This article was downloaded by: [University of Haifa Library] On: 15 August 2013, At: 08:20 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Youth Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjys20 Eighteen and celebrating: birthday cards and drinking culture Hilda Loughran a a Department of Applied Social Science, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland Published online: 28 Jul 2010. To cite this article: Hilda Loughran (2010) Eighteen and celebrating: birthday cards and drinking culture, Journal of Youth Studies, 13:6, 631-645, DOI: 10.1080/13676261003801721 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13676261003801721 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions
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This article was downloaded by: [University of Haifa Library]On: 15 August 2013, At: 08:20Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
Journal of Youth StudiesPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjys20
Eighteen and celebrating: birthdaycards and drinking cultureHilda Loughran aa Department of Applied Social Science, University College Dublin,Dublin, IrelandPublished online: 28 Jul 2010.
To cite this article: Hilda Loughran (2010) Eighteen and celebrating: birthday cards and drinkingculture, Journal of Youth Studies, 13:6, 631-645, DOI: 10.1080/13676261003801721
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13676261003801721
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoeveror howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to orarising out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
Eighteen and celebrating: birthday cards and drinking culture
Hilda Loughran*
Department of Applied Social Science, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
(Received 24 October 2008; final version received 23 March 2010)
Aims: The study examined 18th birthday cards referring to alcohol, andconsidered the significance of possible drinking messages presented in this media.Methods: A literature review considered greeting cards in society and in particularlooked at research on alcohol-related cards. A survey of 30 Irish card stores wasconducted. Cards were designated into different categorisations based on theircontent and an analysis was conducted on those cards which were adjudged tohave either ‘explicit’ or ‘low-level’ alcohol content. Findings: Alcohol-relatedmessages are readily available in 18th birthday cards. As a proportion of the totalcards in the study 38% of the cards had alcohol-related content with 26% of thetotal cards identified as depicting excessive alcohol use. Conclusions: Eighteenthbirthday is a significant milestone in our society. Cards produced to mark thisevent draw on ambivalent attitudes to alcohol consumption and humour aboutincidents of excessive drinking. They portray excessive drinking as the acceptablenorm for celebrating this event and may contribute to setting up or reinforcingexpectations that intoxication is a desirable outcome for a ‘successful celebration’.
(Harnett et al. 2000, p. 2). Babor et al. (2003, p. 15) acknowledge that ‘alcoholic
beverages are used in many cultures in a variety of social situations, both public and
private. They are frequently used to commemorate births, baptisms and weddings’.
They further comment that ‘throughout the life cycle from youth and old age it is
associated with many positive aspects of life, however, situations can rapidly change
from being ‘‘alcohol safe’’ to being alcohol-dangerous’ (Babor et al. 2003, p. 17).This article reports on a study investigating the extent to which greeting cards
designed to mark the celebration of an 18th birthday feature alcohol, the way
in which alcohol is portrayed in such cards and the treatment of intoxication in
particular. The study does not attempt to establish a direct causal link between the
message on the card and subsequent alcohol consumption behaviour (see, for
example, Engels et al. 2009, on the difficulties inherent in studying links between
alcohol consumption and media). Rather, it takes as the point of departure the
notion that cards are a form of media, and in common with other media such as TV,
film and radio, may play a part in portraying and communicating messages about
alcohol. Whether and how they do this merits investigation.
There is ever-increasing awareness and concern about the move from safe to
dangerous drinking patterns in Ireland and the UK. As 18 is the legal age for
purchasing alcohol it marks a shift in the young person’s relationship with the drug.
There is growing evidence that young people’s relationship with alcohol may be
characterised by binge drinking. The World Health Organisation (WHO 2004, p. 28)report notes that the term binge drinking has been used ambiguously. More recently,
the term has been defined by the number of alcoholic drinks (usually five or six)
consumed on a single occasion (Babor et al. 2003, p. 279). Looking at drinking
culture through a broad lens includes the exploration of such factors as the covert or
ostensibly harmless humour which underpins what are, in essence, messages that
reflect a culture of risky drinking and to some extent may communicate notions of
risky drinking as an expectation for young drinkers. Beccaria and Sande (2003, p. 99)
note that ‘in the modern local and global youth culture, use of alcohol for
intoxication purposes is the key symbol for ‘‘free flow’’ in the phase of transition
from childhood to adulthood and the creation of one’s social identity’.
