Early Music, Vol. xxxix, No. 2 The Author 2011. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.doi:10.1093/em/car015, available online at www.em.oup.oxfordjournals.org

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The villancico remains the most emblematic genre of viceregal (colonial) Latin American music, if not the only Spanish Baroque genre to appear regularly on concert programmes and in music history curricula.1 Indeed, over the last decade, performance groups have canonized a small group of villancicos that showcase the more popularizing aspects of the genre, namely styl-ized representations of social types such as imper-tinent Castilian ruffians and childlike Christianized Africans.2 Assuming these stereotyped representa-tions of social others to iconically represent social realities in Latin America, or local color delights,3 the discourse on the villancico essentializes and exoticizes social issues while side-lining mainstream examples of the repertory and the transatlantic lit-erary culture in which it flourished.4 A case in point would be interpreting Juan Gutirrez de Padillas well-known dialect villancico A siolo Flasiquiyo as an historical ethnographic account of Africans in 1653 New Spain, even though its text, similar to many from peninsular Spanish churches, glosses satiric tropes of Africanness that had been enacted on the Madrid stage since the 16th century.5

Yet while the Latin American ethnic villancico repertory cannot be approached independently of Iberian literary conventions, and should not uncrit-ically be considered indicative of viceregal society, there are groups of villancicos from New World churches that do stress local topics, namely the rep-ertories for distinct local devotions that emerged in the Americas after the conquest. New devotions, such as the Virgin of Guadalupe, St Rose of Lima and St Philip of Jesus, quickly acquired local literary, visual and, to a lesser extent, musical traditions built

upon troping, glossing and copying, usually within European styles but featuring American topicality. In the context of New Spain, with Spains viceroy-alty centred on Mexico City, the most prominent of these devotions was and is the Virgin of Guadalupe, whose miraculous apparitions in 1531 form a central narrative in Mexican culture. A small but significant repertory of villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe survives at Mexico City Cathedral and illustrates the application to cathedral culture of Guadalupan lit-erary tropes developed in New Spain during the 17th century. This article will consider the dialogue be-tween the local and the transatlantic in these Guada-lupan works in the context of the villancico tradition at Mexico City Cathedral.6 And, since this repertory has yet to be published, recorded or discussed in print, it will introduce performers and listeners alike to the issues surrounding one aspect of this increas-ingly familiar genre.

The Virgin of Guadalupe

No religious image is more ubiquitous in Mexican communities than that of the Virgin of Guadalupe, an advocation of the Virgin Mary that celebrates a series of apparitions that purportedly occurred to the Mexica (Aztec) peasant Cuautlatohuac, or Juan Diego, near Mexico City in December 1531. According to the story, the Virgin Mary appeared amid birdsong on the craggy hill of Tepeyac to ask that a shrine be erected there. To fulfil her wish, Juan Diego requested an audience before Bishop Zumrraga, who responded with disbelief. Follow-ing a second apparition, Zumrraga instructed Juan Diego to bring him a sign proving Marys presence.

Drew Edward Davies

Villancicos from Mexico City for the Virgin of

Guadalupe

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Several days later, upon a fourth apparition, Mary made Castilian roses grow on Tepeyac, and Juan Diego brought them to the bishop concealed in his cloak. When he opened the cloak to present the flowers, the Virgin Marys image appeared embla-zoned on the garment or tilma he wore. This scene is depicted in a New Spanish painting by Andrs de Islas from 1773 (see illus.1). The bishop interpreted this as a sign, and was convinced to erect the chapel, although this does not seem to have happened dur-ing his tenure as bishop.

The image that appeared on Juan Diegos tilma, believed to have been created by God, is said to be the one still on display at the Basilica of Guadalupe in Mexico City, and is the one from which all other images of the Virgin of Guadalupe are derived. Ra-diantly depicting Mary as the Woman of the Apoca-lypse as described in Revelation 12, it is the only image of the Virgin Mary classified as a relic of touch, which means that it was officially not made by humans.7 Debate concerning this detail, not to mention the veracity of the story in general, has raged since at least the 17th century, and recent art historical work recognizes the famous image to be the work of a 16th-century New Spanish painter.8

The miracle occurred only a decade after the con-quest of Tenochtitlan, but the story remained pri-marily in oral and visual culture for over a century until the publication of Imagen de la Virgen Mara by Miguel Snchez (1648) and the chapter Nican mopohua in the Nahuatl-language book Huei tlamahuioltica by Luis Laso de la Vega (1649).9 Subsequently, with a more widespread distribution of the apparition nar-rative in central New Spain, devotion to the Virgin of Guadalupe increased dramatically over the next cen-tury, culminating in Pope Benedict XIVs codification of her feast-day as 12 December in 1754, eight years after she was declared patron of New Spain. While nominally connected to the 14th-century cult of the Virgin of Guadalupe in Extremadura in Spain, the New Spanish image and devotional practices devel-oped independently of those in Europe.1

Some scholars see in Guadalupe a syncretic con-flation of Immaculist Marian devotion with the sym-bolism of the pre-Columbian goddess Tonantzin, although little is known about the indigenous con-tribution to the devotions growth during the 16th and 17th centuries or to what extent the syncretism

1 Andrs de Islas, Our Lady of Guadalupe (Juan Diego shows the image to Bishop Zumrraga), 1773 (Image cour-

tesy of the Figge Art Museum, Davenport, Iowa)

was deliberate in the storys fashioning by creoles (people of European heritage born in New Spain).11 Whereas the devotion undoubtedly merged an In-dian apparitionist stream that remains something of a mystery . . . and a Spanish stream . . . [that was] an expression of creole protonationalism into a

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multivalent symbol, most evidence points to the Virgin of Guadalupe as a devotion promoted primarily by the creole population.12 Recognizing the creole con-text of Guadalupan devotion, and its meanings for their cultural and political goals, helps understand the presence of villancicos for her feast at Mexico City Cathedral, an elite space frequented largely by cre-oles, the small community of peninsular Spaniards, and their African slaves. The villancicos appear several decades after the principal literary narratives that co-dified the story, yet before papal approval of the feast, and thus they served to promote the devotion and educate the public about its key points.13

The Mexico City villancico repertory

The twelve villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe at the Archivo del Cabildo Catedral Metropolitano de Mxico (ACCMM) include some of the earliest

surviving examples of villancicos with music from Mexico City Cathedral (see illus.2).14 The oldest Guadalupan piece, Pues el alba aparece, was writ-ten by Antonio de Salazar (c.1651715) in 1694 (see Table 1). Indeed, Salazar wrote the music to six of the villancicos, and his successor as chapelmas-ter, Manuel de Sumaya (16781755), composed the music to five.15 The exception in the group is Qu apacible, a piece originally composed by Puebla chapelmaster Jos Laso Valero (d.1778) and revised in Mexico City by Mateo Manterola (b.178) in 1812. Distinct in style and orchestration, it repre-sents a one-off revival in the context of the Mexican independence movement when the Virgin of Guad-alupe served as an important revolutionary symbol. By that time, new music for the devotion consisted primarily of Latin motets on the text Non fecit tal-iter omni nationi and simple Spanish-language alabanzas, rather than traditional villancicos.16

