Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals

Academic Year 2009 - 2010

EL DORADO OR THE GREAT DECEPTION?

The immigrant experience of Senegalese street vendors from the

Mouride and Tidjane brotherhoods

in France, Spain and Italy

Dissertation submitted by

JENNIFER A. PATTERSON

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTERS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Thesis advisor: Dr. Valeria Bello

Barcelona, September, 2010

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I hereby certify that this dissertation contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text.

I hereby grant to IBEI the non-exclusive license to archive and make accessible my dissertation in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I retain all ownership rights to the copyright of the dissertation. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this dissertation.

Name: Jennifer A. Patterson

Signature:

Location and Date: Barcelona, September 30, 2010

Word count: 11,946

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FOREWORD

It is important to note that while I came to this research with more than 15 years’

professional experience as a journalist in Canada, this work was in no way the work of a

journalist. For the duration of the research and writing of my dissertation, I completely

suspended my role as a journalist and approached my fieldwork and data collection as a

masters student.

I never could have done this work as a journalist. Most of the migrants were wary of

journalists and undercover police officers, and for good reason. And so I made a kind of

pact with them. I promised the migrants who granted me an interview that I would not

use their information for any purpose other than this dissertation. I told them that

should I go on to do more research and writing on sub-Saharan African migration in

Europe or the phenomenon of Mouride and Tidjane migration worldwide, I would have

to begin my research anew. This was my promise and I kept my word.

Along the way, I confided in a few migrants that I indeed was a journalist prior to

commencing my masters studies, but explained that my work with them was not

journalistic. However, as some of them very astutely observed, my data collection was

clearly influenced by my journalism background. For instance, I was very comfortable

collecting primary data in the form of structured interviews with migrants – it came to

me quite naturally; and I was in no way hesitant to approach migrants on the street and

arrange to meet them later for interviews. But that’s where the ‘journalism’ ended and

the ‘science’ of academic writing began.

Most of the migrants I interviewed, once they saw the work I had done, thanked me for

it and suggested I should continue to work and write on the topic. On March 10, 2011, I

presented the findings of my research at a roundtable on Senegalese migration in Spain

alongside representatives of the Senegalese community in Barcelona. During my speech,

I mentioned that despite my years as a journalist, this research project was both the most

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challenging and rewarding assignment of my career. I hope to continue to raise

awareness of the issues and problems facing irregular migrants, sub-Saharan migrants

and Senegalese street vendors in particular. By publicizing my work I hope to give

something back to the vendors who helped me with this research. And, at the risk of

sounding pretentious, my goal is to give a voice to the voiceless – the sans-papiers in

Europe and elsewhere – simply because I can.

~ J.P.

jpatterson.journaliste (at) gmail.com

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the many people who provided me with the support and guidance

necessary to complete this work. This includes the professors at IBEI – Drs. Ferran

Iniesta, Michal Natorski, Yannis Karagiannis, Xavier Fernández i Marín and, most

importantly, my tutor, Dr. Valeria Bello, who believed in me and encouraged me to

pursue this ‘ambitious’ project for my dissertation.

This research project would not have been possible without the invaluable input and

wisdom of the following Africanists and members of the Senegalese community in

Barcelona: Ababacar “Baye” Thiakh (Dahira Jazboul Xoulob, Touba Barcelona), Rafael

Crespo Ubero (Centre d’Estudis Africans), Moussa Samba (Espai Àfrica Catalunya),

Joan Manuel Cabezas López (Espai Àfrica Catalunya), Omar Diatta (Associació Catalana

de Residents Senegalesos) and Mohamed Moctar Guèye.

I am also indebted to Cris Beauchemin of the Institut National d’Études

Démographiques (INED) in Paris and Pau Baizán of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in

Barcelona for generously providing me with select quantitative data from the MAFE-

Sénégal project on Senegalese migration to France, Spain and Italy for the purposes of

this research.

My gratitude extends to my daughter, Sofía, and my mother and father in Canada for

their patience and support; to my dear friend Liza Franchi in London for ’being there’;

and to my friend and mentor, Mamadou Gangué, for opening my eyes to the

phenomenon of Senegalese street vendors in Europe following my first encounter with

them in Venice in 1995.

My deepest gratitude goes to all the street vendors who participated in this study –

some of whom became my friends – for opening up to me and sharing their stories for

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the sake of this research. For confidentiality reasons, I cannot name them here, but they

know who they are.

This paper is dedicated to the memory of my grandfather, Jefferay Vincent Boys – who

worked as an overseas investigator of illegal immigration for the Canadian government

prior to his retirement – and to all the Senegalese street vendors and sans-papiers in

Europe, and the families they have left behind in Africa, and elsewhere. May God

protect them on this voyage. And may they be reunited with their wives, children,

husbands, parents and siblings soon, Inch’allah.