The interest in cards ties in with ideas of marking particular life transitions, in
this case the transition into adulthood. Murphy (1994, p. 26) commenting on the
marketing of cards, says ‘not only are the cards developed carefully, but they are also
selected carefully to fit the profile of any given store’s customer base’. This research
(Murphy 1994, p. 26) claimed that ‘cards are monitored and restocked regularly, at
least by Hallmark, so that the cards present in the display are probably those that areselling, as opposed to those left over’. Based on this perspective, it is safe to assume
that 18th birthday cards, including cards that reflect drinking as part of the
celebration of the birthday, are a reflection of the popularity of such cards.
Murphy (1994, p. 27) supported this idea and went on to state that ‘greeting
cards are good indications of popular beliefs. Major producers, such as Hallmark
for example, conduct extensive market research on desirable formats and appro-
priate messages’. He noted that ‘because they speak so directly and personally to
their recipients, cards may well play a role in the construction of their recipients’
self-concepts’. He concluded (Murphy 1994, p. 29) that ‘despite obvious efforts to
reduce gender stereotyping in some mass produced images, traditional dichotomies
abound in the words and images used to market cards to young children’. Bridges
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(1993, p. 204) conducted a study examining visual images and verbal messages in
122 birth congratulation cards and found that ‘birth congratulation cards contain a
variety of gender-specific images and messages that are consistent with stereotypes’.
The significance of greeting cards
Many studies have explored the significance of greeting cards, with for example,
Eisenstein-Naveh (2002, p. 93) suggesting that ‘greeting cards play a significantpart in our culture and mark significant milestones, conveying celebration and
emotional support . . . and have an impact on the receiver’. Beccaria and Sande
(2003) linked this milestone concept to youth transitioning to adulthood. Other
studies considered greeting cards in terms of their potential impact on social
attitudes and interpersonal communication. Murphy (1994) considered an analysis
of greeting cards with respect of such elements as design, verbal content and sending
patterns which had been used to indicate such social norms as attitude towards
ageing (Dillon and Jones 1981, Ellis and Todd 2005), death (McGee 1980), gender(Eisenstein-Naveh 2002, West 2009) and drinking (Finn 1980).
Perhaps, the most clearly established link between cards and developing self-
concept centres on gender identity. Willer (1996, p. 21) argued that ‘greeting cards
represent a means of sending intentional and unintentional messages about gender
roles and that greeting cards continue to communicate stereotypical messages about
gender expectations’.
Greeting cards linking alcohol and celebration
Finn (1980) focused specifically on the issue of alcohol in cards, considering attitudes
towards drinking as conveyed in greeting cards. Finn estimated that 4 million cards
reflecting this theme might have been sold annually in the USA at that time. Henoted in particular the attitude that drinking and getting drunk was not simply about
relaxation or being sociable but rather was the celebration. Finn (1980, p. 826) argued
that cards offered ‘a particularly intriguing and accessible source of comedy about
drinking’. He quoted one president of a card company as suggesting that ‘today’s
studio cards are an amazingly accurate barometer and measuring rod of the social
and sexual mores of the present generation. And � through the utilisation of humor �they reflect these attitudes in the contemporary language of the masses’. Eisenstein-
Naveh (2002, pp. 93�94) later acknowledged the place of humour in this type ofcommunication stating that ‘humor used in an associative way can be a tool to
internalise or remember many things’. This point about humour resonates with the
current topic since many of the cards analysed in the study reported here use humour
at some level to communicate their message.
Finn’s (1980, p. 826) study raised the possibility that while reflecting current
attitudes to alcohol, the communication in greeting cards might also serve to
‘reinforce tolerant attitudes to alcohol abuse’. He distinguished between cards that
explicitly promoted getting drunk, cards that presented drunkenness as humourous,enjoyable and harmless, and cards that depicted problem drinking as humourous
(Finn 1980, p. 827). These categorisations were adapted in the analysis in the current
study. In particular, the issue of conveying messages about excessive alcohol
consumption in a humourous fashion and as a humourous activity was noted.