2 Antonio de Salazar, Seas ve claras, continuo. (Archivo del Cabildo Catedral Metropolitano de Mxico) (reproduced with permission of Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes)

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All of the works laid out in Table 1 formed part of the so-called Estrada Collection, a grouping of 122 manuscripts from the ACCMM which had been in the personal possession of musicographer Jess Estrada and his heirs during the second half of the 2th century.17 Reunited with the rest of the music manuscripts at the ACCMM since 1998, the grouping initiates the new series of call numbers applied to the music collection in 29 by the music cataloguing project (MUSICAT) of the Seminario Nacional de Msica en la Nueva Espaa y Mxico Indepen-diente under official agreement with the cathedral administration.18 With 12 distinct villancicos, the manuscripts of the former Estrada Collection count as the principal source of the genre from Mexico City Cathedral in the period 169173 and show the knowledge and assimilation of current stylistic and formal procedures in European and Spanish music, and the response of New Spanish composers.19

Despite the importance of the sources from the former Estrada Collection, it might be surprising to readers that only a moderate number of villancicos survives at the ACCMM, otherwise the largest re-pository of New Spanish music sources. In addition to these 12 villancicos, the archive contains 47 more, some incomplete, as well as a small number of frag-ments. Thus, in sum, the archive preserves 149 vil-lancicos with music composed between 1693 and the early 19th century, a quantity that equals less than 5 per cent of the approximately 3,5 unique pieces present in the cathedrals archive of music manu-

Table 2 Number of unique villancicos at the ACCMM listed by composer

Composer Number of Villancicos

chapelmastersAntonio de Salazar 52Manuel de Sumaya 33Ignacio Jerusalem 32Mateo Tollis de la Roca 1Antonio Juanas 1othersAnonymous 19Jos Roca 2Jos de Torres 36 others 1 each

Table 1 Villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe at the Archivo del Cabildo Catedral Metropolitano de Mxico (ACCMM)

MS number Title Composer Date Voicing

2 Pues el alba aparece Salazar 1694 SATb, SATb3 Atencin, que si copia la pluma Salazar 1698 SSATb37 Al arma toquen Salazar 1713 SATTbb43 Sobre el primero, el cuarto Salazar (c.17s) SATTbb, bc46 Oigan, que se aparece Salazar (c.17s) SATb, SATb47 Seas ve claras Salazar (c.17s) SAATbb67 Cerca de Mxico el templo Sumaya 1721 AT, bc69 La bella incorrupta Sumaya 1725 SATb, SATb, bc7 Quin es aquella paloma Sumaya 1725 AB, SATb, bc72 Ya se eriza Sumaya 1728 Tb, SATb, bc84 Cielo animado Sumaya (c.172s) AT [incomplete]12 Qu apacible Laso Valero rev. Manterola c.177s 1812 SSAT, bc +2ob, 2cor, 2vl

scripts (see Appendix 1).2 This percentage would be even smaller if the repertories of printed music and choral polyphony in choirbook format, which do not contain villancicos, were added to the calculation. (In contrast, the Latin responsory, which supplemented and largely replaced the villancico, accounts for about 17 per cent of the music collection.) Yet unlike the ACCMM as a whole, which contains a significant number of European compositions, the vast majority of villancicos were written specifically for the cath-edral by its own chapelmasters as occasional works (see Table 2), and thus they provide an informative snapshot of local compositional practices over time.

That said, the moderately low number of villan-cicos at the ACCMM results from the vicissitudes

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of preservation rather than compositional history, as the number of villancicos written at the cathedral since at least the time of chapelmaster Francisco Lpez Capillas (161474) would have totalled in the thousands. This is not simply first-principles logic; for example, the title-page of an imprint relays that cathedral musician Jos de Loaysa y Agurto (c.1625c.1695) set villancico texts by Sor Juana Ins de la Cruz for the feast of the Assumption in 1676, even though the music is now lost.21 Cathedral chapel-masters, cantors and succentors built music archives primarily to organize the music chapels living rep-ertory rather than for purposes of conservation. That helps explain, for example, why the archive today preserves autograph scores but no parts to 14 of Ignacio Jerusalems villancicos from the 175s and 6s; although the parts were probably used multiple times, the cathedral saw no purpose in keeping them, or hundreds of older villancicos, for the long term. Thankfully, someone decided to retain the scores.

The Guadalupan repertory at Mexico City was also older and more extensive than the surviving music implies. The literary historian Alfonso Mndez Plan-carte published excerpts of an imprint containing at least ten villancico texts from 169 for which Salazar had composed music.22 It is sobering to recognize that if Salazar had composed a cycle of villancicos for the feast every year between 169 and 1714, he would have written about 2 Guadalupan villancicosof which only six survive complete and the bass part of a sev-enth survives at Puebla. The few vestiges of this rep-ertory identified in other sources and collections, all of which seem to come originally from Mexico City in the period 169173, provide a slightly wider context for the twelve pieces at the ACCMM (see Table 3).23

An important lesson reinforced by studying the entire corpus of 149 villancicos at the ACCMM, as well as the scattered sources listed in Table 3, acknowledges that literary factors such as a villan-cicos character, the nature of its poetic glossing and troping, and the content of its narrative define the genre more than formal elements alone do. Imprints of villancico cycles from both sides of the Atlantic ex-hibit a preference for formal and topical variety, and even when forms remain consistent, the texts vary in length, poetic voice and other factors. Whereas most of the villancicos by Salazar and Sumaya follow the common villancico process of juxtaposing a topical estribillo (refrain) with exegetical coplas (verses), those of Ignacio Jerusalem written several decades later do not. In fact, Ignacio Jerusalem avoided the estribillocoplas form in almost all of his villancicos, yet retained older Hispanic poetic conceits and turns of phrase from earlier layers of the tradition.24 How-ever, his musical contribution to Guadalupan festiv-ities was primarily in the form of responsories, not villancicos, and represents the modern propriety of writing responsories following the Royal Chapels mid-century order to curtail villancicos.25 It is not known how long the Salazar and Sumaya villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe remained in the active repertory of the cathedral, or whether they were ever performed alongside pieces by Jerusalem.