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Depuis je vais, je vais par les sentes, par les sentes et par les routes, par-delà la mer et plus loin, plus loin encore, par-delà la mer et plus loin, plus loin encore, par-delà la mer et par-delà l’au-delà. – Birago Diop, “Viatique.” (ed. Senghor, 2007: 144)

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LIST OF TABLES PAGE Table 1. Role of religious or migrant network 29 Table 2. Perception of receiving country 30 Table 3. Migrant willingness to stay in receiving country permanently 31 Table 4. Migrant willingness to integrate into receiving society 32 Table 5. Reasons for willingness to integrate into receiving society 32 Table 6. Migrant willingness to marry a European 32 Table 7. Migrant view on future migration 35

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE

Abstract 1

Introduction 2

Chapter 1. 6

1.1 Theoretical framework 6

1.2 Research questions 8

1.3 Methodology 9

1.3.1. Data collection 11

1.3.2. Challenges 14

Chapter 2. Background 16

2.1 The Muslim brotherhoods of Senegal 16

2.1.1 Mourides 17

2.1.2 Tidjani 18

2.2 Senegalese migration to Europe 19

2.2.1 France 20

2.2.2. Spain 21

2.2.3 Italy 23

Chapter 3. Research Findings 24

3.1 Role of religious or migrant network 28

3.2 Perceptions of receiving countries 29

3.3 Current migrations studies (MAFE-Sénégal) 35

Chapter 4. Analysis 38

Chapter 5. Conclusions 41

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References 43

Appendices 48

Appendix 1. Semi-structured questionnaire 48

Appendix 2. Migrant comment tables 52

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ABSTRACT

rregular African migration is a growing concern for European policy-makers and

raises issues of integration and racial tensions within receiving societies. Migrant

networks and diaspora communities play critical roles in international migration, in

facilitating the movement and settlement of migrants in receiving countries. However,

Sub-Saharan African migration to Europe is now recognized as circular, with the

migrant eventually returning to the country of origin (Baldwin-Edwards, 2008). This

creates new challenges for integration and policy-making as well as new dynamics in

the relationship between the immigrant and receiving societies. Migrants who are less

concerned with settlement and integration in their adoptive country are more likely to

remain on the margins of that society. With this in mind, the author will be examining

African migrant perceptions of receiving countries in Mediterranean Europe through a

unique case study: Mouride and Tidjane street vendors from the Muslim brotherhoods

of Senegal in Paris, Barcelona and Rome.

It is through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in which identity, ideas and perceptions

are considered valuable contributions to International Relations, that this paper will

document the collective experiences of Senegalese street vendors in France, Spain and

Italy, and explore key issues, such as: individual motivations behind Senegalese

migration to Europe; migrant perceptions of receiving countries, both before and after

arrival; the role of social and religious networks in individual migration and settlement;

and the projected effects of collective migrant experiences on future South-North

migration flows. With more than 40 years of migration to Europe (traditionally to France

and, more recently, to Spain and Italy), the Muslim brotherhoods of Senegal now

constitute a vast immigrant network.

Key words: human migration, migration and development, migrant networks and

diaspora communities.

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INTRODUCTION

rregular African migration is a growing concern for European policy-makers and

raises issues of integration and racial tensions within receiving societies. Migrant

networks and diaspora communities play critical roles in international migration, in

facilitating the movement and settlement of migrants in receiving countries. However,

Sub-Saharan African migration to Europe is now recognized as circular, with the

migrant eventually returning to the country of origin (Baldwin-Edwards, 2008). This

creates new challenges for integration and policy-making as well as new dynamics in

the relationship between the immigrant and receiving societies. Migrants who are less

concerned with settlement and integration in their adoptive country are more likely to

remain on the margins of that society. With this in mind, the author will be examining

African migrant perceptions of receiving countries in Mediterranean Europe through a

unique case study: Mouride and Tidjane street vendors from the Muslim brotherhoods

of Senegal in Paris, Barcelona and Rome.

It is through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in which identity, ideas and perceptions

are considered valuable contributions to International Relations, that this paper will

document the collective experiences of Senegalese street vendors in France, Spain and

Italy, and explore key issues, such as: individual motivations behind Senegalese

migration to Europe; migrant perceptions of receiving countries, both before and after

arrival; the role of social and religious networks in individual migration and settlement;

and the projected effects of collective migrant experiences on future South-North

migration flows.