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A few years later, Newsweek (1988) reported that Mother Against Drunk Drivers
(MADD) in the USA had a similar concern. They identified Hallmark produced
graduation cards linking alcohol to graduation. MADD considered that the cards
made light of students drinking. They highlighted the fact that the majority ofrecipients of such cards would be under 21 (the legal age for purchasing alcohol in
the USA). MADD lobbied store owners and persuaded Hallmark Cards to stop
producing and shipping the cards. At that time another large card manufacturer,
American Greetings (2007), said they had already halted the production of these
cards. Neighbors et al. (2006, p. 282) expanded their interest to look at drinking at
21st birthday celebrations. They confirmed that ‘negative alcohol-related conse-
quences often occur during specific events and in specific contexts, e.g. 21st birthday
celebrations and tailgate parties’.While there was no direct follow-up to Finn’s study, it was influential in research
on sending greeting cards to 21-year olds in the USA as a health promotion
technique. Smith et al. (2006, p. 607) conducted a study utilising 21st cards. ‘The
purpose of this study was to examine the efficacy of sending cards designed to
prevent alcohol-related problems during 21st birthday celebrations’. They examined
the effectiveness of the Be Responsible about Drinking (B.R.A.D.) cards. They
compared five different birthday cards including the B.R.A.D. card, an information
card providing tips to reduce risk, a card that provided information to correctmisconceptions about drinking norms, a card that combined information and social
norming messages and finally a simple birthday greeting. In that study the cards had
no significant effects on drinking or alcohol-related problems. Given the nature of
greeting cards and the interpersonal communication that they represent, the personal
quality of the message may be negatively impacted if the card is sent with printed
greetings from a person in authority.
Method
A literature review considered the study of greeting cards across a range of subjects
and then a survey of 18th birthday cards was conducted. A draft instrument was
developed to facilitate gathering data on cards. Two stores were identified for the
purpose of testing out the instrument. The total number of 18th birthday cards was
counted in store by sorting through each card and registering it on a two category
matrix. The instrument was expanded to incorporate cards with different levels of
alcohol content and family cards. These data were available for the two stores in thepilot and so they were included. The categories were developed on the basis of verbal
(language) and non-verbal (graphics) content as developed by earlier greeting card
research (Finn 1980, Murphy 1994). The preliminary analysis that informed the
matrix instrument identified four categories of cards: Category A � no evidence of
alcohol content; Category B � alcohol consumption in some manner (termed as low-
alcohol content); Category C � depicting high levels of alcohol consumption (termed
as explicit alcohol content); and Category D � designated family cards. The analysis
of the verbal and graphic content formed the basis of the categorisation frameworkemployed in the current study. Family cards were for the most part inter-generational
and included predominantly greetings from parents, grandparents, aunts and uncles.
They formed an identifiable sub-category and so were registered separately while
still noting alcohol content.
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Twenty-eight stores were identified for inclusion in the survey in addition to the
original two in the pilot. A retail directory was consulted but offered limited
information on card stores so it was decided that a fieldwork approach would be
more effective. Dublin has two main city centre shopping areas and a number of largesuburban shopping centres. The researcher conducted a fieldwork study and mapped
out specialist card stores and also included specialist card sections in department
stores, which will also be referred to as card stores. All ‘card stores’ in Dublin city
centre’s two main shopping areas, and in the major Dublin suburban shopping
centres were included, as well as a sample of ‘card stores’ from large urban centres
outside Dublin. A total of 30 Irish stores were included: six specialist shops, two
department stores in the city centre, 13 card stores in the suburban shopping centres
and nine in the urban centres outside Dublin. Data recorded included, the locationand name of the store, total number of 18th birthday cards on sale in each store and
the number of cards in each of the four categories. Since alcohol-related content in
the cards was the central focus of the study, all cards in Category C, and a sample of
cards in Category B were purchased for content analysis. The study was completed
in 2007.
The data showed that all alcohol-related cards originated in the UK, and a
sample of seven stores in London were surveyed to check whether these cards were
exclusively marketed in Ireland, in light of the stereotypical view of Irish drinkinghabits (as identified, for example, by Tilki 2006).
As the research progressed, the place of e-cards in the greeting card market was
considered and a web-based search for e-cards was conducted which identified 19 e-
card sites. There was no evidence of drink-related 18th birthday cards being made
available on the sites reviewed.
Findings
The survey conducted in Ireland identified a total of 658 cards, which were reviewed
in the study. (This represents the number of different styles of card across all stores
and is not adjusted for duplication across stores). Table 1 presents the breakdown by
store of the range of cards available as a percentage of the overall number of 18th
cards in that store. The table shows data for the four categories outlined in the
methodology. Stores are identified only by numbers 1�30.
Greeting cards that depict alcohol as part of 18th birthday celebrations were
widely available. In overall terms, 38% of the total number of cards reviewed fell intothese categories. Twenty-two per cent of total cards made explicit reference to
alcohol consumption, many relating to intoxication. When adjusted to exclude
family cards, alcohol content cards represent 46% of cards on sale. On average, 26%
of cards across the stores were in the ‘explicit alcohol consumption’ category. (Data
on the UK stores are presented separately in Table 2 as ‘Greeting cards survey
London 2007’.)