The Guadalupan villancico texts

The texts of the villancicos reinforce salient aspects of the Guadalupe story in an erudite way that would have appealed primarily to an educated population appreciative of literate references and plays on words. They do not simplify the story for

Table 3 New Spanish villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe in other sources

Title Composer Date Notes

El mundo se admire Salazar 169 text only, Mndez Placarte, Los villancicosHola a quien digo Salazar 169 text only, Mndez Placarte, Los villancicosPronstico que publica Salazar 169 text only, Mndez Placarte, Los villancicosVengan a ver una zarza Salazar 169 text only, Mndez Placarte, Los villancicosA coger las flores Salazar c.169s music incomplete, Puebla Cathedral, leg. 19Al alba que brilla Sumaya c.172s music incomplete, Oaxaca Cathedral, 49.14Al prodigio mayor Sumaya c.172s complete, Guatemala City Cathedral, 834

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Al mexicano sitio Belona soberana desciende del empreo la que sirve al empreo de muralla.

Sovereign Bellona, who serves heaven as a rampart, descends from heaven to the Mexican siege.

popular audiences or teach it to the uninformed, but rather elevate it by using the same techniques of glossing and troping found in villancicos that engage ideas from Catholic doctrine for other devotions. Yet unlike other feasts celebrated with villancicos, the Guadalupe story had not yet attained the status of universal doctrine. Rather, it expressed local identity and exception by constructing a sense of regional mexicanidad (or Mexico City-ness) for an educated public within the legitimizing con-fines of the cathedral.26 This type of literary rhet-oric, which was more difficult to understand than visual representations of the story, was probably not directed at the hearts and minds of the general population, but rather at the creoles, some of whom were associated with the nearby university.

Bernardo Illari has written that in the same period, creoles in Bolivia were negotiating an iden-tity of their own on the basis of Spanish symbolic elements.27 New Spanish creoles mexicanized their identities by merging elements from their European ethnic origins with markers of American difference, including a consciousness of local flora, fauna and pre-Columbian history as a substitute for, and add-ition to, classical European mythologies. Although the creoles discriminated against the indigenous peoples, they shared a homeland with them and, as Americans themselves, began to envision part of their own past in the pre-Columbian world. As such, they were united by a common aspiration for an immediate grace which should free their people from sin and destine them to be a Chosen People.28 A process of identity-building through self-presen-tation along these lines is especially evident in New Spanish literature during the second half of the 17th century. The Virgin of Guadalupe provided the perfect multivalent symbol upon which to build a creole identity, as, unlike appropriated pre-Colum-bian figures, she was of European derivation.

In reading through the Guadalupan villancico texts, all of which couch ingenious topical images amid clichd references to Marian symbols such as stars, fountains and flowers, three significant themes emerge: (1) the story of the apparitions; (2) the divine origin of the image; and, most importantly, (3) Mexico as an apocalyptic land of prophetic ex-ception. New Spanish poets express these themes with literary techniques influenced by the cultur-

Seas ve claras de que sois firmamento la Nueva Espaa cuando ve las estrellas de vuestra estampa.

New Spain sees clear signs that thou art the firmament when it sees the stars in thy image.

ism of the Spanish poet Luis de Gngora y Argote (15611627), such as inverted word order, plays with words, neologisms, erudite references, and descrip-tions of nature.29 Interplay among Christian and classical mythologies abounds in these Gongoresque texts of the late 17th century, often in order to con-struct Mexico as a new Rome or Jerusalem.

For example, the estribillo of Seas ve claras relates the idea that the people of New Spain recognize the Virgin of Guadalupe as their protectress when they contemplate her image.3 The opening word of the text, seas (signs), glosses the moment in accounts of the apparitions in which Zumrraga orders Juan Diego to provide seas of Marys presence.31 Of course, the miraculous image and the roses are those signs. In the rest of the estribillo, the people of New Spain, looking at the image, see the stars emblazoned on her blue cloak and recognize that she is literally part of heaventhe firmamentand figuratively the foundationthe firmamentof New Spain itself:

Following this, the first of the five coplas height-ens the experience of viewing the image, as described in the estribillo, by presenting the Virgin of Guadalupe descending from heaven to Mexico City as Bellona, the Roman goddess of war and mother of Remus and Romulus, the legendary founders of Rome. She breaks down the barrier be-tween heaven and New Spain to redeem the idol-atry of the local population and establish a new Rome. Here we see the inverted lines, learned refer-ences and mixture of mythologies characteristic of Gongorism in New Spanish poetry. Furthermore, the scene described brings to mind typical Baroque theatrical effects in which allegorical deities would descend to the stage to intervene in a plot:

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Now that the Virgin of Guadalupe has descended to Mexico City, the ensuing two coplas present belli-cose imagery that rehearses the iconography of the Woman of the Apocalypse and evokes the theme of the Militant and Triumphant Church by pitting images of violence against a pacific sea of Marian grace. Finally, the last two coplas relax the tone by in-voking natural elements associated with Tepeyac in the Guadalupe narratives, such as malezas (weeds), zarzas (brambles) and espinas (thorns), as allegor-ical symbols. In sum, the text calls upon New Spain to recognize the signs of the Virgin of Guadalupes patronage by imagining her iconography coming to life, theatrically descending to Mexico City, and bestowing grace upon the people from a rugged lo-cation marked by dichotomous natural symbols.

Like the creoles themselves, New Spain figures as Europe reborn in a ruptured American world. This apocalyptic connotation, expressed in Seas ve claras, could not be more explicit than in the estribillo of El mundo se admire, a villancico text by Felipe de Santoyo Garca of 169. This is one of the works referenced by Mendez Plancarte for which no music survives, yet is one of the most transparent in meaning:32

. . .en la Nueva Espaa de otro Juan se oye nuevo Apocalipsis, aunque son distintas las revelaciones. . .

. . .in New Spain one hears of a new apocalypse from another John although the revelations are different. . .

Of course, here the word play on the name Juan (John) conflates St John the Evangelist, author of the Book of Revelation, with Juan Diego. Santoyo Garca continues this trope in the works first copla by refer-ring to Tepeyac as the Patmos of New Spain, Patmos being the Aegean island where John received his first vision.33 While this idea, too, was certainly inspired by the iconography of Guadalupe as the Woman of the Apocalypse, a further comparison made by San-toyo Garca in the villancico Vengan a ver una zarza, from the same cycle, takes biblical allusion to an earlier point in history by referring to Tepeyac as the Mexican Horeb. Mount Horeb, a name tradition-ally used for Mount Sinai, is the place, according to the Old Testament, where God gave the Ten Com-mandments to Moses.34 This type of comparison

displays authorial erudition and owes some debt to literary whimsey, but at the same time this and other similar references throughout the Guadalupan rep-ertory make it very clear that writers were promoting the apparitions as acts of God of the greatest magni-tude that would bestow especial favour upon New Spain. Those born in New Spain stand allegorically as a chosen people, proxy Israelites, in a construction of great political value as the creole population, among others, developed increasingly nationalist sentiments.