What makes the case of the Mouride and Tidjane street vendors unique? Their

integration into their host country societies is limited by: 1) the temporary nature of

their migration to Europe; 2) their tendency to live and work as a collective, and engage

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in parallel economic activities1; 3) their Sufi Islamic religious beliefs; and 4) their strong

connection to the country of origin. With more than 40 years of migration to Europe

(traditionally to France and, more recently, to Spain and Italy), the Muslim brotherhoods

of Senegal now constitute a vast immigrant network.

ith the first waves of African immigration to Europe in the 1960s and 1970s

(France), it was originally assumed that immigrants would eventually return to

their country of origin. As Sniderman and Hagendoorn point out in When Ways of Life

Collide: Multiculturalism and its Discontents in the Netherlands, multiculturalism was born

out of the idea that immigrants “would (and should) leave.” (2007: 1) Therefore the

maintenance of cultural and linguistic ties to their home was encouraged. “The objective

was to equip them to leave – which is to say, to discourage them from staying.” (Ibid: 1)

In contemporary Europe, Muslim migration raises issues of integration and racial

tensions within receiving societies. At issue is “a collision of values” between Muslims

and Europeans, which is deepened by the belief, even among the most tolerant, “that

Muslim immigrants continue to give their loyalty to the country they come from, not the

country they have come to.” (Ibid: 11; Savage, 2004) As Sniderman and Hagendoorn

observe, “valuing a collective identity increases the likelihood of seeing it threatened;

seeing it threatened increases the likelihood the majority will reject the minority.” (2007:

6) By virtue of their ‘visibility’, African and Muslim immigrants in France, Spain and

Italy are easy targets in matters relating to immigration in those countries. As Begag

writes, “Today, in the collective imagination, immigrants are most easily defined as

Arabs, Muslims, Africans, being people of colour, recognizable physically and socially.”

(2006: 22) For this reason, the selection of a highly visible – both Sub-Saharan African

and Muslim – collective of street vendors as a sample immigrant community in Europe

seems highly relevant for study.

1Namelystreetsales.Thevendorssellcounterfeitgoodswithoutapermit,notnecessarilybychoice,butasamodeofsurvival.

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n his essay on immigration psychology, Berry describes ‘cultural identity’ as a

“complex set of beliefs and attitudes that people have about themselves in relation to

their culture group membership.” (2001: 620) Berry builds on this notion, contrasting

assimilation (“when individuals do not wish to maintain their cultural heritage and seek

daily interactions with other cultures”) and integration (“when there is an interest in

both maintaining one’s original culture and engaging in daily interactions with others”)

with separation (“when immigrants place a value on holding on to their original culture

and at the same time wish to avoid interaction with others”) and marginalization (“when

there is little possibility or interest in cultural maintenance and little interest in having

relations with others”) (2001: 619). The perception, it would seem, is that African

Muslim immigrants, and particularly those who plan to eventually return to the country

of origin, would tend to fall into the latter two categories. However the findings of this

research told otherwise, revealing instead that many of the Senegalese migrants

included in this study would be willing to integrate – even assimilate – into European

society, as will be discussed in Chapter 3.

Thesis structure

his paper has been broken down several sections. The first chapter outlines the

paper’s theoretical framework and the methodology used in this study. The second

chapter offers some background on the Senegalese Muslim brotherhoods, the

Mouridiyya and Tijaniyya, and their links to international migration. It will also examine

the history of Senegalese migration in Europe, comparing the traditional destination of

the former colonial power of France to the newer Mediterranean receiving countries of

Spain and Italy. Chapter 3 discusses this author’s research findings, drawing on the

ethnographic field study and semi-structured interviews with Senegalese migrants in

Paris, Barcelona and Rome. The findings will be compared to the much larger

quantitative study on Senegalese migration flows to France, Spain and Italy undertaken

by the MAFE-Sénégal project. Chapter 4 offers an analysis of the research findings. The

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concluding chapter will discuss the possible wider impact of these Senegalese migrant

perceptions on future migration trends and bilateral relations between Senegal and

Europe.

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CHAPTER 1.

1.1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

ccording to Koslowski (2002), migration does not easily fit within the context of

International Relations theory. However, in light of ongoing immigration

challenges in Europe and elsewhere, understanding and predicting international

migration flows, along with the management of irregular immigrants within individual

states or within regions, remain top priorities for world leaders. Therefore an

examination of the motivations behind irregular African migration to Europe can offer

insight into what has become one of the most pressing issues of the 21st century.