While this phase of the survey was limited it did serve to confirm that similar
cards were available in London. The Category cards B and C found in the Londonsurvey were replicas of those in the Dublin survey and so even though they are
presented in separate tables the content analysis of the cards holds for both sets of
data. The category of family cards appears to be less significant in the UK data with
only 7% of cards in that category compared with 18% in the Irish data.
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A content analysis was conducted on cards purchased across the range of
categories. When adjusted for duplication the survey yielded 43 distinct 18th birthday
cards assessed as explicitly illustrating high levels of alcohol consumption as part of
the celebration. There were multiple copies of these cards available in each location.
The mild reference category cards (B) included cards that showed pictures of
glasses and/or bottles/cans of beer or champagne/wine. These cards were often subtle
in their reference to alcohol. The cards in the explicit category (C) were different in
terms of colour, as well as content. They tended to employ humour while portraying
high levels of consumption in an explicit way. The use of humour has already been
noted as a recognised mechanism for engaging young people. The humour aspect of
Table 1. Greeting card survey 2007.
Store
number
No reference
to drinking/
alcohol
(Category A)
Mild reference to
drinking/alcohol
(Category B)
Explicit
reference to
drinking/
alcohol
(Category C)
Designated
family cardsa
(Category D)
Number
of cards in
each store
1 46% (24) 15% (8) 23% (12) 15% (8) 52
2 47% (20) 21% (9) 19% (8) 12% (5) 43
3 57% (24) 14% (6) 12% (5) 17% (7) 42
4 46% (17) 24% (9) 22% (8) 8% (3) 37
5 36% (12) 21% (7) 15% (5) 27% (9) 33
6 57% (17) 20% (6) 13% (4) 10% (3) 30
7 33% (10) 7% (2) 30% (9) 30% (9) 30
8 41% (11) 7% (2) 22% (6) 30% (8) 27
9 46% (12) 8% (2) 19% (5) 27% (7) 26
10 38% (9) 13% (3) 21% (5) 30% (7) 24
11 38% (9) 30% (7) 21% (5) 13% (3) 24
12 50% (12) 13% (3) 21% (5) 17% (4) 24
13 33% (7) 14% (3) 48% (10) 5% (1) 21
14 52% (11) 5% (1) 14% (3) 29% (6) 21
15 45% (9) 20% (4) 15% (3) 20% (4) 20
16b 30% (6) 15% (3) 35% (7) 20% (4) 20
17 45% (9) 15% (3) 25% (5) 15% (3) 20
18 42% (8) 15% (1) 52% (10) 0 19
19 42% (8) 11% (2) 11% (2) 37% (7) 19
20 52% (9) 11% (2) 21% (4) 21% (4) 19
21 44% (7) 25% (4) 19% (3) 13% (2) 16
22b 47% (7) 13% (2) 13% (2) 27% (4) 15
23 46% (6) 0 33% (5) 13% (2) 13
24 25% (3) 25% (3) 50% (6) 0 12
25 45% (5) 27% (3) 19% (1) 18% (2) 11
26 22% (2) 55% (5) 22% (2) 0 9
27 44% (4) 11% (1) 11% (1) 33% (3) 9
28 44% (4) 11% (1) 11% (1) 33% (3) 9
29 71% (5) 29% (2) 0 0 7
30 43% (3) 43% (3) 14% (1) 7
44% (290) 16% (107) 22% (143) 18% (118) 658
aA 19% of Category D had reference to alcohol. bPilot stores.
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the cards may therefore have implications that support the notion that these cards
play a part in making a connection between excessive drinking and the 18th birthday
celebration. The findings of the current study serve to highlight the prevalence of
the alcohol-related message and the excessive nature of the alcohol use portrayed.
The role of cards in promoting alcohol consumption is difficult to establish, as
already noted, but what is clear from the current study is that cards do communicate
a notion of expectations about alcohol consumption and birthday celebrations.
Promoting sensible drinking is a focal point of alcohol policy in Ireland (Department
of Health 1996, Department of Health et al. 2007) and the nature of the alcohol re-
enforcing messages in such cards may contribute to undermining attempts at
communicating alternative sensible drinking messages to 18-year olds.
