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Dr. Jean Muteba Rahier African and African Diaspora Studies Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies Florida International University
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Page 1: Dr. Jean Muteba Rahier - FIU Latin American and Caribbean ... · AFRICA AS HOMELAND There is, for example, abundant literature on African diasporic imaginations of Africa as homeland

Dr. Jean Muteba RahierAfrican and African Diaspora Studies

Department of Global and Sociocultural StudiesFlorida International University

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OVERVIEW Main defining characteristics of

Diaspora.

The privileged relation between“Diaspora” and “minority.”

Different (inclusive / exclusive)conceptualizations/theorizings ofDiaspora.

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DIASPORA Etymologically, the term Diaspora has a Greek

origin. Its meaning: “to sow over” was used to refer to

Greek colonial populations outside Greece. In the past, the concept was mostly used by

scholars who researched dispersed African,Jewish, and Armenian populations.

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the concepthas been at the center of debates and researchin a variety of fields of inquiry, which areengaged in the study of movements of peopleand goods, transnationalism, and processes ofglobalization.

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DIASPORA? This explosion of work on “Diaspora” makes it

eventually difficult to identify how and why theterm is being deployed in critical scholarship.

“Diaspora” is often used, erroneously, tosimplistically evoke all movements, howeverprivileged, and all dislocations, even symbolicones.

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EXCLUSIONARY DEFINITIONSOR THEORIZING OF DIASPORA. This explosion of work on “Diaspora” brought

some scholars to react by proposing specific,and rather exclusive, definitions.

The often cited article by William Safran,“Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths ofHomeland and Return” (1991), presents what isprobably the most notorious of these reactionaryand exclusionary definitions or theorizing ofDiaspora.

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“DIASPORAS IN MODERN SOCIETIES:MYTHS OF HOMELAND AND RETURN”

This article by Safran was published in thefirst issue of a new—in 1991—journal(Diaspora: A Journal of TransnationalStudies) dedicated to the study anddiscussion of research on Diasporas. Thejournal’s foundation in the early 1990sdenotes the blossoming of interests for theconcept that characterized that decade.

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DEFINITION OF DIASPORA? There is no such thing as a clear-cut and

definitive definition of Diaspora. Diaspora has always been theorized in relation

to the realities of one, or of a small group of,community(ies) at a time.

This situation only allowed for discussion ofcertain specific aspects of Diasporas’“characteristics” at one given time.

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SAFRAN’S LIST OF DEFININGCHARACTERISTICS OF DIASPORA

Taking Walker Connor’s basic definition ofDiaspora: “that segment of a people livingoutside the homeland” (1988: 6) as a departurepoint, Safran (in the above mentioned article)proposed a list of such defining characteristics.

He extended Connor’s definition by including inits scope the expatriate minority communitieswhose members share several of the followingsix characteristics:

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1) DISPERSION

Members of a diasporic community, or theirancestors, have been dispersed from aspecific original “center” to two or more“peripheral,” or foreign regions.

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2) MEMORY, VISION, OR MYTH ABOUTTHEIR ORIGINAL HOMELAND

Members of a diasporic community are definedby their retention of a collective memory, vision,or myth about their original homeland—itsphysical location, history, and achievements.

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3) RELATIVE ALIENATION FROM HOSTSOCIETY

Members of a diasporic community believe thatthey are not—and perhaps cannot be—fullyaccepted by their host society and therefore feelpartly alienated and insulated from it.

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4) IDEALIZING HOMELAND

Members of a diasporic community regard theirancestral homeland as their true, ideal homeand as the place to which they or theirdescendants would (or should) eventuallyreturn—when conditions are appropriate.

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5) COMMITMENT TO MAINTENANCE ORRESTORATION OF THE ORIGINALHOMELAND

Members of a diasporic community believe thatthey should, collectively, be committed to themaintenance or restoration of their originalhomeland and to its safety and prosperity.

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6) ETHNOCOMMUNAL CONSCIOUSNESSAND SOLIDARITY

Members of a diasporic community continue torelate, personally or vicariously, to thathomeland in one way or another, and theirethnocommunal consciousness and solidarityare importantly defined by the existence of sucha relationship. (1991: 83-84)

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DIASPORA / MINORITY

In the social sciences, the concept of “minority”is applied to communities who are deprived of,or have limited access to, social and politicalpower in their societies of residence.

This use of “minority” precludes the applicationof “Diaspora” to groups who concentrate (a lotof) social and political power.

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JEWISH DIASPORA AS AN IDEAL?

Safran, a Jewish scholar, grounds his list ofshared characteristics on the “experiences” ofthe Jewish diaspora.

For him, Jewish experience provides the “idealtype” of Diaspora.

Other Diasporic communities only approach thisideal of diasporic experience, but never reallyattain it (See Safran1991:84).