Motivations for migration are wide-ranging: from responses to macro- and micro-

economic factors or social pressures to the “culture of migration” within a society

(Massey et. al, 1993: 452). A strong tradition of migration, along with the establishment

of overseas migration networks, increases the likelihood of future migration in a given

society:

“At the community level, migration becomes deeply ingrained into the repertoire of

people’s behaviours, and values associated with migration become part of the

community’s values. For young men…migration becomes a rite of passage, and those

who do not attempt to elevate their status through international movement are

considered lazy, unenterprising, and undesirable.” (Ibid: 452-453)

The reasons for Senegalese migration are similarly manifold. There are pressures within

households and within societies to emigrate, and individuals may feel compelled to

respond to those pressures, or will act on their own desires to make something of

themselves. The vast majority of irregular migrants interviewed in this study mentioned

the lack of opportunity, shortage of work or relative low earnings in their home country

as their main motivators for migrating to Europe. Their expected earnings in the

receiving country may have been significantly higher than their actual income upon

arrival; however, for migrants from developing countries, even a low-paying job abroad

in hard currency can bring a certain level of prestige (Ibid: 442, 455).

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ntil now most scholarly study of irregular African migration to Europe has

focused on migration routes, flows of migration and the role of organizational

networks (Poeze, 2010). While the role of migration networks does come into play in this

study, the goal of this research is to focus on and document the motivations and

experiences of the migrants themselves in order to contribute to existing empirical data

on irregular migration from Senegal to Europe.

It is through a Constructivist theoretical lens, in which identity, ideas and perceptions

are considered valuable components in International Relations, that this paper will

document the perspectives of members of a unique African immigrant community –

Senegalese street vendors from two Sufi Muslim brotherhoods – and their experiences in

the host countries of Spain, France and Italy. The research will endeavour to determine

the motivations behind their migration and will discuss the role of transnational

migrant or religious networks, building on earlier scholarly articles that explore

connections between transnational religious networks and Senegalese migration (Riccio,

2001; Babou, 2002), particularly among the Mourides (Poeze, 2010). Finally, this paper

will explore the possibility that collective Senegalese migrant experiences could have an

impact on future cyclical migration patterns emanating from the predominantly Muslim

state of Senegal.

he concept of the ‘other’ as it relates to immigration has existed in International

Relations theory for some time. As Lebow notes, philosophers Kant and Hegel

considered “the creation of ‘others’ a necessary adjunct to state formation and national

solidarity, although they recognize an underlying common human identity.” (2008: 474)

In his controversial The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order,

Huntington writes, “The tendency to think in terms of two worlds recurs throughout

human history. People are always tempted to divide people into us and them, the in-

group and the other” (1996). In this context, Savage underscores “the growing Muslim

presence in Europe”, estimated at more than 23 million in 2003, and expected to double

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by 2015, raising issues of tolerance, social unity and further challenging modern notions

of European identity (2004: 26-28).

Identity, ideas and perceptions are key components of the Constructivism worldview,

which is founded upon two key tenets: “that the structures of human association are

determined primarily by shared ideas rather than by material forces, and that the

identities and interests of purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas rather

than given by nature” (Wendt, 1999: 1). Furthermore, “people define themselves in

terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, customs, and institutions. They

identify with cultural groups: tribes, ethnic groups, religious communities, nations, and,

at the broadest level, civilizations. People use politics not just to advance their interests

but also to define their identity” (Huntington, 1996). The Constructivist worldview

emerged at the end of the Cold War, when the Realist approach failed to explain or

predict the decline of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Berlin Wall (Blair and

Curtis, 2009: 146). Constructivist theories in International Relations “look to the

humanities and sociology for insights into how ‘reality,’ including the interests that

partially constitute the identity of actors, is socially constructed” (Katzenstein et. al.,

1998: 646). With this in mind, the author will examine both Muslim and West African

perceptions of Europe, giving importance to the individual, as part of the collective that

constitutes a well-defined cultural and religious group within the greater Senegalese

society. It is through these ‘snapshots’ that the wider picture of Senegalese migration

will emerge. In terms of International Relations, the transnational nature of Senegalese

migration, within the greater context of irregular African immigration to Europe, is an

extremely relevant topic for study.

1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

his paper examines African migrant perceptions of receiving countries in

Mediterranean Europe through a unique case study: Mouride and Tidjane street

vendors from the Islamic brotherhoods of Senegal in Paris, Rome and Barcelona. Issues

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raised during immigrant and key informant interviews that will be addressed in this

paper include: the individual motivations behind Mouride and Tidjane migration;

migrant perceptions of receiving countries both before and after arrival; the role of social

and religious networks in Senegalese migration and settlement; the projected effects of

collective migrant experiences on future South-North migration flows; and whether the

cumulative experiences of individual migrants could, through politically connected

Mouride migrant networks, have an eventual impact on bilateral diplomatic relations

between the governments of Senegal and the receiving countries of Europe.