Discussion
The content analysis highlighted a number of issues which support the view that
these cards are potentially influential in the transitional relationship between young
people and alcohol. Certainly, the alcohol ‘explicit’ cards convey a message that
excessive drinking is not only acceptable, but also desirable in celebrating this
milestone birthday. The implications of cards as a form of media with influence on
young people and identity formations will be considered from two perspectives: the
message conveyed through language and the graphics which illustrated and
portrayed the message.
The decision to deal with family cards separately was based on the idea that it
would be unlikely that cards designed to be sent from figures of responsibility in the
life of the 18-year olds would link celebrations with intoxication. By dealing with
these cards separately, it was possible to confirm that cards from fathers, mothers,
grandparents, aunts, uncles and siblings did not present with anything more than
middle (Category B) references to alcohol. Of the 132 family cards, only 12% (n�16)
cards made a mild reference to alcohol and eight cards explicit reference (this was the
same card found in eight stores). This card, from a father to son, deserves special
comment. Harnett et al. (2000, p. 70) in their study of drinking patterns found that
father�son drinking partnerships started at 17. Their informants said that this
drinking was more controlled usually consisting of ‘a pint’. The ‘Happy 18th
Table 2. Greeting cards survey London 2007.
Store
number
No reference to
drinking/
alcohol
(Category A)
Mild reference
to drinking/
alcohol
(Category B)
Explicit reference
to drinking/
alcohol
(Category C)
Designated
family cards
(Category D)
Total
number of
cards
1 L 86% (19) 29% (9) 6% (1) 0 22
2 L 63% (20) 19% (6) 19% (6) 0 32
3 L 83% (25) 17% (5) 0 0 30
4 L 34% (21) 23% (14) 38% (23) 5% (3) 61
5 L 30% (16) 17% (9) 28% (15) 25% (13) 53
6 L 40% (4) 20% (1) 0 0 5
7 L 95% (40) 25% (2) 0 0 42
Total 59% (145) 16% (39) 18% (45) 7% (16) 245
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Birthday Son’ card undermines this pattern since ‘the father’ explicitly endorses
heavy drinking ‘You’ve reached an important milestone in your life . . . An occasion
which should be celebrated in a manner befitting the transition from child to
adult . . . from youth to grown up . . . from boy to man . . . so booze it up then (cartoonfigure with pint of beer in hand and five pints being handed to ‘‘him’’’(Hallmark). de
Visser and Smith (2007, p. 600) in their study on alcohol consumption and masculine
identity in the UK found that ‘most respondents acknowledged that drinking,
and drinking large amounts of alcohol, is generally equated with masculinity’. The
card described certainly reflects that view. Portraying this heavy drinking message as
a rite of passage in the father�son relationship was unexpected. It communicates a
sense of expectation about ‘becoming a man’ in the eyes of a father and underlines
the acceptability of the drinking message in the card medium.
Gender identity and drinking
The role of cards in stereotyping around the issue of gender is well-established in the
literature (Bridges 1993, Murphy 1994, Eisenstein-Naveh 2002). The majority of
the cards 58% (n�25) were gender non-specific. This is not surprising since it works
as a marketing strategy to maximise the customer base. Of the cards that did specify
gender 26% (n�11) were designed for females with 16% (n�7) being maleorientated. The analysis employed criteria consistent with gender analysis in greeting
cards research (Bridges 1993, Murphy 1994). Gender designation was created by
depicting only male or female characters. Feminisation of cards was achieved
indirectly through colour and with illustrations such as handbags and women sipping
champagne. Male cards differed little from the generic cards. They portrayed only
beer consumption which is reflective of drinking preferences. Of the ‘male’ cards,
more than half mentioned or depicted beer as the alcohol of choice. For the ‘female’
cards, there was a wider dispersal of types of alcohol consistent with what we knowabout female drinking patterns. Champagne was most popular, followed by beer,
wine and cocktails. This variety of alcohol types as one might expect was also present
in the gender non-specific cards. Overall, beer was the most frequently mentioned
and although the sample is limited it appears to be associated more with male than
female drinking. The prevalence of beer in the greeting cards concurs with the
fact that ‘beer continues to dominate the alcohol market’ (Department of Health
and Children 2002, p. 5) reflecting cultural drinking trends. de Visser and Smith
(2007, p. 602) comment that ‘not only is drinking wine rather than beer non-masculine,but such behaviour may lead to questioning of masculinity in other domains’.
Culturally accepted drinking patterns acknowledge gender differences. Anderson
and Baumberg (2006, p. 3) comment that ‘in every culture ever studied, men are
more likely than women to drink at all and to drink more when they do’. The
Irish experience has been that these gender differences are eroding. Mongan et al.