Yet detractors to the idea that God chose New Spain in this way required proof of the veracity of the apparitions. A central controversy was the divine origin of the image, a concept promoted by poets during the second half of the 17th century. Although today, at least in the secular world, the image is known to have been painted by a person, the idea at the time was that God created it miraculously, and that any copyist would have been guided by Gods will. This point stands as the main theme of Atencin, que si copia la pluma from 1698, which implies that humans alone cannot make a perfect copy of the image:

Atencin, atencin, que si copia la pluma la mano es de un Dios la que quiso copiar el retrato mejor.

Attention! If the quill copies, the hand is of a God who wanted to copy the best portrait.

The first copla of Atencin, que si copia la pluma rehearses one of the proofs of the images divinity, namely the lack of aparejo (primer) applied to the rough material before it was painted. This had been noted by a group of painters allowed to examine the image in 1666, who declared that only God could have known the secret for doing this.35 In 1756, the famed viceregal painter Miguel Cabrera devoted a section to the same issue in his treatise defending the divinity of the image.36 The fact that the villancico takes up this issue shows how the genre dialogues with other lit-erary sources, historical events and platforms of doctrinal politics by glossing salient ideas and pre-senting them in new and creative contexts.37 In this case, the villancicos second copla adds a long-term temporal element to the images history, noting that it was sketched by prophets and mysteries but painted in a purely conceived instant, an obvious reference to the Immaculate Conception of Mary.

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In sum, as literary works, these villancico texts offer a window onto how cathedral authorities promoted Guadalupan devotion at the end of the 17th and into the 18th century. While each of the texts merits closer analysis and discussion, the excerpts presented here show that the main poetic themes gloss period literary works on the subject, show inspiration in the icon-ography of the image itself, and acquire additional meanings through biblical and erudite mythological references. These meanings helped build New Spanish identityespecially creole identityas both Euro-pean and American, ancient and modern.

Salazar and Sumayas music

Antonio de Salazar and Manuel de Sumayas mu-sical settings of these texts conventionally deliver the poetry within the bounds of the Spanish theatre style, which flourished in the second half of the 17th century, and is exemplified by the music of Juan Hidalgo.38 In church music, this style endured into the 172s, having begun to mix with more modern Italianate idioms before the turn of the century. Despite the stylistic differences between the two composers, the Guadalupan pieces present similar musical and notational features. For example, both Salazar and Sumaya employ predominantly homo-phonic choral textures for two to eight voices, some-times divided between two choirs (see Table 1). All of the pieces feature the C3 mensuration with a lightly syncopated rhythmic language that makes use of blackened mensural notation, and many pieces also have sections with the C time signature, an issue that will be discussed below.39 All also con-tain strophic coplas, ranging in number from two to seven. Harmonically, the villancicos are written in functional tonality, yet regardless of tonic, the key signatures appear simply as cantus durus (natural) or cantus mollis (with a B ).4 Finally, all of the pieces are short, lasting less than five minutes. In fact, the notation of each part fits exactly on one folio (some-times front and back), a physical attribute deter-mined by convenience for singers to hold them in performance and, perhaps more directly, the high cost of paper in New Spain.41

Whether Salazar was creole or peninsular Spanish is still not known, but judging by his fluency in con-temporary Spanish musical idioms, he was likely

a Spaniard who spent most of his career in New Spain.42 In a manner more subtle than the villan-cico texts, Salazars music helped shape the identity of Guadalupan devotion by adapting European tra-ditions of musical signification to the New Spanish content. This is especially clear in his use of martial music reminiscent of the batalla tradition initi-ated by the second part of Clment Janequins 16th-century chanson La bataille and appropriated in a variety of Masses and other pieces by, among many others, Francisco Guerrero, Toms Luis de Victoria and Francisco Lpez Capillas, Salazars creole pre-decessor as chapelmaster at Mexico City.43 Battle pieces feature repetitive triadic melodic figures with dactylic rhythms, little modulation beyond the tonic and dominant, a generalized martial character, and are generally set in the sixth tone or F major. Salazar, shifting the mensuration from C3 to C, writes such passages in four of his Guadalupan villancicos to evoke martial images in the text. For example, the opening of Al arma toquen, whose text translates as Take up arms, shoot, fire! consists of conventional battle music set antiphonally for two choirs (ex.1).

Paul Laird notes that villancico texts with militarist imagery were common for Christmas and Corpus Christi in late 17th-century Spain and that the bat-tles depicted therein tend to arise between competing celebratory parties on the same side, for example the sea and the land, rather than between the opposing forces of good and evil.44 In these Guadalupan vil-lancicos, however, the victory of the church over the devil is at stake, and the musical reference under-scores not only Guadalupe and the Woman of the Apocalypse, but also the theme of the Militant and Triumphant Church, the subject of one of Cristbal de Villalpandos large-scale allegorical paintings from the 168s in the sacristy of Mexico City Cathedral.45 By adapting the battle tradition to the Guadalupe pieces, Salazar introduces erudite musical references parallel to the literary practices of villancico texts, an act that moves beyond simple text painting.

The martial music also calls attention to one of many dialogues between tradition and modernity vis-ible in the notational practices of New Spanish music in this period. For example, Salazars music uses ton-ality functionally by means of accidentals, but the key signatures remain modal and chiavette clefs are common. Likewise, Salazar switches to modern note

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values in the martial music, which is written in C mensuration without bar-lines, whereas he adheres to blackened mensural notation in the C3 sections, which predominate in the repertory. Thus, in the same work, a crotchet in C mensuration and a minim pre-ceding a syncopated semibreve in C3 mensuration will appear equivalently, as in the continuo part of Seas ve claras, which switches mensuration for the coplas (see illus.2). The blackened mensural notation, which effi-ciently represents imperfection and syncopation, was

standard for triple-metre pieces in Spain and Latin America in the 17th century and up to about the 172s.