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CRITIQUES OF SAFRAN

Many Diaspora studies scholars criticizedSafran’s list for its exclusionary tendency, andfor its exclusively Zionist understanding of theJewish diaspora.

Robin Cohen (a Jewish scholar of South Africanorigin, who is now based in Ireland), forexample, dedicated the first chapter of his book,Global Diasporas: An Introduction (1997), tosuch a critique.

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COHEN: GLOBAL DIASPORAS:AN INTRODUCTION (1997) In the introduction to his book Global

Diasporas, Cohen discusses and critiquesclassical notions of Diaspora.

He underlines the diversity of origin of theJewish diaspora (see also Boyarin and Boyarin2003), and emphasizes the necessity forDiaspora studies scholars to transcend theJewish tradition (1997:1-30).

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COHEN’S INCLUSIVEDEFINITION OF DIASPORA

Cohen is much more inclusive than Safran, inthe way he uses “Diaspora” to label certaincommunities.

Referring directly to Safran, he enumerateswhat he sees as three additional features ofDiaspora that Safran did not include in his listingof characteristic features:

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1) GROUPS THAT SCATTER FORAGGRESSIVE OR VOLUNTARISTREASONS. “We may wish to include in the category

“Diaspora,” groups that scatter for aggressive orvoluntarist reasons. [The latter could be]justified by reference to the case of the AncientGreeks (who after all, coined the word) and tothe duality, voluntary and compelled, of theJews’ own migration patterns. It also conformsto Cohen’s use of the term to describe tradingand commercial networks, to those seekingwork abroad and to imperial or colonial settlers.”(1997:23-24)

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1) GROUPS THAT SCATTER FORAGGRESSIVE OR VOLUNTARIST REASONS(pt. II)

That is how Cohen comes up with thecategories “labour diasporas” and “imperialdiasporas.”

Because the category “imperial diasporas” is indirect contradiction with Safran’s understandingthat Diasporas must be “minority communities”in their country of residence, it has been highlyproblematic.

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2) TIME

Time has to pass before we can know that anycommunity that has migrated “is really aDiaspora.”

“A strong tie to the past or a block toassimilation in the present and future must existin order to permit a diasporic consciousness toemerge or be retained.” (Cohen 1997: 24)

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3) COMMON IDENTITY WITH CO-ETHNICMEMBERS IN OTHER COUNTRIES

Cohen argues that the fact that “members of aDiaspora characteristically sense not only acollective identity in a place of settlement, noragain only a relationship with an imagined,putative or real homeland, but also a commonidentity with co-ethnic members in othercountries. (…)

[However] a bond of loyalty to the country ofrefuge/settlement competes with ethnicsolidarity of members of diasporic community.

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COHEN’S LIST OF COMMONFEATURES OF A DIASPORA:

Similarly to Safran, Cohen also came up witha list of characteristic features.

Despite being somewhat similar to Safran’s,Cohen’s list is much more inclusive.

It has nine main points (Cohen 1997:26):

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1) DISPERSAL

A diasporic community is defined by adispersal from an original homeland, oftentraumatically, to two or more foreign regions.

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2) EXPANSION

Alternatively, the dislocation of diasporiccommunity can be a result of expansion froma homeland in search of work, in pursuit oftrade, or to further colonial ambitions.

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3) COLLECTIVE MEMORY ANDMYTH ABOUT THE HOMELAND

A diasporic community is also establishedaround a collective memory and myth about thehomeland, including its location, history andachievements.

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4) COLLECTIVE COMMITMENT TO THEMAINTENANCE / RESTORATION OF THEHOMELAND

Diasporic community is conditioned upon anidealization of the putative ancestral home anda collective commitment to its maintenance,restoration, safety and prosperity, and/or evento its creation.

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5) RETURN TO HOMELAND

Among diasporic communities, the notion of areturn movement typically gains unquestionedcollective approbation.

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6) STRONG ETHNIC GROUPCONSCIOUSNESS

Another characteristic of diasporic existence isa strong ethnic group consciousness sustainedover a long time and based on a sense ofdistinctiveness, a common history, and thebelief in a common fate.

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7) TROUBLED RELATIONSHIPWITH HOST SOCIETIES

Diasporic communities are often burdened bya troubled relationship with host societies,suggesting at least a lack of acceptance, orthe possibility that another calamity mightbefall the group.

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8) SOLIDARITY WITH CO-ETHNICMEMBERS IN OTHER COUNTRIES

Members of diasporic communities develop asense of empathy and solidarity with co-ethnic members living not only in their homecountry, but also in other countries ofsettlement.

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9) POSITIVE VALUE OFDIASPORIC EXISTENCE

The possibility of a distinctive creative,enriching life in host countries with atolerance for pluralism.