(2007, p. 32) note that ‘it has become more socially acceptable for women to consume
alcohol in greater volumes and in patterns mirroring those of their male counter-
parts’. The evidence for this is found in a study by Hibell et al. (2004) which recordeddramatic increase in alcohol consumption among Irish school girls between 1995 and
2003. The UK experience has been similar, with one of the issues in alcohol studies
being the convergence of female and male drinking trends (Anderson and Plant
1996). Women are associated with drinking specific types of alcohol such as wine
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and/or shorts while males are associated with heavier drinking and beer. Girls
showed a preference for Alco pops, wine and spirits, whereas boys tended to drink
beer and cider more often. Girls’ preference for spirits is of particular concern and is
a trend that has been observed in Ireland for the last 12 years (Morgan and Brand2009). The British Medical Association (1995) also acknowledges gender differences
in the guidelines for sensible drinking. The majority of cards, however, took little
account of these differentiated relationships with alcohol and conveyed a similar
message to both males and females. The gender-specific cards associated females with
equal levels of excessive drinking. This appears to be consistent with the IAS (2000,
p. 4) report which suggested that there is evidence that the alcohol industry has
released products ‘aimed at a new generation of alcohol consumers . . . more varied
than the traditional male, industrial working class’. Midford (2002) in Australia alsosuggests that the drinks industries are aggressively marketing alcohol to women.
Apart from the feminisation of the cards the messages in the text were no
different in the female-targeted greetings. The girls were encouraged to see that the
‘best sort of birthday . . . one you’ll have trouble remembering’ (Simon Elorn Sond
Effects), or that ‘the world doesn’t revolve around you . . . unless you drink enough’
(Hallmark). These alcohol messages conveying excess for all may have implications
for development of a female identity. They correlate drunken behaviour to being fun,
being grown up and being accepted. This reflects current changes in drinking butalso communicates specific notions regarding expectations in relation to alcohol
consumption and women.
Some cards were more specific about how much drinking would be involved in
this fun-filled birthday celebration. One card reflected that Sally wished she had
stopped after her seventh (Outly Hollywood). Another one said ‘Happy 18th to
someone who likes nothing better than a quiet drink on her birthday . . . followed by
15 loud ones’ (Occasions). With seven drinks being at least half the recommended
amount of alcohol per week for a female, these cards are definitely dealing withexcess. Another card suggests that ‘in honour of your 18th birthday the all new
drinking girl’s diet has been invented: you can eat anything you want, but you have to
drink 8 glasses of wine with every meal � you don’t lose any weight, but it really
doesn’t bother you that much’ (Carlton Cards). This coupling of two serious issues
for young females (drinking and dieting) perhaps serves to underline the covert
nature of the messages in these cards. Murphy (1994) connected cards and their role
in constructing self-concept. The findings in this study confirm that the cards do
engage with broader issues related to the development of one’s self-concept.The notion of quiet and loud drinks is an amusing play on words in itself. In the
light of the efforts to convey accurate information to young people so that they can
make informed decisions about their drinking, this type of message may contribute
to unhelpful confusion and enhance youthful ambivalence about drinking habits.
While cards may reflect commonly accepted drinking behaviours, excessive drinking
as depicted in this type of card certainly communicates an acceptance and
normalisation of high-risk drinking as an activity for 18-year-old females.
Intoxication
The explicit 18th birthday cards are identifying desirable outcomes for young adults
such as peer approval and acceptance with excessive alcohol consumption at an
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important life transition. The content of the cards in the current survey is consistent
with the developmental model described by Harnett et al. (2000). They found in a
sample of men aged between 17 and 18 that ‘drinking to intoxication and losing
control was part of most of the sample’s recreation, it was simply ‘‘fun’’’ (Harnettet al. 2000, p. 70). Arnett (2001, p. 139, 141) found that adolescents and young adults
were less likely to view norm compliance such as avoiding drunk driving or avoiding
becoming drunk as a necessary part of the transition to adulthood. In fact this
transitional cohort is more likely to engage in norm violating behaviour (Arnett
1999). It is useful to note that norms explored in these studies were the socially
accepted norms of what might be called responsible adulthood. Peer attitudes are
often more important than adult expectations. Family (Liddle et al. 2009) and
positive cultural influence on young people actually provided protective ormoderating effects on peer deviance and alcohol use (Aashir et al. 2007). The
‘explicit’ alcohol cards portray, for the most part, drinking as a peer activity. They
communicate the notion that excess is part of the fun, part of the celebration
of ‘emerging adulthood’.
