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Five Universals of Tibetan Religion

Author(s): Robert B. EkvallSource: Oriens, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Dec. 31, 1953), pp. 334-343Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1579172.

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FIVE UNIVERSALS OF TIBETAN RELIGION1by

RobertB. EkvallMuch researcl has been focused upon certain aspects of the Tibetan

religion. Through a combination of historical and linguistic factors, agreater amount of Buddhist lore and teaching has been preserved inthe Tibetan religious writings than in any other collection of records.To fill in their knowledge of Buddhism, scholars have been led to anintensive study of those records and have exploited Tibetan religiouswritings in the interest of a more comprehensiveknowledgeof Buddhistdoctrine and philosophy.The psychic phenomena aspect of Tibetan religious activity, distortedand exaggeratedout of all proportionto the actual importanceassignedto it by Tibetan religious leaders, has also attracted much interest,though little objective investigation and analysis. This has led to thetelling of tall tales.On another level, observers have described in some detail variousreligious ceremonies and spectacles, and have dwelt on the dramaticand colourful aspects of such celebrations as the miss-named devildance and similar rituals.The Tibetanreligion,though studied as a meanswherebylost Buddhistdoctrines may be recovered,tapped as a source of wild tales of phychicphenomena,or describedin its manifestations of pageantry and drama,has yet been neglected as a religion per se, and little serious effort hasbeen made to arrive at a clear understanding both of the content of

1 The material presented in this paperhas been developed,with one or two exceptions which areindicated in the text, from the followingoriginalsources: i) personalobservationduringextendedresidenceamong the Tibetans. 2) Opinions expressed by Tibetan informants.3) Recentand carefulcheck by cross examination of high Tibetan and Mongolianreligiousleaders,and 4) Tibetan textspreviously untranslated.There is a considerable amount of incidental information scattered throughout various bookson Tibet which confirms some of the details set down. But these referenceshave not been usedas sourcematerial. Indeed, the readingof over 30 books has in general only a negative value, for itreveals that little or no attention or study has been given to the real subject matter of this paper.

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Five Universals of Tibetan religion

lamaist doctrine and practice as commonly accepted by the Tibetans,and of its functional aspect in their culture.Tibetan society, uniquely organizedas a churchstatewith its distinctand religious basis, makes any purely secular study of this societysomewhat beside the point. Social phenomena and organization havetheir origins in religion. The converse of this is also true: observancesstemming from religionproducefarreachingsecular effects. These effectsare quite apart from, or in addition to the primary intent of the parti-cipants. The efficacy ascribed to such observances may be a strictlyreligious one, but the actual results and contribution made to Tibetanculture may be quite secular and present-worldly. Thus a knowledge

of the actual accepted content of Tibetan religion, with an appreciationof the true functional role of religious acceptance and observance,becomes fundamental to an investigation of Tibetan society.For the Tibetan, religious fundamentals are summed up in fiveuniversals that are binding on all: clergy and laity alike. These attitudesand practices are based in the philosophy and teachings of Buddhismas preserved in religious tradition and history, but they are also offunctional value in the culture of Tibet. They constitute the cement ofthat society. They underlie and give meaning to the observable pheno-mena of religious practice, and exhibit the doctrines of Buddha in afunctional role in the integration of Tibetan society. They stem fromdoctrine, but they constitute the facts, not the theory, of the religionof Tibet. They are:I. The attitude of Dad-pa (faith).2. The practice of CHos aDon (entoningreligion).3. The making of mCHod-pa(offerings).4. The making of P'yag (salutations).5. The performanceof sKor-ba (encirclement).Any formulation of categories is a controversial matter, but thewriter is convinced this one will stand up under continuing researchand analysis. It is the result of extended personal acquaintance withthe Tibetans, intensive study, and has been submitted to the consi-deration and criticism of high Tibetan and Mongolianecclesiastics andhas won their endorsement.It should be understood, however, that these five universals do notsummarize all the theory, or even all the practice, of lamaism. Thelamaist clergy exercise themselves in the apprehensionof knowledge tovanquish ignorance. Such enlightenment is the essence of Buddhism,but this apprehensionbelongs to a few. It is not shared by all. Certainpsychic practices are attributed to the initiates and, presumably, they