1.3 METHODOLOGY

rom the outset, the author chose to follow a qualitative methodological approach

for her research to document and analyze a complex human issue or phenomenon,

namely the immigrant experiences of Senegalese street vendors in France, Spain and

Italy. According to Strauss and Corbin (1998), qualitative research methods are the most

effective means of exploring and understanding people’s life experiences, feelings,

thought processes and emotions. In keeping with the qualitative methodology, primary

data was collected through in-depth key informant interviews and semi-structured

questionnaires with 31 Mouride and Tidjane street vendors in Barcelona, Paris and

Rome.2 Data collection was enhanced through ethnographic fieldwork using the

Chicago School approach to participant-observation of the street vendors’ daily lives

(Emerson, 1983).

While the pure ethnographic approach requires that the researcher come to the data

collection stage without the bias of previous readings, some literature had been

reviewed prior to the initial interviews; however the author was conscious to keep an

open mind when writing the vendor questionnaires and conducting vendor interviews

2AsampleoftheSenegalesemigrantquestionnairecanbefoundinAppendix1onpage48.

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and let themes emerge from the data. For this reason, a modified grounded theory was

used. In keeping with the grounded theory approach, the author did not start with a

hypothesis, but used interviews and questionnaires to tap rich information sources and

looked to the data for emergent themes (Bowen, 2006). In keeping with the fluid nature

of data collection, the author has relied on a less structured inductive-deductive

approach to interpretation and analysis and opted to reveal the findings in an expanded,

narrative form rather than reducing the data to mere numbers and frequencies

(Saunders et. al., 2009). The author has chosen this flexible approach to analyze the

complex phenomenon of Senegalese migration through the lens of the Mouride and

Tidjane street vendors, which to date has received wider coverage in journal articles

dedicated to anthropology, sociology, migration and African studies.

uring the collection of qualitative data in the form of vendor interviews, the

researcher was conscious not to make assumptions about the direction of the

interviews and research. Furthermore the researcher was careful to include questions

that seemingly would have been answered in previous literature, to enable the

interviewees to give their own perspectives, which might even contradict reports in

previous academic journals. Due to the researcher coming to the interviews with a clear

mind and a blank slate, certain patterns emerged among the responses of the street

vendors that were later confirmed in in-depth informant and follow-up migrant

interviews. Alongside an extensive literature review, which included scholarly articles,

technical papers and media reports, this paper’s qualitative findings were further

reinforced by the statistical findings of the MAFE-Sénégal project spearheaded by the

French Institut National d’Études Démographiques (INES), which focuses on Senegalese

migration to France, Spain and Italy. It is important to note that the author of this study

intentionally did not include in the semi-structured migrant questionnaires sensitive

questions relating to clandestine immigration networks or human smuggling, earnings

from street sales, or amounts of monetary gifts or remittances sent to family or religious

leaders in Senegal. This was done out of consideration for the migrants’ privacy and to

facilitate the collection of other relevant data during a short period. However, once trust

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was established, information on those themes did naturally emerge in conversations and

interviews with key contacts and informants in all three cities.3

1.3.1. Data collection

Observational field study and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 31

Senegalese street vendors of the Tidjane and Mouride Muslim brotherhoods – 11 in

Paris, 7 in Rome and 13 in Barcelona. While the initial approach to finding interviewees

was to be utilizing the snowball technique4, through referrals from key contacts within

the Senegalese community and from the street vendors themselves, that approach failed

with the first interviews in Paris due to a limited timeframe for fieldwork and the

unwillingness of irregular immigrants to recommend another potential interviewee out

of fear of putting others ‘at risk’ of exposure to the media, police or immigration

authorities.

The initial interviewees were selected through the convenience sampling method, due to

the limited access to street vendors for study. Mouride and Tidjane street vendors from

Senegal were selected for the case study due to their well-established migrant network

in Europe, their strict adherence to Sufi Islam and ‘clean’, honest lifestyle.5 Furthermore,

it was seen to be a immigrant community that could provide great insight into the Sub-

Saharan African immigrant experience in Europe given that they were also more likely

to be migrants who had recently arrived in Europe, coupled with the fact that were

working on the ‘front lines’ in large cities in their respective receiving societies. The goal

was to document their experiences and perhaps counter negative stereotypes of certain

3Duetothebrevityofthisstudy,theauthorchosenottoincludefindingsonclandestineimmigrationorotherpotentiallysensitivethemesinthisdissertation.

4Wherebycontactsrecommendnewcontacts.

5InkeepingwiththeMuslimfaith,MouridesandTidjaniprayfivetimesadayanddonotconsumealcoholorrecreationaldrugs.Manydonotevensmokecigarettes.Theftandotherillegalactivitiesarestrictlyforbidden.

