

--1

The increase in the Hispanic population can be attrib-uted to a steady flow of immigrants and to high birthrates.

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Cuban American Policy Center

In the late '80s Hispanics accounted for over a third ofall U.S. immigration. It is estimated that over the decadethe numberof Hispanic immigrants to the United Statesdocumented and undocumentedaveraged 250,000 netannually. In 198t3 1.7 million US. Hispanics sought le-galization under the amnesty promulgated by the Immi-gration Reform and Citizenship Act, which granted le-galization to long-term undocumented residents.

The Hispanic birth rate was 23.3 per thousand in1987, compared to a 16.6 per thousand birth rate for thegeneral population. And Hispanics, who have a medianage of 25, are the youngest population in the UnitedStates. Young Hispanic women are moving into theirchildbearing years while the general population ages.

Chart 2Geographic Distribution of the

Hispanic Population: March 1988Arizona,

.:0erigr Colorado,&!i'' i, i :1 New Mexico 8%

New York11%

California34%

Florida 8%

Illinois 4%

New Jersey3%

Remainderof the U.S. 11%

Source: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census

But the impact of Hispvnics is based oil more thannumbers. It is strongly influenced by concentation. Overhalf of all U.S. Hispanics live in just two states, Californiaand Texas. And 89 percent live in only nine statesCalifornia, Texas, New York, Illinois, Florida, NewMexico, Arizona, Colorado, and New Jersey. Over half

710

The Elusive Decode of Hispanics

the Hispanics reside in seven metropolitan areas: NewYork, Chicago, Miami, San Francisco, Los Angeles, SanAntonio, and Houston. In many of these markets, His-panics constitute a large percentage of the populationand are becoming the majority of students enrolled inpublic schools.

The Gains

Political RepresentationThe decade proved that Hispanics are actively seek-

ing and slowly gaining political representation. In 1984the number of Hispanic elected officials in the nation was3,128; by 1988 that figure had increased by approximate-ly 7 percent, to 3,360. However, those 3,360 Hispanicelected officials amounted to less than 1 pe :cent of thenation's elected officials, far below the 8.1 percen. of thetotal population that Hispanics constituted in that year.

No. of HispanicBooted Officials

3,400

3,350

3,300-

3,250 -

3,200 -

3,150 -

3,100-s

Chart 3Hispanic Elected Officials

3,1283,147

3,202

1984 '85 Yur 16 '87 '88

Source: U.S. Deportment of Commerce, Bureau of the Census/CNC

8- .i

Cuban American Policy Center

Population concentration supported the increase ofHispanic political influence at the state and, above all, atthe local level where, in many instances, Hispanics be-came the dominant or "swing" vote.

By 1988

230 Hispanics were mayors,1,42.5 were county and municipal officials,120 were state legislators,1,226 were education or school board officials,

and11 were T_'.S. Representatives.

Hispanic influence also has been reflected in theappointment of several Hispanics to high-level govern-ment positions, for example, Lauro Cavazos as U.S. Sec-retary of Education and Manuel Lujan as U.S. Secretaryof the Interior.

Voter registration and turn-out rates remained rela-tively stable during the decade. However, any assess-ment of Hispanic registration and voting rates must takeinto consideration the fact that 40 percent of Hispanicsare too young to vote, and that 33 percent of Hispanics ofvoting age are ineligible to vote because they are not U.S.citizens. Actually, between 1980 and 1988, registration ofeligible Hispanics edged up from 53.6 percent to 56.6percent. The increase is attributable to extensive voterregistration campaigns conducted throughout the na-tion by groups such as the Southwest/Midwest/North-east voter registration projects and to spirited voterregistration efforts by Cuban Americans. At the sametime, in some elections Cubans achieved 80 percent turn-out rates.

Economic GainsSome economic gains made by Hispanics over the

decade were encouraging. In 1980 only 2.3 percent ofHispanic households qualified as affluent (with pre-tax

J2

The Elusive Decode of Hispanics

incomes of $50,000 or more). By 1986 that figure hadquadrupled, reaching 9.2 percent, higher than the Blackfigure of 6.) percent and more than half of the generalpopulation level of 16.8 percent. Close to 60 percent ofaffluent Hispanics hold education - intensive positions asprofessionals and managers, underscoring the key rolethat education plays in expanding the Hispanic affluentsector.

Entrepreneurship and business also showed promis-ing growth over the decade. In 1982, nationwide, His-panic-owned businesses numbered 248,000. Hispanicsfrom New York to Los Angeles held retail, wholesale,trade, and manufacturing firms that reached a combinedoutput of $15 billion. But in some areas, Miami for ex-ample, many medium-sized and small Hismnic firmsremained mostly ethnic, catering mainly to the Hispanicmarket. By the latter part of the decade, the slow growthand job generation of these ethnic firms had attracted theattention and concern of community leaders and econo-mists. Many saw the need to stimulate growth by pene-trating the general market, a shift that would requireinitiative, new outlooks, and, in some cases, new humanand capital resources.