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thus acquire certain extraordinary powers, but there are not manyinitiates. Black and grey magic is practicedby the sNGags-pa(wizards),who sell their services to the people, but again it is only a few whocarry on such practices. The universals, however, are the least commondenominator of religion, accepted and practiced by all.Numerous Tibetan religious activities at first sight appear to besomething distinct from, or in addition to the five universals, butinvestigation will show that they are composites and are made up ofcombinations of two or more of the universals. Pilgrimage is the mostnoteworthy of these composite activities.Rules of conduct-ethics in religion-are not included. In the firstplace, there are different sets of rules for differentcategoriesof believers.Ideas of conduct again are modified by the degree of local acceptance:local folkways and necessity have changed some precepts of Buddhismbeyond all recognition. In a sense too, the attitude of Dad-pa (faith)includes acceptance of ideals of conduct.Ostensibly the five universals are religion in its total functionalaspect, but collectively they also contribute to the integrationof Tibetansociety. In the universalityof their acceptancethey become the hallmarkof Tibetan homogeneity: the characteristicsby which a Tibetan assureshimself of the identity of his fellows. The associativeeffort characterizingthis observance fosters a sense of comradeshipand the sum of the actsof observance, hardening into a common behaviour pattern, binds theTibetans together in the solidarity derived from shared endeavour.Considered eparately,each of the five universalshas a specialrelation-ship to aspects of culture. The attitude of Dad-pa (faith) is linked withsocial and political control and even patriotism. The practice of CHosaDon (entoning religion) influences education and linguistics. Themaking of CHod-pa (offerings)effects economics and the concentrationof wealth. The twin exercisesof P'yag (salutations)and sKor-ba (encir-clement) are related to cultural integration, enculturative processes,and even matters of health.

I. The attitudeof Dad-pa (faith).Dad-pa is best translated by the word faith , but, as in translationthere are no absolute equivalents, it is a stronger and more inclusive

term than the English word. It includes acceptance, adherence and evenadoration above and beyond all the nuances of faith, belief and trust.It is rarely used, except in relation to religion.The related, but less sublimated,word Yid CHes (believe) is generallyused for the absolute aspects of belief: in a person, in a statement or in

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a promise. When analyzed, it stands in apposition to the phrase gSemsCHung (take care). This means literally heart small and Yid CHesis literally spirit enlarge . Belief is therefore when the soul is enlargedor released from constraint and the need of taking care. To illustratethe difference, a Tibetan announces that he has Dad-pa in the castingof horoscopesand in the telling of the future - that is in the totality of thesystem which makes such things possible - but he Yid CHes (believes)the lama who does the foretelling.This primary importanceof faith reveals the extent to which northernBuddhism has changed from the more philosophic teachings of Buddhahimself. He emphasized enlightenment or knowledge by an agnosticismwhich took nothing on faith. But as accepted and practiced by theTibetans, that philosophy is re-defined in terms of Dad-pa (faith).As Dad-pa is faith in religionas a whole, it includes also a) acceptanceof Buddhist cosmology, b) acceptance of Buddhist science - geography,medicine, astronomy, etc., and c) acceptance of the controls and politicalorganizationof the lamaist church-state. This includes in a special waythe proper attitude toward the head of that system, the Dalai Lamahimself. Thus allegianceto the status quo and patriotism are derivativesof Dad-pa, the attitude of faith.This first universal is logically the basis of the other four and so itis somewhat set apart, but is always the necessary ingredient in thepractice of the others. As the Tibetan states it: Dad-pa Med-naRangRed (if there is not faith it is naught).