(Here, he mostly has the Jewish diaspora asan example)

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COHEN’S CATEGORIES OFDIASPORA (see Cohen 1997):

Victim diasporas (ex: Armenians, and Africanslaves in the US and other regions),

Labor diasporas (ex: Indian population in theWest Indies),

Imperial diasporas (ex: British in theircolonies),

Trade diasporas (ex: Chinese in Europe), Cultural diasporas (ex: Caribbean mix)

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RELATION TO HOMELAND

In the field of Diaspora studies, many scholarshave focused their research on the relationsthat diasporic communities have maintainedwith their homelands.

They try to address the ways in whichdiasporic communities manage to construct(imagine) their respective homelands.

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AFRICA AS HOMELAND There is, for example, abundant literature on African

diasporic imaginations of Africa as homeland /Motherland, particularly on communities of theAfrican diaspora who are the descendants of slavesor maroons (see Price 1983, Routon 2005).

Most of these works focus specifically on U.S. bornAfrican Americans (Lemelle and Kelley 1994; on“Afrocentric” imaginations of Africa, see Howe 1998,Rahier 2001; on the imagination of Africa in theU.S., see Hernandez 1999).

Others deal with constructions of the homeland byWest Indian migrants in the U.S. (Hintzen 2001,2004), or focus on the relationship of Haitiandiasporans to Haïti (Laguerre 2005), of Jamaicandiasporans to Jamaica (Thomas 2006); etc.

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HOMELAND CONSTRUCTION OFNON-AFRICAN DIASPORIC GROUPS

Scholars who wrote about other diasporiccommunities have also focused on homelandconstruction (see Assayag 2003,Radhakrishman 2003, and Lowe 2003.)

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HOMELAND vs. HOST COUNTRY ASA LOCATION FOR IMAGINING HOME

Some Diaspora studies scholars (particularly inAfrican diaspora studies) have emphasized andfocused their research exclusively on thesurvival of homeland traditions in the lives of thediasporans (see Herskovits 1990 [1958]).

Other scholars, also in African Diaspora studies,have on the contrary insisted that the locations(places) in which diasporic communities live arefundamental for the understanding of diasporicconstructions of the homeland and self-identitysee Gilroy 1993, Hintzen 2002, Rahier 1999:xiii-xxvi).

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IMPERIAL DIASPORA? Most scholars in African Diaspora studies completely

disagree with Cohen’s category of “imperialdiasporas.”

Indeed, in their work, the notion of not being fullyintegrated into definitions of citizenship in their countryof residence or birth is a fundamental condition forDiasporas to exist (see Hintzen 2002).

For them, it makes no sense to theorize Diaspora insuch a way as to call Diaspora a group of colonialsettlers. These colonial settlers, because theyconcentrated social, political, and military powers,were not a minority community wherever they were,on the very contrary; and this is so despite theirlimited number in relation to the colonizedpopulations.

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CONTEMPORARY THEORIZINGSOF DIASPORA

Contemporary theorizings of Diasporachallenge the notions of a fixed point oforigin, unilineal trajectories of movement, andsingular historical moments of forceddispersal that create diasporic communities.

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PAUL GILROY AND AFRICAN DIASPORATHEORIZINGS The work of Paul Gilroy challenges the rigidity of

some of these conceptions. He de-centers Africaand the unilineal trajectory of Black people fromthe continent.

He describes the Atlantic as a site of constant,multi-directional criss-crossing by networks ofBlack people for a whole variety of reasons. (SeeGilroy 1993).

However, he has been criticized because he stillprivileges Atlantic geographies and thetransatlantic slave trade as the defining momentfor Black movement.

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NEW DIASPORAS

Some scholars also talk of “new Diasporas”(see Van Hear 1998, Koser 2003).

In the case of Koser, what he calls “newAfrican diasporas” are of recent, non-slaverybased, post-colonial formation (in Europe, theU.S., and elsewhere).

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DIASPORIC TRANSNATIONALCIRCULATION

Other scholars have insisted on anotheraspect of Diasporas: common identity with co-ethnic (co-“racial”) members in other countries(see Edwards 2003), and insist on diasporictransnational circulation of cultures and politics(see Gilroy 1993).

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DIASPORA, GENDER,SEXUALITY

Others have discussed Diaspora in relation togender constructs and sexuality (see Chow2003, Ifekwunigwe 2003, Manalansan 2003).

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CONCLUSION Despite Safran’s wishes (the “imperial diaspora”),

“Diaspora” has usually been theorized and associatedin relation to communities of people in situation ofsocio-economic and political domination, who areregarded as non-citizens in the places where they live(despite their eventual holding of formal citizenshipthrough “naturalization”), and who continue to think ofthemselves as “naturally” linked to their place orcountry of origin.

Safran’s and Cohen’s lists of characteristics aregood—although not perfect—tools to begin thinkingabout “Diasporas.” These lists must be complementedby intensive readings on what has been written bydifferent scholars on a variety of diasporiccommunities. (See list of recommended readings)


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