Although the ‘male’ cards did not refer to amounts of alcohol, nonetheless they
conveyed the idea of excessive drinking, often in more visual format. This trend was
also seen in the gender non-specific cards. There were eight examples in explicit cards
when being sick and/or being sick into a toilet was the ‘punch line’ of the joke. In thegender non-specific cards terms such as: getting legless, having trouble remembering,
getting pissed, carried away, drunk, heaving and staying in the pub till it moves, were
used. The ‘male’ cards used ideas such as: ending up on the floor, sod the not getting
drunk rule, the world revolving around you (when you drink enough), success being
blurred vision and slurred words, getting drunk and getting off your grown up face.
Another aspect of the cards related to the sort of advice they offer to what are
supposed to be ‘new’ drinkers. One such card offered a ‘handy guide to drinking: (1)
don’t eat anything before drinking � it just takes up valuable space; (2) why stick toone drink all night when there is such a selection; (3) if the room starts spinning just
spin in the opposite direction to cancel it out; (4) try to keep your willy in your
trousers; and (5) if you feel sick do not put your hand over your mouth’ (Emotional
Rescue).
Other ideas in the ‘female’ cards conveyed the notion that a successful celebration
would have the celebrators ‘seeing sunrise from the kerb’ or noting that ‘now you are
18 you are an independent woman who can stand on her own two feet . . . most of the
time’ or that passing into womanhood ‘you should be poised, elegant and charmingwhich isn’t easy when you are totally off your face’.
Cards did convey the notion that celebration of an 18th birthday is not just about
having a drink but is about consuming amounts of alcohol that are designed to
intoxicate, often to the level of being sick, having blackouts or even collapsing and
perhaps losing consciousness. This creates the danger of normalising or desensitising
attitudes to risky drinking and links aspirations such as desire for independence,
central to this life stage transition and to this drinking message.
Humour
Research on the greeting card industry suggests that cards appear on shelves after an
intensive testing process. The card business is profitable and this requires knowing
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what will sell. On the other hand, sending cards are linked to culturally designated
occasions. The content of the greeting cards is therefore influenced both by
marketing assessments of what will sell and the appeal of the cards to those who
purchase. This interaction, however, is not entirely reciprocal as factors of mass
production intervene. While seeking to personalise the message on a card, there are
limits set by what is actually available. This may be a significant issue in relation to
the greeting cards under consideration in this study. As mentioned previously all theexplicit alcohol-related cards employed humour to convey their message. The cards
portrayed extremes to convey the ‘joke’ of having fun, partying, drinking and in
many incidences getting drunk. One shows a ‘Booze Chart for 18-year olds’ (Quitting
Hollywood). The chart correlates no booze with ‘sober and cool, a few bevies with
dancing on tables and slurry speech, one too many with vomit zone and way too
much with bog zone’. The second card offers more mixed messages. ‘How to be 18!
Assume a responsible expression, remember to vote (I vote we go to the pub), eat
balanced meals (booze and crisps yummy), take exercise which doesn’t involve a
toilet bowl and lots of heaving, stick to your values (sex booze), blame your parents
for everything (it’s all your fault)’ (Quitting Hollywood). This card could be seen to
caution against excessive drinking that leads to being sick.
As already noted the categories of cards with some reference to alcohol make up
46% of the total. Of these 26% were designated as explicit in alcohol content. These
cards also shared other features such as colour, cartoon style depiction and humour.
In fact only four cards were found that combined humour and colour and did nothave a drink-related ‘punch line’. Analysis of the cards in Categories A and B
suggests that they share some common elements. These cards might be classified as
cute, sentimental, serious or pleasant but not funny. Perhaps there is a question of
purchasing alcohol explicit card due to lack of real selection of cards that appeal to
18-year olds. Perhaps, this lack of choice in humourous cards indicates that the cards
industry is generating humour from adolescent norm defiance around alcohol. This
use of humour to influence adolescent/young adults is reminiscent of the debate in
alcohol advertising discourse.
In the study on advertising it was noted that ‘alcohol advertising appeals to
young people through humour, animation, bright colours and music’. Alcohol
advertising tends to reinforce the link between drinking and socialising and being
accepted by peers (Dring and Hope 2001, p. 1). Research on teenagers, advertising
and alcohol can offer some insights into this relationship. Dring and Hope (2001)
found that young people were attracted by the humour and fun depicted in alcohol
advertising. They argued that advertising did not intentionally target the under-aged
yet teenagers’ perception of these advertisements was that they promoted a desirablelifestyle. Despite recommendations on advertising (Dring and Hope 2001), there
continues to be a code of self-regulation in the advertising of alcohol (WHO 2004).