2. The practiceof CHos aDon (entoning religion).This term includes sMon Lan (wishing prayer), gSol-ba (beseechingprayer), the pronouncing of various charms and incantations and thechanting of Gur-ma (hymns). Thus it includes affirmation of belief,supplication and praise. It is not only verbal, but includes the releaseof the words of religionby mechanicaldevices, such as the prayerwheel,whether operated manually or turned by wind and water, the use ofprayerflags, which are agitated by the wind, and even the printing ofprayers on the surface of running water with wooden blocks, that theymay be vibrated and become effective.CHos aDon (entoning religion) is linked, partially at least, with

aspects of word magic. The word is identified with the concept forwhich it stands and in that identification, enforced by repetition in allforms it operates on behalf of the one who entones religion.He may dothe work himself, he may enlist wind, water and other forces to do itfor him, or he may hire practitioners of this activity to do it on his

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behalf. It takes many forms: stone cutters carving the basic prayerformula Om Mani Padme Hum on cliffs and slabs, the printing ofprayers and religious books, the organization of chanting services inthe home, or the mass entoning of religionby the monks and lamas inthe lamasery. All these vicarious forms are at the disposal of the onewho is willing to so expend his wealth.The repetitious character of CHos aDon (entoning of religion) hasfacilitated the adoption of the rosary: in this instance of io8 beads, onwhich are kept the score of prayerssaid. From being a device for merelykeeping score, the movement of the beads has come to represent theactual saying of the prayer.CHos aDon (entoning of religion) functionally affects Tibetan culturein many ways: it has fostered the preservation of Tibetan religiouswritings and has given those linguistic forms a certain sacred characterwhich has greatly strengthened standardization of expression, it hasplayed a part in diffusing accepted linguistic forms, it has stronglyinfluenced formal Tibetan discourse, both oratory and verse, and ithas supplied the main incentive for such education as does exist inTibet. Often peasants or herdsmen, living on a subsistence level farbelow that in which reading and writing would normally have a part,are yet literate, for they have learned to read in order to entone religion,because prayer is more effective when the words are read, than whenrepeatedby rote. On the materialside it has stimulated certainindustriesand craftsmanship,such as the making of paper and wood-cut carving.It has influenced trade by creating the demand for certain types ofcloth to be used as prayerflags, and for the importation of paper, andit has played an important role in facilitating the concentration ofwealth or potential capital, and so strengthened the control functionof the religion-state.For the Tibetan, CHos aDon is a source of deep psychological satis-faction and gives release from frustration. With primal zest he canemploy the most universal of human propensities - speech - now becomewords of mystic power, as a means to realize desire.

3. The making of mCHod-pa (offerings).mCHod-pais the definitive term for gifts made to religion: to beingsof the spirit world and to religious institutions and personages. Giftsto the latter are also called aBul-ba. The bestowal of alms to pilgrimsand the poor is not includedin either mCHod-paor aBul-ba. Almsgivingis a composite, derived from the Tibetan social idea of sharing and the

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Five Universals of Tibetan religionl

religiousideal of benevolence,but does include the objective of acquiringdGe-ba (virtue-merit).The making of offerings is concerned with value: the value Tibetansattach to the act of giving, as well as the value of the gift and the valuesinvolved in a related activity: trade by barter. The giving of gifts isa social act: a means for establishinga relationshipof obligationbetweenpersons. A gift given, creates the obligation to give a gift of like valuein return, or render a service of comparable worth. Also the giving ofgifts and making of offerings creates prestige and is at the same timean expression of prestige.The making of offerings stems directly from the teachings of Buddhahimself, but has become highly institutionalized. The religious motiveis to acquiredGe-ba (virtue-merit),but it also harmonizeswith Tibetansocial custom and habits of trade. In the making of offerings there areimplications of getting a good bargain and prestige is greatly enhanced.Economically it contributes to the concentration of wealth in the handsof the religious authorities and gives them control of finance and a

rudinlentary banking system, for much of this wealth is again loanedout at high rates of interest.Symbolic offerings are generally made to spirit beings, are widelypracticed, but are usually of small intrinsic value. Prior to eating,minute particles of food are tossed into the air, from the freshly boiledpot of tea a few drops are poured onto the kettle stones. Scarves andcoloured strips of cloth are hung on altars and shrines. Tiny butterlamps are lit in idol halls and before images. Small quantities of tea,butter, grain and salt are sprinkled into the sacrificial fires of burningjuniper boughs. These are the commonest forms of symbolic offering.The presentation of giant arrows - some as long as 15 feet - to thequiver shrines of the mountain top gods is a picturesque,and somewhatunusual form of symbolic offering. Occasionally symbolic offeringshaveconsiderableintrinsic value, as when pieces of silver or valuable objectsare thrown into sacred lakes. Utilitarian offerings involve the giving ofbutter, live stock, trade goods, money, building materials and landrights to religious establishments and incarnation lamas. Labour,whether of an individual, or the collective labour of a community, mayalso be offered. Such utilitarian offerings are often of great economic

value, are made with all possible ostentation and invest the giver withmuch prestige.Sacrificial offerings are in a class by themselves. Buddhism has nobloody sacrifices, but there is an obvious carry-over of this in thepresenting or sacrificing of gTor-ma (images or ceremonial objects,