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highly visible immigrant communities. The three European cities of Paris, Barcelona and

Rome were chosen based on the known presence of street vendors and for being

relatively comparable as large urban centres in countries with strong inflows of

Senegalese migrants. France, as the former colonizer of Senegal, has been on the

receiving end of Senegalese migration flows for much longer than Spain and Italy, and

was included in this study with the view that the experiences of Senegalese vendors in

Paris (and Versailles) could provide an interesting contrast to the experiences of their

counterparts in the Mediterranean cities of Barcelona and Rome.

Interviews with street vendors were conducted between July 19 and August 26, 2010,

interspersed with observational field study during the same period. One key informant

interview with a representative of a Senegalese association in Barcelona was conducted

on August 28, 2010 to fill in gaps in the earlier research and further make sense of the

data. The author was forced to cancel some street vendor interviews in all three cities

due to time constraints.

As research progressed and trust was established with members of the street vendor

community, theoretical sampling followed. In most cases the initial semi-structured

interviews took between 30 minutes and one hour to conduct, depending on the

interviewee. On several occasions, interviews were completed within an hour, but the

conversation continued for another hour or more. A tape recording device was only

used for the very first migrant interview in Barcelona with the consent of the

interviewee, but tape recording was quickly abandoned due to widespread fear and

suspicion among Senegalese vendors of journalists, undercover police and immigration

officials, particularly in Paris. The researcher took notes and was careful to observe the

interviewee’s comfort level at all times. Interviews were conducted in French – one of

the official languages of Senegal – for consistency; however, on occasion, interviews

were conducted in Spanish, or a mixture of Spanish and French, at the interviewee’s

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request.6 The researcher made herself available for interviews at the convenience of the

interviewee and, where necessary, made arrangements to travel to a specified meeting

location selected by the interview subject. The interviews were conducted privately, in a

safe location chosen or agreed to by the interviewee, and only rarely were interviews

conducted while the street vendors were working.7 In the latter case, the interviewer

was careful not to interfere with the vendor’s work in any way, and accepted the risk

that, should the police come, the interview might be abandoned. Fewer interviews were

conducted in Rome due to the limited number of possible interview subjects, and the

language barrier.8 In keeping with the criteria outlined by Guest et. al. (2006), interviews

were conducted until theoretical saturation occurred, and no new themes emerged from

the data.

Field study was conducted in all three cities with the researcher adopting the

participant-observer approach to ethnographic fieldwork, with minimal disruption to

the natural setting. Once trust was established with key subjects, the researcher

observed the street vendors at work, or, when invited, accompanied vendors on daily

routines.9 Such observation allowed for greater insight into the daily realities of vendors

living in Europe.10

During data analysis, open coding was used to identify common threads and themes

emerging from the interviews, followed by selective coding to create in vivo categories

based on “the natural language of the participants” (Charmaz, 1983: 116). The author

6InSpain,someofthevendorsspokebetterSpanishthanFrench.

7ThiswasonlythecaseinPariswherevendorsworkedsuchlonghours–frommorninguntilthelastmetro–astomakeitimpossibletofindthetimetospeaktothem.

8SeveralSenegalesevendorshadbeeninItalysolongtheyhadforgottenFrench.

9SuchasbreakingthefastduringRamadan,orsharingaSenegalesemealortea.

10Suchvaluableinsightwouldinclude,amongotherthings,theabilitytowitnesspoliceencounterswiththestreetvendorsfirst‐handandtheofficers’treatmentofthevendors,aswellasvendorbehaviouruponthearrival(anddeparture)ofpolice.

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then created tables and used descriptive written memos to organize and explore

concepts and ideas.

1.3.2. Challenges

everal challenges arose during data collection due in part to the sensitive nature of

irregular immigration and what were perceived, as mentioned earlier, to be threats

to both the individual migrant and the Senegalese street vendor community as a

collective. Not long into the field study, it was observed that most of the street vendors

were irregular migrants and all of them were working without a permit to sell their

goods. Furthermore, the sale of counterfeit goods is illegal in the three countries in the

study, making their livelihoods even more precarious.11 For this reason, access to willing

interviewees was further challenged. Data collection challenges ranged from the

vendors’ unwillingness to talk to the author out of fear of journalists (negative media

coverage)12 and undercover police (arrest, fines, deportation), to language barriers in

Italy, to time constraints due to their long working hours, to limited access to

interviewees during the month of Ramadan.13

As mentioned earlier, Mouride and Tidjane street vendors were selected due to their

extensive migration network in the three countries. However, the original goal was to

include only Mouride street vendors in the study. The researcher had to adapt the case

study sample in Paris when Mouride vendors showed increasing suspicion towards her