Whereas Sumaya, a mixed-race New Spanish composer who studied and worked in creole circles, adheres to similar musical conventions as his prede-cessor Salazar, his music shows greater musical and notational complexity, as well as a preference for fewer voices.46 In C3 mensuration, Sumaya employs a more varied palette of note values ranging from longs to fusas, which appear as modern semiquavers

Ex.1 Antonio de Salazar, Al arma toquen, excerpt

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Ex.2 Manuel de Sumaya, Cerca de Mxico el templo, excerpt

with white note heads, as well as a more syncopated rhythmic language that fully exploits the possibil-ities of blackened mensural notation. In C mensur-ation, he uses bar-lines. His melodies tend to feature vigorous motivic development in melismatic sequences, a trait more common in his Spanish contemporaries than in his New Spanish predeces-sors. Sumayas tonal language includes a wider var-iety of tonics and internal modulations, especially in his coplas, which are sometimes for multiple ra-ther than solo voices. Furthermore, his continuo parts build contrapuntal textures, sometimes with rhythmic independence of the voices.47 A passage from his villancico Cerca de Mxico el templo with text translating as If her image is a sublime bird of Mexico exemplifies many of these stylistic features (ex.2).

Sumaya does not follow Salazar in the use of martial music in his Guadalupan villancicos, but nonetheless undergoes the same process of repre-senting a local literary narrative with Spanish mu-sical aesthetics. The Guadalupe pieces, composed primarily between 169 and 173, seem to pre-date Sumayas adoption of an idiomatic Italianate style, a fact that forms an interesting commen-tary on the Guadalupan vernacular repertory as a whole. Baroque in concept and presentation, its

reference-laden texts would not fit the galant music composed at mid-century by Ignacio Jerusalem, who wrote modernized villancicos for other feasts but only wrote Latin pieces for the Virgin of Guada-lupe. By his time, villancicos were but one genre of elite music in a rich and varied devotional sound-scape that marked the celebration of the Virgin of Guadalupes feast-day.

This article has explored how strategies of lit-erary and musical representation promoted Guada-lupan devotion in Mexico City from the 169s into the early 18th century in the context of Mexico City Cathedral. Like other Baroque musics, villanci-cos served the rhetorical purposes of their creators, and this specific group of pieces reflects narratives of identity-building among New Spanish creoles in a mature colonial society. I believe that we need to stop looking at Latin American villancicos as exotic treasures and see them as breathing vestiges of a precarious colonial culture performing both its European roots and its American future in an offi-cially elitist environment. The Virgin of Guadalupe became the symbol most indicative of that culture, and the paintings, music, poems and other arts for her ensured that, in the words of the villancico Pues el alba aparece, in Mexico City her rays of light will shimmer on and on.

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Appendix 1 List of villancicos at the Archivo del Cabildo Catedral Metropolitano de Mxico

Title Composer MS number

A celebrar este da Antonio de Salazar 41A coronarse reina de los cielos Antonio de Salazar 48A la lid que se apresta Antonio de Salazar 36A la mar que se anega la nave Antonio de Salazar 14A la milagrosa escuela Ignacio Jerusalem 1487, 2161.1A la palestra, a la lid Antonio de Salazar 4Acudid al despacho Manuel de Sumaya 64Admirado el orbe Ignacio Jerusalem 573Adorad pastores Jos Roca 93Agitada navecilla Jos de Torres 153Aguas, tierra, fuego, vientos Antonio de Salazar 13guila caudalosa Ignacio Jerusalem 511Ah, de la centinela Antonio de Salazar 18Ah, de la nave Antonio de Salazar 19Ah, de las llamas Ignacio Jerusalem 97Ah, de los cielos Ignacio Jerusalem 568Ah, del cielo Antonio de Salazar 6Airecillos de Beln Antonio de Salazar 34Al agua, marineros Antonio de Salazar 2Al arma toquen Antonio de Salazar 37Al asilo mayor Anonymous 112Al campo, a la batalla Antonio de Salazar 38Al penetrar la hermosura Ignacio Jerusalem 535.2Al portal, zagalejos Antonio de Salazar 17Al que en solio de rayos Ignacio Jerusalem 1871Al solio que por erguido Manuel de Sumaya 57Al son que dos clarines Antonio de Salazar 51Alados serafines Anonymous 87Albricias, zagalejos Antonio de Salazar 42Algrense los astros Manuel de Sumaya 82Alerta las voces Ignacio Jerusalem 575Amante peregrino Anonymous 151Anmese, alintese Ignacio Jerusalem 225Aplauda la tierra Manuel de Sumaya 6Aprended rosas de mi Manuel de Sumaya 77Aquel divino Adonis Anonymous 115Arde afable hermosura Antonio de Salazar 1Atencin, que si copia la pluma Antonio de Salazar 3Atiendan, qu portento Manuel de Sumaya 83Aves canoras Anonymous 111Ay, cmo gime Manuel de Sumaya 58Ay, mi bien Jos de Torres 187Ay, que el sol de Toledo Antonio de Salazar 27Caamones en Pascua Anonymous 1851Canto apacible Anonymous 1865.1Celestes armonas Ignacio Jerusalem 1869

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Title Composer MS number

Cerca de Mxico el templo Manuel de Sumaya 67Cielo animado Manuel de Sumaya 84Cielo y mundo Anonymous 79.1Clarines sonad Ignacio Jerusalem 12Como tienen los morenos Mateo Tollis de la Roca 94Con jbilo en el orbe Anonymous 1847Con los nobles ha venido Anonymous 1848Cuando en suspiros amantes beda 118De las flores y estrellas Manuel de Sumaya 75De nochi han nacido el sol Ignacio Jerusalem 22De Pedro sagrado Antonio de Salazar 44Dej Pedro la primera red Manuel de Sumaya 66Despertad del letargo Antonio de Salazar 4Devoto el coro Ignacio Jerusalem 56.2Digan quae est ista Antonio de Salazar 9Dios sembrando flores Manuel de Sumaya 74El amor y el afecto Ignacio Jerusalem 1185El clarn de la fama Antonio Juanas 24En este triste valle Ignacio Jerusalem 571En hora dichosa Ignacio Jerusalem 559En Mara Manuel de Sumaya 73En una ligera nave Ignacio Jerusalem 214Es aurora Antonio de Salazar 11Escuchad dos sacristanes Jos Roca 1485Fuego que se abrasa Manuel de Sumaya 62Gloria le ofrece Ignacio Jerusalem 121Hola, ha del mar pescadores Manuel de Sumaya 76Hola, hao, marineros Antonio de Salazar 25Hola, principes sacros Antonio de Salazar 1Hoy que Mara Antonio de Salazar 24Hoy sube arrebatada Manuel de Sumaya 61La anglica turba Ignacio Jerusalem 1857La bella incorrupta Manuel de Sumaya 69La culpa y amor de Pedro Antonio de Salazar 33La esfera triunfante Ignacio Jerusalem 562La perla preciosa Anonymous 17La tierra se alegra Ignacio Jerusalem 572Las campanas ruidosas Antonio de Salazar 3Las zagalas esta noche Anonymous 1875.2Los clarines resuenen Antonio de Salazar 15Los rayos ardientes Ignacio Jerusalem 57Lucientes antorchas Manuel de Sumaya 71Marinero a la playa llega Antonio de Salazar 52Moradores del orbe Manuel de Sumaya 63Nio, si vens del cielo Lucas de Sancho Lpez 1843No me tengis, pastores Antonio de Salazar 7Oh, qu milagro Manuel de Sumaya 59Od, aprended, tiernas avecillas Antonio de Salazar 5