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generally made of dough) which perform the function of the scapegoat to bear or carry away retribution or bad luck. At the conclusionof such a sacrifice, the gTor-ma, according to the particular rite, arebroken up, burnt, thrown away or eaten.All Tibetans make mCHod-pa, but in folklore animals also, in par-ticular monkeys and apes, are represented as bringing offerings toreligious heroes and holy men.Illustrative of the significance of mChod-pa in the religion of Tibet,it should be noted that a beautiful and distinctive architectural featureof that religion, the chorten or stupa - which is found from India toPeking - is actually a mCHod (offering)rTen (receptacleor base) and isthe towerexemplification of mCHod-pa, the making of offerings.The fourth and fifth universalshave similarities hat set them somewhatapart from the others. They both are exercises in a physical as well asa religioussense. Mi La Ras-pa, the great Tibetan mystic and teacher ofthe IIth century, in his preachmentsand songs frequently links the twoin the phrase: P'yag Dang sKor-ba Byed-pa (salutations and encir-clement to make) and this duty is urged upon all. Though related, andoften combined, they are quite different. In Tibetan tradition and storythey are given an extreme universality, for both the aGro-ba(the goers)-beasts, birds and reptiles-and other than human creatures, such asfairies,goblins andserpent spirits are described as saluting and encirclingheroes and saints.

4. The making of P'yag (salutations).The making of salutations is the physical expression of respect, ofadoration. It began far back in religious history - certainly it was apart of pre-Buddhistic practice - and it undoubtedly has links withcertain Yogi practices. It takes many forms. Dismounting from a horse,removinghead coverings,taking a sword- still sheathed- from the girdle,or a rifle from the back and carrying it in the hand, or simply raisingthe hand to the forehead, are rudimentaryforms of P'yag (salutations).Even the movement whereby a Tibetan woman shifts her coat to coverher bare breasts when meeting an ecclesiasticor moving toward a shrine,is a form of salutation. But narrowly defined, it is the making ofprostrationsin worshipand adorationbefore a shrine, an image, a lama,

a ceremony which is being performed,or any other object of worship.A personalcharmbox,set up upon a rock or a block of turf, can becomea temporaryshrine, or the act may be performedwith no visible object:the worshipperholding the object of adoration in his mind.Prostrationmay consist simply of droppingto the knees, bowing the

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head and clasping the palms before the face. It may mean bowing theforehead to the ground, as in the Chinese kowtow, or it may take thecomplete form, where the entire body is stretched flat on the groundand the arms extended beyond the head, as far as they can reach.The principle of repetition is always operative and the completion ofa pre-determined number, or a set stint, is the goal. It is combinedwith all the other universals,but invariablywith mCHos aDon (entoningreligion) and may become the method of progress in sKor-ba (encir-clement) or in the making of pilgrimage, resulting in a measuring-wormtype of movement.Physical effort and the satisfaction of thereby getting things done,is commonplace with the Tibetan peasant or herdsman. In P'yag theeffort and the satisfaction that goes with it is directed to non-physicalends and results in dGe-ba (virtue-merit).This practice has had an important part in establishing centers whichbecome foci of Tibetan cultural activity. In the making of salutations,ideally the object must be present. That object, be it shrine, tower,cave entrance of a hermit, or dwelling of a lama, remains. The wor-shippers return to repeat their salutation, thereby fixing it spatiallyin the pattern of their lives. Repetition and association add importanceto that point and it becomes a great lamasery where many gather forreasons other than religious.