Given that this is the standard voluntarily applied to the alcohol advertising industry
it is worth noting that the greeting card industry is not subject to such regulations.
It would be difficult to establish a direct link between explicit messages about
alcohol in greeting cards and levels of alcohol consumption among young people.
The literature on greeting cards presents a view that cards are a commentary of social
attitudes (Cacioppo and Andersen 1981) thus supporting the notion that greeting
cards are a reflection of cultural norms. Finn, however, cautioned that they may
‘reinforce tolerant attitudes to alcohol abuse’ (Finn 1980, p. 827). The links between
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the content of cards and infringements of basic advertising self-regulation should
offer sufficient grounds for action in this matter. At best such cards undermine
messages promoting sensible drinking, at worst they may reinforce such excesses in
themselves. While it is acknowledged that most celebrations are simply fun, theconnection to public order problems is well-established (Parker and Williams 2003).
Given that Ball et al. (2007, p. 101) argue that ‘the sensible drinking message is
confused and poorly understood’ further confusion is unhelpful. One of the great
challenges to the implementation of successful harm reduction measures is the
ambivalence that is evident in relation to the place of alcohol consumption in our
society. Reviewing the cards in this study, it was clear that such ambivalence
facilitates targeting the ‘fun’ and ‘humour’ aspects of excessive drinking.
Conclusions
Cards as a media offer mass production of sentiment covering a wide range of
socially recognised life transitions and events. They are big business dominated by a
limited number of multi-national production companies. Cards reflect the views of
the sender in so far as the sender makes a choice from the selections available and
they do have an influence on the receiver (Finn 1980, McGee 1980, Dillon and Jones
1981, Eisenstein-Naveh 2002, Ellis and Todd 2005). Cards marking the transition toadulthood or emerging adulthood (the 18th birthday) are part of that milieu.
The current survey confirms that 18th birthday cards linking alcohol and
celebration are readily available. When adjusted for family specific cards 46% of the
cards surveyed had at least low levels of reference to alcohol with almost 26%
making explicit reference to excess as a positive aspect of the celebration. Dring and
Hope (2001, p. 1) comment that ‘at European level, both the WHO and the EU have
made commitments to protecting young people from the pressures to drink’. As with
the exploration of alcohol representation in other media (Daykin et al. 2009, Engelset al. 2009), it is acknowledged that it would be difficult to demonstrate a direct link
to excessive drinking among young people. Daykin et al. (2009, p. 111) in their
investigation of alcohol as handled on radio suggest that ‘comments about alcohol
seem to actively construct and extend the dominant discourse’ about excessive
drinking and more research into the influence of media is required. While the current
study makes no claims about causal relationship between alcohol messages and
cards, it is fair to say that as part of the media format cards, in linking fun
and celebration with heavy drinking, are contributing to this discourse of excessivedrinking. The availability of these cards reflects ambivalence in the relationship
between young people and excessive alcohol consumption. The cards considered in
this study communicate a message that alcohol consumption is a normal and even
desirable aspect of the transition into adulthood. About one-quarter go on to convey
the notion that high levels of consumption, often risky consumption, are an
expectation of successfully celebrating that transition. Little variation in these
alcohol messages is found between genders with girls being encouraged to drink
levels beyond accepted limits and on a par with their male counterparts. This findingechoes the concerns identified by Finn (1980) in the 1980s.
Of further significance is the fact that this alcohol message is being conveyed
through the use of humour. The use of humour in cards offers purchasers the
opportunity to convey sentiment and fun at the same time. One might expect that
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humour would be most appealing to young people in that it can serve to
acknowledge the occasion without taking the event too seriously. The essence of
the humour employed is directly in line with the formulation that experts suggest
are most attractive to young people in advertising alcohol (Dring and Hope 2001).
This suggests that the excess message in cards may be more influential than the card
companies envisaged. The relative absence of this humour in conveying any
alternative greeting should be addressed to offer young people choice as well as
humour. This mass produced message of alcohol excess as an aspiration for
transition into adulthood undermines the notion that at 18 young people might be
engaging in a more controlled and healthy relationship with alcohol. This study
hopes to broaden the debate about media influence and alcohol consumption
patterns.
Acknowledgements
Funded by Health Service Executive, Dublin North East, Ireland.
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