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Title Composer MS number

Od, moradores del orbe Manuel de Sumaya 54, 89Oigan, que se aparece Antonio de Salazar 46Paces se han hecho Manuel de Sumaya 55Pajarillos, garzotas del aire Antonio de Salazar 49Paloma soberana Antonio de Salazar 22Pastores del valle Antonio de Salazar 31Pedro, aunque el mar Antonio de Salazar 21Pedro, detente Antonio de Salazar 5Plantas frondosas Ignacio Jerusalem 556Plantas, flores y fuentes Antonio de Salazar 29Protegidos de una estrella Ignacio Jerusalem 227Pues el alba aparece Antonio de Salazar 2Pues que de escarchas Anonymous 1861Pues que triunf Manuel de Sumaya 85Que alegre la tierra Antonio de Salazar 32Qu apacible Jos Laso Valero/Mateo Manterola 12Qu dices, zagal Anonymous 185Qu inefable Manuel de Sumaya 78Qu marcha nueva Anonymous 1854Que os llama Manuel de Sumaya 8Que se anega Manuel de Sumaya 81Que se mueve el sepulcro Anonymous 15Qu tempestad amenaza Ignacio Jerusalem 226Quin es aquella paloma Manuel de Sumaya 7Quin es sta Manuel de Sumaya 68Remedo lucido Ignacio Jerusalem 564, 1876Repiquen alegres Antonio de Salazar 39Resonad, pajarillos alegres Antonio de Salazar 28Rompa la esfera Ignacio Jerusalem 56.1Sabio y amante fue Pedro Manuel de Sumaya 65Sedientos que en este mundo Anonymous 14Seas ve claras Antonio de Salazar 47Si el agravio, Pedro Antonio de Salazar 26Si el espritu divino Jos de Torres 1859Si es gloria del orbe Ignacio Jerusalem 558Si es tan precioso Agustn Contreras 98Si son los elementos Manuel de Sumaya 86Silencio, que los cielos alegres Manuel de Sumaya 88Sobre el primero, el cuarto Antonio de Salazar 43Solo a la capilla Ignacio Jerusalem 1868Sonora dulce trompa Jos de Nebra 1422Sonoro arroyuelo Juan Valdivieso 1841Suenen clarines alegres Antonio de Salazar 12Sus glorias cantando Anonymous 563Tesoro sagrado/ Arcano sagrado Ignacio Jerusalem 223.1Tierra no, sino el cielo Antonio de Salazar 35Todo zagal conmigo Anonymous 119Todos se rindan Anonymous 1844

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1 Villancicos have recently been defined as all learned songs in the vernacular performed in a sacred context, in Devotional music in the Iberian world, 14501800: the villancico and related genres, ed. T. Knighton and . Torrente (Aldershot, 27), p.3. This refreshing definition moves beyond formal characteristics to consider the function and contexts of the genre. In this article, however, I do not refer to works that could otherwise be considered arias, cantadas, duets, motets or alabanzas as villancicos.

2 This canon contains A la jcara jacarilla and A siolo Flasiquiyo by Juan Gutirrez de Padilla (Puebla, 1653); Convidando est la noche by Juan Garca de Cspedes (Puebla, c.167); and Los coflades de la estleya by Juan de Araujo (La Plata/Sucre, late 17th century). The first two works appear in Juan Gutirrez de Padilla, Tres Cuadernos de Navidad, 1653, 1655 y 1657, ed. M. Palacios et al. (Caracas, 1998), edited from sources at Puebla Cathedral; the final three in R. M. Stevenson, Latin American colonial music anthology (Washington, DC, 1975); Stevensons edition is the only available manifestation of Convidando

est la noche, as the original source from Puebla remains in the private collection of the heirs of Gabriel Saldvar; A siolo Flasiquiyo also appears in J. W. Hill, Anthology of Baroque music (New York, 25); Los coflades de la estleya is in J. P. Burkholder and C. Palisca, Norton anthology of Western music, 2 vols. (New York, 5/25). Among the commercial recordings of these works are Missa Mexicana with the Harp Consort and Andrew Lawrence-King (Harmonia Mundi h 97293, 22); New World symphonies with Ex Cathedra and Jeffrey Skidmore (Hyperion d6738, 22); and Nueva Espaa: Close encounters in the New World, 15901690 with the Boston Camerata and Joel Cohen (Erato 2292 45977-2, 1993).

3 R. M. Stevenson, Puebla chapelmasters and organists: sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Part II, Inter-American Music Review, vi/1 (1984), pp.29139, at p.87.

4 D. E. Davies, Nationalism, exoticism and colonialist appropriation: the historiographic decontextualization of music from New Spain, in Latin American choral

music: contemporary performance and the colonial legacy, ed. J. Sturman (27), http://web.cfa.arizona.edu/sturman/CLAM/Pub1/Davies1.html; G. Baker, Latin American Baroque: performance as post-colonial act? Early Music, xxxvi/3 (28), pp.4418.

5 G. Baker, The ethnic villancico and racial politics in 17th-century Mexico, in Devotional music in the Iberian world, pp.39948; J. M. Lipski, A history of Afro-Hispanic language: five centuries, five continents (Cambridge, 25); and P. R. Laird, Towards a history of the Spanish villancico (Warren, MI, 1997), pp.1689.

6 For discussion of late 18th-century Guadalupan processions with music in San Luis Potos, see D. E. Davies, Making music, writing myth: urban Guadalupan ritual in eighteenth-century New Spain, in Music and urban society in colonial Latin America, ed. T. Knighton and G. Baker (Cambridge, 21), pp.6482.

7 C. Bargellini, Originality and invention in the painting of New Spain, in Painting a New World: Mexican art and life 15211821, ed. D.