As Hispanic affluence increased and Hispanic busi-nesses proliferated, the Hispanic consumer market grew.By 1989, it had reached $171 billion, fueled by the rapidincrease in the number of young consumers, and enlargedby a steady stream of immigrants. Demand for ')asichousehold consumer goods and services was acceler-ated, spurring the development of national Spanish-lan-guage mediaradio, newspapers, magazines, and twotelevisir ,c..tworks--that were key in promoting andexpanding the concept of a national Hispanic market.

The Hispanic market, in fact, became so important tothe nation's top corporations that they began to devisespecialized services aimed at Hispanics, including na-tionwide Spanish-language marketing cimpaigns. Si-multaneously, in an effort to meet weir community

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Cutm American Policy Center

responsibilities, these corporations supported manyprograms serving Hispanicsincluding childcare, adop t-a-school, dropout prevention, job-training, scholarship,and mentoring programs.

One of the most significant outgrowths of the risingcorporate interest in the Hispanic market was the in-creased employment of Hispanics who could help man-agement understand the characteristics and needs of theHispanic communities.

The Shortfalls and Losses

The Anti-Hispanic BacklashThe decade's high levels of immigration increased

the ambivalence and apprehension with which manyU S. citizens view newcomers. While some Americanswelcomed the new resources brought by HiJpanicimmigrant skilled workers, others argued that the UnitedStates could no longer absorb so many foreigners. Stillothers feared that "these foreigners," particularly thenon-European/non-Whites, would subvert America'sestablished customs and traditions because they wouldnot assimilate successfully into the mainstream.

For all these reasons, Hispanics in the 1980s came tofeel the pressure of a ,elective, national, anti-immigrantsentiment. Drastic steps were suggestedphysical bar-riers at the U.S./Mexican border, for example, and pref-erence quotas for European immigrants. Anti-Hispahicpublic statements made by "English Only" and "OfficialEnglish" advocates exemplified an emerging nationalresistance to massive immigration from Latin Americancountries. The visibility and attention that had helpedpromote a Hispanic agenda also served to plant seeds ofconcern that have developed into an anti-Hispanic back-lash.

Amidst this backlash came the withdrawal of therefugee status which Cubans had enjoyed for three dec-adesever since a communist regime took control of the

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The Elusive Decode of Hispanics

Cuban government. Wher. riots at the Oakdale and At-lanta prisons focused national attention on the 7,600Cuban inmates from the port of Martel, the image ofCuban Americans took a sharp turn for the worse in theeyes of the U.S. public.

Increase In PovertyAlthough the affluent Hispanic sector expanded in

the '80s, economic indicators pointed to an overall de-cline in Hispanic income. A dual Hispanic reality beganto emergeone in which a few were becoming well-offwhile most were dropping below the national average.

The Hispanic communities did not fully recover fromthe economic recession and budgetary cutbacks of theearly 1980s. Hispanic poverty rates increased during therecession and did not return to pre-recession levels.Moreover, the Hispanic unemployment rate hovered atan average 3.8 percentage points above that of the gen-eral population for most of the decade. In additionunderemploymentparticularly among womencontinued to be a serious problem.

Chart 4Families Below the Poverty Level

lc 1981 to 198733-

25

20-

15 .

10_

5

27.2

23.525.2

5 25.8

24.7

-o- Hispanic- Not Hispanic

11.5 4gr_____D_____L gLlos 11.4 10.7

9.7

1981 12 '83 414 15 46 17You

Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the CensusiCNC

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Cuban American Policy Center

Government and private reports released in the late'80s clearly indicate the gravity of the situation. In 198123.5 percent of Irspanic families were considered poor;by 1987 the figure had risen to 25.8 percent. Hispanicfamily income had declined and had fallen below Blackfamily income, and 40 percent of all Hispanic childrenwere living in poverty. In 1987 the median family incomefor Hispanics stood at $20,306, well below the $31,610median for non-Hispanics.

Chart 3Median Family Money income:

Median Income 1981 to 1987(dollars) (In 1987 dollars)

32,500. 31,334 31,610

30,000 -

27,500

25,000 -

22,500

20,000

17,500

4.

30 04229,490

2ett48 642'26140

20.6431 '4,4m4-4*'df4"-..-AA4'4"420.6117 20102 20,726 20,306

16,990 19,268

1981 ilk la 'is i7Year

Source' U.S. Department of Commerce, Suraau of the Census/CNC

0- Not HispanicHispanic

The downward trend can be attributed to a numberof factorslow educational attainment, lack of job expe-rience, high levels of immigration that addnew workersat the lower end of the job market, increases in female-headed households, and structural changes in the labormarket.