Apart from the psychological release and sense of fulfillment theputting forth of physical effort for the attainment of spiritualwell beingmay bring, it can also be argued that for some Tibetans, the sedentaryclergy, or those too wealthy normally to work, P'yag means healthfulcalisthenics without boredom.5. The performanceof sKor-ba (encirclement).The performanceof encirclement consists of going around a personor object, so as to complete a circuit. It is done as an act of worshipor reverence. It may be performedclockwise, called CHos sKor (religioncircle), or counter clockwise, called Bon sKor (Bon circle). This latteris consideredheterodox and followed only by the adherents of the Bonreligionof Tibet. This probablyis a purposeful perversion:an expressionof early religious antagonism and resistance.The origins of the encirclement rite lie far back in religious history,

but there is no evidence that it was pre-Buddhistic in Tibet. Buddhaenjoined it, and his disciples practiced it, but the researches of WilliamSimpsonand others 1showquite conclusivelythat it ante-dates Buddhism1 Simpson, William The Buddhist Praying Wheel 1896, p. 29-79. d'Alviella, Goblet Ency-

clopedia of Religion and Ethics vol. III, p. 657.

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in India and probably goes back to some very earlyform of sunworship,and had a westward distributioninto Europe, where traces of it are stillfound among the Celts, at the same time it was brought to India.Encirclement is usually performedon foot, but some exceptions aremade for the ailing. There is an aberrant form in which an offering orshrine is circled on horseback by participants who are not only fullyarmed, but are praying for success in such un-Buddhistic enterprisesashunts and raids for plunderor in reprisal.It is performedaroundpersons,religious assemblies, religious establishments, shrines, sacred lakes andsacredmountains. Thus the size of the circuitmay vary from a few yardsto that requiringa journey of three days, such as the one around theholy mountain Gangs Rin-po CHe (Mt. Kailas). sKor-ba (encirclement)is invariably combined with one or more of the other universals.There has been some confusion over the relation of sKor-ba (encir-clement) with the symbol and doctrinal significance of the wheel. Thewheel concept is of such great importance in Tibetan doctrine, that ithas been assumed that encirclement was a sort of extension of thewheel idea 1. Although the two words sKor (circle) and aK'or (wheel)are quite different, and this appears very clearly when they are studiedin various combinations with the word for road and other terms,they are related to the idea of roundness and their phonetic resemblancehas doubtless contributed to the misunderstanding.As pronounced inmany areas, the only differencebetween them is that in one the aspirateprecedes the k and in the other the aspirate follows the k . Thedifference n meaningis quite clear: sKor is a circle,and aK'or is a wheel.Verbally one goes around the circle, but is turned on a wheel. Theencirclement rite is purposeful action and differs fundamentally frompassively being turned in, or upon, a wheel.As in the case of P'yag (salutation), sKor-ba in theory is performedfor the accumulation of merit: to better one's chances in the hereafter,but actually it is performedwith definite ideas of betterment in healthand success in all the undertakings of life.It is the most social of all the universals. All Tibetans may be foundat one time or another on the sKor-ba path and so this rite affords theopportunity for the meeting of friends, the exchange of opinions, thedissemination of news and the establishing of contacts for trade. Itcreates situations of enforcedneutrality where even enemies may meetwithout danger and often initiate moves toward the making of peace.It also has a part in creating centres where Tibetans may gather,

1 Simpson, William The Buddhist Praying Wheel I896, p. 32.

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Five Universals of Tibetan religion 343ostensibly for religious purposes, but in reality many other ends arethereby served. And this form of pious exercise, what might be calleda religious walk around, unquestionably makes a very real contributionto the health of many.The five universalsof Tibetanreligionhave no existance for the Tibetanother than to embody his acceptance and practice of religion. But tothe student of Tibetan culture they constitute the bridge betweenthe abstruse theory of lamaistic Buddhism and the observeable phe-nomena of Tibetan religious activity. They also have a functionalexistence of which the devout Tibetan is completely unaware, thoughwhen it is pointed out to him, he will admit its reality. They make mostimportant contributions, of purely secular significance to many, if notall, aspects of Tibetan culture. They strengthen the homogeneity ofthat culture on psychologic, linguistic, social, political and economiclevels, for they are universal.

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