Drew Edward Davies, a specialist in Latin American and Iberian music of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, is Assistant Professor of Musicology at Northwestern University and regional coordinator of the MUSICAT project in Mexico City. His University of Chicago dissertation concerning galant music at Durango Cathedral earned the Housewright Award from the Society for American Music. Widely published in English and Spanish, his complete works edition of Santiago Billoni, an Italian composer in 1740s Mexico, is published by A-R Editions, and his catalogue of the music collection at Durango Cathedral is forthcoming from the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico. Currently, Davies is writing a monograph, Music and Devotion in New Spain, and collaborating with musicians throughout North America to help revive viceregal music. dedavies@northwestern.edu

Title Composer MS number

Toquen los clarines Antonio de Salazar 23Un ciego que ver quera Manuel de Sumaya 56Va de vejamen Antonio de Salazar 8Vaya otra vez Antonio de Salazar 16Vengan, que llama Dios Antonio de Salazar 45Virgen pura, arca sagrada Ignacio Jerusalem 216Ya se eriza Manuel de Sumaya 72

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Pierce, R. Ruiz Gomar and C. Bargellini (Denver, 24), pp.7991. The image does not include the dragon from Revelation 12; it also presents iconography of the Immaculate Conception of Mary.

8 The painter, identified as Marcos, indio pintor, is believed to be Marcos Griego, who was likely the same person as the painters Marcos Aquino and Marcos Cipac. See P. ngeles Jimnez, Apeles y tlacuilos: Marcos Griego y la pintura cristiano indgena del siglo XVI en la Nueva Espaa, in De arquitectura, pintura y otras artes. Homenaje a Elisa Vargaslugo, ed. C. Gutirrez Arriola et al. (Mexico City, 24), pp.11533; J. Cuadriello, Atribucin disputada: Quin pint la Virgen de Guadalupe?, in Los discursos sobre el arte, ed. J. Gutirrez Haces (Mexico City, 1995), pp.23167; and C. Bargellini, The Virgin of Guadalupe: a painting of New Spain, in Yale Institute of Sacred Music Colloquium: Music, Worship, Arts, iv (27), pp.714.

9 The story of Guadalupe: Luis Laso de la Vegas Huei tlamahuioltica of 1649, ed. L. Sousa, S. Poole and J. Lockhart (Stanford, 1998).

1 D. A. Brading, Mexican phoenix: Our Lady of Guadalupe: image and tradition across five centuries (Cambridge, 23); M. Zires, Los mitos de la Virgen de Guadalupe. Su proceso de construccin y reinterpretacin en el Mxico pasado y contemporneo, Mexican Studies/ Estudios Mexicanos, x/2 (1994), pp.281313. It should be noted that The Virgin of Guadalupe as worshipped in Bolivia is not directly related to the Mexican feast or narrative.

11 S. Poole, Our Lady of Guadalupe: origins and sources of a Mexican national symbol (Tucson, 1995), pp.114.

12 W. B. Taylor, Mexicos Virgin of Guadalupe in the seventeenth century: hagiography and beyond, in Colonial saints: discovering the holy in the Americas, 15001800, ed. A. Greer and J. Bilinkoff (New York, 23), pp.27798, at p.293.

13 Literary works such as Carlos Sigenza y Gngoras Primavera Indiana (1668) and Francisco de Florencias La estrella del norte (1688) were fundamental in elaborating the story set out earlier by Snchez and Laso de la Vega. See Brading, Mexican phoenix, pp.1114; and

S. Poole, The Guadalupan controversies in Mexico (Stanford, 26), pp.125.

14 The oldest dated villancico with music at the ACCMM is Antonio de Salazars Arde afable hermosura, which dates to Christmas 1693. Note that villancicos with music survive at Puebla from as early as Juan Gutirrez de Padillas 1651 Christmas cycle, and the Cancionero of Gaspar Fernndez, preserved at Oaxaca, contains chanzonetas with Puebla provenance dating to the 161s.

15 It is interesting that the earlier villancicos coincide with the construction of the Basilica of Guadalupe at Tepeyac between 1695 and 179, an undertaking accomplished largely through donations by the creole population. See K. Donahue-Wallace, Art and architecture of viceregal Latin America, 15211821 (Albuquerque, 28), p.128.

16 A 175 decree that composers of the Spanish Royal Chapel write responsories rather than villancicos for Matins, following Portuguese precedent, initiated this across-the-board shift in Hispanic churches. See . Torrente, Misturadas de castelhanadas com o oficio divino: La reforma de los maitines de Navidad y Reyes en el siglo XVIII, in La pera en el templo: Estudios sobre el Compositor Francisco Javier Garca Fajer, ed. M. . Marn (Logroo, 21), pp.193235. Mexico City Cathedral counted among the earlier Hispanic institutions to build a repertory of concerted responsories in the 175s. Nonetheless, villancicos continued to be composed for ritual use on both side of the Atlantic into the early 19th century. The passage Non fecit taliter omni nationi (He hath not done in like manner to every nation) from Psalm 147, an emblem of the devotion, has settings by Ignacio Jerusalem and others.

17 For a detailed history of the collection, see J. Marn Lpez, Una desconocida coleccin de villancicos sacros novohispanos (16891812): el Fondo Estrada de la Catedral de Mxico, in La msica y el Atlntico: Relaciones musicales entre Espaa y Amrica, ed. M. Gembero Ustrroz and E. Ros-Fbregas (Granada, 27), pp.31157.

18 A complete catalogue with musical incipits of the former Estrada Collection is D. E. Davies, A. Cheravsky and G. P. Rossi, Gua a la Coleccin Estrada del Archivo del Cabildo

Catedral Metropolitano de Mxico, Cuadernos del Seminario Nacional de Msica en la Nueva Espaa y Mxico Independiente, iv (29), pp.57. This article, as well as additional data about the conservation of the manuscripts, and digital images of every folio in the former collection, is freely available to the public at the seminars website, www.musicat.unam.mx. The new call numbers (signaturas) consist of the letter A plus four numerical digits and replace former nomenclatures.

19 Marn Lpez, Una desconocida coleccin, p.331. In Gua a la Coleccin, we gave the number of villancicos as 13, having catalogued the two unidentical copies of Sumayas Od, moradores del orbe separately.

2 The tally of villancicos does not include arias, duets, cantadas, motets, alabanzas or duplicate copies. The total number of works is an estimate generated using the MUSICAT database, which is still under construction and contains a greater and more consistent level of detail than previous cataloguing attempts, such as E. T. Stanford, Catlogo de los acervos musicales de las catedrales metropolitanas de Mxico y Puebla, de la Biblioteca Nacional de Antropologa e Historia y otras colecciones menores (Mexico City, 22); R. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque musical sources in the Americas (Washington, DC, 197); L. Spiess and T. Stanford, An introduction to certain Mexican archives (Detroit, 1969); and other in-house efforts by archivists. I am indebted to Anala Cheravsky and Lucero Enrque in the construction of this list.

21 Obras completas de Sor Juana Ins de la Cruz, ed. A. Mndez Plancarte, 4 vols. (Mexico City, 1952), ii, p.3; [R. Stevenson], Sor Juanas Mexico City Musical Coadjutors, Inter-American Music Review, xv/1 (1996), pp.2338. No surviving setting of a villancico text by Sor Juana has been identified in Mexico City.