11AuthoritiesinFranceandItalynotonlytargetthosewhosellcounterfeitgoods:thosewhobuythemalsofacefinesorevenjailtime,evenifpurchasesweremadeinothercountries(Howie,2010).SomemunicipalitiesinCataloniastartedthisprocessaswellin2010aspartofacrackdownonstreetvendors.(CarrancoandBalsells,2010)

12OfparticularconcerntoMouridestreetvendorsinParisand,toalesserextent,inRomewasthe2009Frenchtelevisiondocumentary,“Lamultinationaledesvendeursàlasauvette”,whichusedhiddencamerasduringinterviewswithstreetvendorsinParistodepicttheMouridebrotherhoodinanegativelight.

13StrictMuslimsdonotapproveofcontactbetweenmenandwomenwhoarenotmarriedduringRamadan.Thisposedaproblemforliningupdaytimeinterviewsduringtheholymonth(August 11-September 10, 2010),astheauthorisfemale.

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research.14 After encountering a significant number of Tidjane street vendors in both

Paris and Barcelona, the decision was made to include both groups in the study as their

religions are similar (the “brotherhoods coexist in perfect harmony”) and it was not seen

to detract from the goals of the research. (Ndiaye, 2005; 93)

14EvenwhenproofofCanadiannationalityandSpanishIDandstudentcardswereproduced,somevendorsrefusedtobelievetheauthorwasnotFrench,orajournalistoraspy.

16

CHAPTER 2. BACKGROUND

2.1 THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOODS OF SENEGAL

uslim brotherhoods constitute a phenomenon unique to Senegal, and have

played a key role in the country’s political and cultural history. Following

Senegal’s independence from France in 1960, the brotherhoods were already well

established and continued to grow in popularity and membership (Ndiaye, 2005). In a

country with a population of 13 million, where 94 per cent of the population is Muslim,

90 per cent of Senegalese Muslims belong to one of four Muslim brotherhoods: Tijaniyya

(Tidjani), Mouridiyya (Mourides), Qadiriyya (Khadres) or Layenne (Layennes) (CIA, 2010;

Cernadas, 2008; Riccio, 2004; Loum, 2005). Tidjane disciples are the most numerous

accounting for approximately half of all brotherhood membership, followed by the

Mourides at roughly one third, with the smaller two brotherhoods sharing the

remaining 15 per cent (Cernadas, 2008). The Mouride brotherhood is the most

influential, both politically and economically, and counts Senegalese President

Abdoulaye Wade among its followers (Ibid; Ndiaye, 2005).

The political influence of the marabouts15 (“force maraboutique”) and the Sufi Muslim

brotherhoods (“puissance confrérique”) in Senegal is without parallel elsewhere in West

Africa (Loum, 2005: 362). In fact, Mourides enjoy considerable political pull in Senegal

through their marabouts, which leads to a culture of clientelism in the country, whereby

the politician protects the interests of the marabout, who reciprocates by ensuring,

through the sheer numbers of his disciples, the politician remains in power (Bava and

Bleitrach, 1995). Wade has provided significant investment and infrastructure to Touba

in exchange for both political support and spiritual guidance (Richard, 2009).

15“AmaraboutisapersonalspiritualleaderintheIslamfaithaspracticedinWestAfrica.ThemaraboutisoftenascholaroftheQur’an,andmanymakeamuletsforgoodluck,presideatvariousceremonies,andinsomecasesactivelyguidethelifeofthefollower.”(Willems,2007:43)

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In Europe, Mouride and Tidjane street vendors work collectively on the streets of cities

such as Barcelona, Paris and Rome, hawking sunglasses, fake Rolex watches, souvenirs

and imitation Louis Vuitton handbags supplied by Senegalese traders with connections

to Asian markets. Conspicuous in their ambulatory nature, their choice of location and

their tendency to operate in groups, these vendors, known colloquially as modou modou16

in Senegal and Italy, “manteros” (“top manta”)17 in Spain and “vendeurs à la sauvette”18 in

France, can commonly be found peddling their goods near heavily touristed zones such

as the Eiffel Tower in Paris, the Barcelona waterfront or the Pantheon in Rome (Ibid;

Riccio, 2001). Because these Mouride and Tidjane vendors, usually young males

between the ages of 18 and 35, operate without a licence, they have a means of quickly

bundling up their wares at the first sign of police (Richard, 2009).

2.1.1 MOURIDES

he Mourides are followers of a traditional branch of Sufi mysticism, or Islam

maraboutique, with its holy capital in the city of Touba, Senegal (Coulon, 1981).