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The Elusive Decode of Hispanics

EducationEducational attainment, the single most important

factor in Hispanic economic advancement, did not im-prove in the 1980s. In 1988 Hispanics lagged behind inmost educational attainment measurements and, as agroup, Hispanics were the least educated people in thenation. If no change takes place, it is estimated that half theHispanic population will be functionally illiterate by 1990.

The serious achievement problems so many His-panic children suffer in elementary school reflect theirlack of preparation for the requirements of the U.S.school system. Most need preschool experience, yet onlya little over a quarter of Hispanic children are enrolled inany sort of preschool program.

By the time Hispanic youths reach middle school,many are underachieving or have been left back, andthey begin to drop out. A third of all Hispanic dropoutsleave school before they finish the 10th grade. The His-panic high school completion rate is the lowest in theration. In 1985 the percentage of Hispanics completinghigh school was 47.9 percent. The Black percentage was59.8 percent, and the White percentage was 75.5 percent.Although there are no conclusive studies for the decade,available data show that dropout rates for Puerto Ricansand Mexican Americans have been as high as 40 percentto 50 percent, while Cuban-Americans in the Miami areaexperienced an unprecedented 25 percent to 35 percentaverage. At the close of the decade, the resurgence andrapid growth of well-organized youth gangs that includesignificant numbers of young Hispanics seemed to corre-late with the high Hispanic dropout rates.

College-level education figures in the '80s also showeda Hispanic decline. The Hispanic college enrollment ratedropped from 36 percent in 1976 to 27 percent in 1985. In1988 21 percent of non-Hispanics had four or more years ofcollege; the figure for Hispanics was 10 percent.

Bilingual education, a program strongly favored by

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Cuban American Policy Center

most Hispanics, was sharply criticized by non-Hispanicsin the 1980s. Bilingual programs, deemed to be divisive,were attacked by the "Official English" and "EnglishOnly" groups. In the late 1980s the Reagan Administra-tion responded to the controversy by allowing localdistricts to mount a variety of alternatives, such as Eng-lish-as-a-Second-Language programs, to meet the needsof non-English-speaking students.

During the 1980s the debate over bilingual educationwas joined by the debate over the proposal to makeEnglish the nation's official language; both were handledwith more heat than light.

English Only," a well-organized, well-funded, na-tional campaign, sought to make English the officiallanguage of the states and the nation. Decisive referen-dum victories in the key states of California and Florida,ph ..s a vote of confidence from the U.S. Supreme Court onthe constitutionality of the issue, made the official lan-guage initiative stronger than ever before in the historyof the nation. Most Hispanics and many others regardthe "English Only" philosophy as anti-pluralistic, anti-Hispanic, andin essenceanti-American. The His-panic-preferred alternative to "English Only" is "EnglishPlus," e. policy whereby English remains the primaryunofficial language of the nation, but second languagesare encouraged rather than suppressed. The issue has notbeen resolved, and Hispanic communities find them-celves at the very center of a national controversy that islikely to outlast "the decade of Hispanics."

What about Cuban Americans?

"The decade of Hispanics" brought some significantchanges that affected the r ban American community.

For the first time since Castro's takeover, the UnitedStates ceased to grant automatic exile status to Cubans.Moreover, immigration from Cuba became a negotiating

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The Elusive Decade of Hispanics

tool between Castro and the US. government, and thedeportation to Cuba of non-Mariel Cuban immigrantswas publicly advocated and, on occasion, was carriedout.

Anti-Cuban sentiment had its roots in (1) the post-Mariel prison riots and other events involving the 7,000-plus criminals Castro had sent to the United States, (2) thewell-publicized fallout from drug trafficking on the partof Cubans and other Latins, and (3) the swelling ofMiami's Hispanic communities by refugees from Marieland from Central American countries. It must be notedthat during the 1980s the non-Cuban Hispanic communi-ties of Miami grew steadily, and today non-Cuban His-panics represent a third of Miami's Hispanic population.

Not all the news was bad, however. The 1980s wit-nessed a large growth in the number and size of Cuban-owned businesses, mostly in Miami. Cubans advancedwithin corporate America, largely at the middle-man-agement level. In relative terms, Cuban Americans out-side the Miami area were more successful in reaching thetop corporate echelons.

Cubans exerted considerable impact on the growthof Hispanic media and on advertising to the Hispanicmarkets. They opened up new channels of communica-tion with many Hispanic and non-Hispanic businessesand community representatives throughout the UnitedStates.