22 Four villancicos are printed in full in A. Mndez Plancarte, Los villancicos guadalupanos de Don Felipe de Sontoyo, bside, ii/11 (1938) , pp.1829; three of these also appear in A. Mndez Plancarte, Poetas novohispanos, 2 vols. (Mexico City, 1945), ii, pp.13843. Mndez Plancarte (19955) notes that he consulted the imprint, of which no copies are traceable,

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in the private collection of Federico Gmez de Orozco in Mexico City.

23 No villancicos for the Virgin of Guadalupe dating to the viceregal period appear to survive at the Baslica de Guadalupe in Mexico City, at least as can be discerned in L. Guerberof Hahn, Archivo Musical: Catlogo (Mexico City, 26). Villancicos for other feasts are present there. Data in Table 3 are drawn from A. Tello, Archivo Musical de la Catedral de Oaxaca. Catlogo (Mexico City, 199); Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque; and Stanford, Catlogo de los acervos. Many of Sumayas pieces preserved at Oaxaca Cathedral were written in Mexico City years before his arrival in Oaxaca in 1738. His Al prodigio mayor at Guatemala City, previously thought to be the earliest Guadalupan villancico, unquestionably hails from Mexico City as well. See C. H. Russell, Zumaya, Manuel de, in New Grove II, xxvii, pp.881. My thanks to Javier Marn-Lpez for consulting the Sumaya work en situ in Guatemala for me. There is no compelling reason to utilize the archaic spelling Zumaya.

24 A la milagrosa escuela (1487 and 2161.1), the villancico Jerusalem wrote for his opposition examination in 175, is one of his few pieces in the genre to follow the estribillocoplas process. Yet even here Jerusalem pushed for formal innovation by writing only one copla, which he divides up among the four solo voices in an extended passage that resembles the B section of a da capo aria more than a copla.

25 See Torrente, Misturadas de castelhanadas.

26 A parallel might be drawn here between the growth of the feasts of the Virgin of Guadalupe in New Spain and Corpus Christi in late medieval Europe. Both transformed from local devotions into festivals laden with political connotations by means of literature and popular devotion. See M. Rubin, Corpus Christi: the Eucharist in late medieval culture (Cambridge, 1991).

27 B. Illari, The popular, the sacred, the colonial and the local, in Devotional music in the Iberian world, pp.494, at p.428.

28 J. Lafaye, Quetzalcatl and Guadalupe: the formation of Mexican

national consciousness 15311813, trans. B. Keen (Chicago, 1976), p.78.

29 D. Schons, The influence of Gngora on Mexican literature during the seventeenth century, Hispanic Review, vii/1 (1939), pp.2234; J. Joaqun Blanco, La literatura en la Nueva Espaa 2: Esplendores y miserias de los criollos (Mexico City, 1989). Schons describes New Spanish Gongorism as imitative.

3 All translations are mine. In Seas ve claras, I acknowledge some indebtedness to a translation prepared by Joseph R. Jones for a performance of the piece with the Orchestra of New Spain directed by Grover Wilkins in Dallas on 11 March 21, for which we collaborated. However, I have chosen to use archaic English grammatical forms where appropriate to capture the tone of the original poem.

31 See M. Snchez, Imagen de la Virgen Mara, Madre de Dios de Guadalupe. Milagrosamente aparecida en la ciudad de Mxico. Celebrada en su historia, con la profecia del captulo doce del Apocalipsis (Mexico City, 1648), passim. Another contemporary source reads, for example, Dieron los criados noticia de todo al seor Obispo; y habiendo entrado el Indio a su presencia, ya ddole su mensaje, aadi que llevaba las seas, que le haba mandado pedir a la Seora (orthography modernized); L. Bezerra Tanco, Felicidad de Mxico en la admirable aparicin de la Virgin Mara N. Seora de Guadalupe y origen de su milagrosa imagen que se venera en su Santuario extramuros de aquella ciudad (Madrid, 1745 [1675]), p.29.

32 Plancarte, Poetas novohispanos, ii, pp.1389.

33 Revelation 1.9.

34 Exodus 3.15; Deuteronomy 4.815.

35 Bargellini, Originality and invention, p.88.

36 M. Cabrera, Maravilla americana y conjunto de raras maravillas observadas con la direccin de las reglas de el arte de la pintura en la prodigiosa imagen de Nuestra S.ra de Guadalupe de Mxico (Mexico City, 1756), p.5.

37 The villancico Cerca de Mxico el templo of 1721 also takes on the theme

of the divinity of the image, noting that it was painted by heaven.

38 See L. K. Stein, Songs of mortals, dialogues of the Gods: music and theatre in seventeenth-century Spain (Oxford, 1993), pp.3267.

39 One of the few writings on this characteristically Spanish notation system is J. V. Gonzlez Valle, La notacin de la msica vocal espaola del siglo XVII. Cambio y significado segn la teora y prctica musical de la poca, in Altes im Neuen: Festschrift Theodor Gllner zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. B. Edelmann and M. H. Schmid (Tutzing, 1995), pp.17791.

4 See G. Barnett, Tonal organization in seventeenth-century music theory, in The Cambridge history of Western music theory, ed. T. Christensen (Cambridge, 22), pp.4755.

41 These villancicos would most likely have been performed from the choir enclosure of the cathedral.

42 For an assertion that Salazar was born in Puebla, see J. Koegel, Salazar, Antonio de in Diccionario de la msica espaola e hispanoamericana, ed. E. Casares Rodicio (Madrid, 199922), ix, pp.5724.

43 Lpez Capillass Missa Batalla appears in polyphonic choirbook p6 of the ACCMM and is dedicated to St Michael, with an accompanying sonnet relating the triumph over the serpent from Revelation xxii.

44 Laird, Towards a history, pp.1745.

45 J. Gutirrez Haces et al., Cristbal de Villalpando, ca. 16491714 (Mexico City, 1997), p.22.

46 For a comparison of the number of voices in Salazar and Sumayas villancicos in the former Estrada Collection, see Marn, Una desconocida coleccin, p.321.

47 Three editions that present an overview of Sumayas work are Cantadas y villancicos de Manuel de Sumaya, ed. A. Tello, Tesoro de la msica polifnica en Mxico, vii (Mexico City, 1994); Misas de Manuel de Sumaya, ed. A. Tello, Tesoro de la msica polifnica en Mxico, viii (Mexico City, 1996); and Clusulas, Secuencias, Salmos de Manuel de Sumaya, ed. A. Tello, Tesoro de la msica polifnica en Mxico, xii (Mexico City, 27).

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