The decade brought sustained increases in the num-ber of Cuban American elected officials, particularly inthe Miami area. For the first time, Cuban Americans wereelected as city mayors: Jorge Valdes, Sweetwater, FLwho subsequently became the first Cuban Americanelected to the Metro-Dade County Commission; RaulMartinez, Hialeah, FL; Pedro Reboredo, West Miami, FL;Xavier Suarez, Miami, FL; and Roberto Menendez, UnionCity, New Jersey. Also, Roberto Casas became both thefirst Cuban American Florida State House Representa-

-161 9

Cuban Amen= Policy Center

five and State Senator, and Nick Navarro, the first CubanAmerican Sheriff of Broward County, FL. With few ex-ceptions, Cuban Americans were elected in single-member districts and in cities with a majority of Hispanics.At the turn of the decade, however, Beam Ros-Lehtinenwas elected the first Cuban-born Member of the U.S.House of Representatives in a district where most voterswere not Hispanic.

Aided by a strong economy at both the state and locallevels, Cubans in South Florida sailed through the dec-ade with consistently low unemployment rates. Miami'sLatin businesses, based on a strong bilingual serviceeconomy, were highly instrumental in the absorptioninto the local labor market of thousands of new immi-grants that arrived monthly from Cuba and Nicaragua.

Over the decade the median income of Cuban fami-lies changed little in relative terms. It remained above thelevel of other Hispanicsparticularly Mexican Ameri-cans and Puerto Ricansand below the level of non-Hispanic Whites. The percentages of difference amongthe groups remained constant for the ten years.

But despite growth and achievement in politicalrepresentation and in business and professional life,Cuban Americans experienced several social problemsthat had not previously affected them. For instance, inthe middle of the decade, the dropout rate for DadeCounty's Hispanic studentsmost of whom are Cu-banneared 40 percent. At the same time the number ofyouth gangs in the county increased to more than 60, andit is estimated that nearly eight out of every ten gangmembers are Hispanic.

During the decade the tens of thousands of first-generation arrivals from Cuba who had settled in theGreater Miami area saw the birth of the third generationof Cuban Americans. The Cuban community in the 1980struly began evolving into the Cuban American commu-nity, and Cuban Americans moved away from being a

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The Elusive Decode of Hispanics

single-issue constituency.Altho'igh interest in anti-Castro politics persisted

and continued to develop on both sides of the Floridastraits, the 1980s witnessed a proliferation of CubanAmerican domestic concerns. Some of these issues andactivities were responses to the problems cited abovecchool dropouts, Florida's language policy and legisla-tion, and competition for local resources. Other activitiesemerged from cultural needs, such as parades, festivalsand beauty pageants, and still others involving contro-versies over the arts. While Miami's Spanish mediacontinued to follow events in Central America and to co-sponsor fund-raisers for multiple humanitarian causesabroad, it also involved itself in domestic issues andparticipated in support of humanitarian causes in theUnited States.

Was It, Then, the Decade of Hispanics?

It seems unlikely that the 1980s or any other singleperiod will become unequivocally "Hispanic." Progressand regress rre two contradictory but neverthelesspowerful cur ents that are transforming the Hispaniccommunities.

The lack of benchmarks and widely accepted na-tional goals limits the assessment that can be made of theHispanic performance in the 1980s. However, an infor-mal survey of a significant number of Hispanics indi-cates that there is little support for the notion that the1980s were in fact "the decade of Hispanics."

Instead, there seems to be a consensus that these weregood years for the Hispanic media and market, and thatdefinite political gains were made, even though Hispan-ics continue to be politically underrepresented.

On the other hand, most also agree that Hispanicssuffered serious setbacks in the areas of education, in-come, and the public acceptance of cultural and linguis-

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Cuban American Policy Center

tic plurality. Indeed, it has been suggested that termingthe period "the decade of Hispanics" may be one of thecruelest jokes ever perpetrated on the Hispanic commu-nity.

These views have been summarized outside a con-textual framework for specific subgroups and issue ar-eas, but they do suggest that many Hispanics would notgive this decade a blanket endorsement, or even a pass-ing grade.

Perhaps the most positive reflection on the1980s is the factthat during the decade Hispanics became a visible part ofAmerican society.

The increase in political empowerment, the rise of aHispanic market and entrepreneurship, and the emer-gence of a national Hispanic agenda are powerful devel-opments that can support long-term Hispanic progress.

But sustained educational decline and the perpetu-ation and deepening of poverty are disturbing signs oflong-term Hispanic stagnation.

It is the clash of these forces that most accuratelydefines the fate of Hispanics in the 1980s, a decadeperhaps best termed "The Elusive Decade of Hispanics."

2 4r") 19

This publication was edited and designedwith the collaboration

of theHispanic Policy Development Project

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