Mouridism had its beginnings in the 19th century when its founder, Cheikh Amadou

Bamba (1850-1924), introduced Islam to the Wolof of Senegal under colonial rule (Ibid).

Its form of Sufi Islam is based on mysticism, saints and spiritual guides. Amadou

Bamba, the son and grandson of respected marabouts, filled a spiritual need during the

colonial era and soon enjoyed a wide following (Magassouba, 1985). In 1887, he

established the capital of Mouridism in his hometown of Touba, where to this day

16Incommonparlance,theterm“modoumodou”hascometodescribeyoungSenegalesemigrantswhoworkinEuropeorabroadastradersorstreetvendors.ItisbelievedtobederivedfromthenamesMamadouorMohamadu(Riccio,2005;Sow,2004).

17“Topmanta”literallymeans“topblanket”,areferencetothevendors’tendencytosellthingslaidoutonaclothontheground.

18TheFrenchtermisatongue‐in‐cheekreferencetothewayinwhichthevendorssesauvent,or“dashoff”,“escape”atthefirstsignofpolice,butonlyforshortperiods–hencethediminutive–etteending–onlytoreturnassoonasthepolicearegone.Aliteral,butawkward,translationwouldthereforebe:“vendorswhomakelittleescapes”.

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disciples make the annual pilgrimage, or magal, to the largest mosque in Sub-Saharan

Africa (Riccio, 2001). His outspoken opposition to the colonial powers of the day

resulted in his deportation to Gabon in 1895 for seven years, and Mauritania for four

(Magassouba, 1985; Ndiaye, 2005). However, his years in exile only served to fuel his

popularity in the eyes of the Senegalese, and inspired his followers to venture abroad as

he did (Magassouba, 1985; Guèye, 2009; Bava and Bleitrach, 1995). Disciples of the

Mouride brotherhood are encouraged to go abroad, work hard and send home

remittances to support their families and religious leaders, the marabouts, in return for

spiritual guidance. Indeed, the Mourides believe that work is equivalent to prayer

(Riccio, 2001: 7-8). Unlike other more elitist brotherhoods in Senegal, Mouridism was a

popular movement, its followers made up of former slaves, artisans and traders – those

who would benefit most from the Mouride doctrine of “hard work as the way of

salvation” (Ebin, 1996, as quoted by Riccio, 2001: 5). While exact numbers of Mourides

residing in Senegal is unclear, the network of Mouride followers has been estimated at

well over 3 million.19

2.1.2 TIDJANI

he largest Sufi order in West Africa, the Tijaniyya, or Tidjani order, was founded by

Cheikh Ahmed al-Tijani in Fez, Morocco in 1784 (“La Tariqa Tidjaniya”, 2005). The

Tidjani way was brought to Senegal by al-Hajj Umar Tall in the 19th century (Wright,

n.d.). It gained a wide following under French colonial rule in the Futa Toro region of

Senegal, along the Senegal River valley, near the border with Mauritania (Soares, 2004).

Followers of the Senegalese branch are largely Halpulaaren20 and its holy capital is

Tivaouane (Ndiaye, 2005). Unlike the Mouride founder, al-Tijani did not claim to be a

descendent of the Prophet, rather his connection came as Mohammed appeared before

19Figurebasedondemographiccalculationsmentionedpreviouslyinthisreport.

20 SpeakersofPulaar,oneofthelanguagesofSenegal.

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him (“La Tariqa Tidjaniya”, 2005). To date, scholarly study of the Tidjane brotherhood

has been limited compared to that of the Mourides, and therefore the phenomenon of

the more recent Tidjane migration to Europe is less known (Soares, 2004). However,

Riccio has observed that Tidjane migrants occasionally make use of Mouride migrant

and trade networks (2004).

2.2 SENEGALESE MIGRATION TO EUROPE

istorically, there existed many reasons for economic migration in Sub-Saharan

Africa – to escape unstable governments, ethnic conflict or increasing

desertification (Baldwin-Edwards, 2008). Today’s migration patterns in the region can

best be described as circular – emigration, diaspora, return – and this applies to the

majority of Senegalese migrants discussed in this paper (Ibid). West Africa has long

been considered a nomadic region, and Senegal is no exception as it is home to the

nomadic Fulani tribe, the largest of its kind in the region (Ibid).

Senegal is widely regarded as one of the most stable and peaceful countries in Africa;

however, its economy has steadily worsened in recent years largely due to government

mismanagement and the country’s heavy reliance on foreign aid (Willems, 2007). Since

the 1980s, its population has been faced with high unemployment and few career

prospects (CIA, 2010; Ba and Ndiaye, 2008). Today, less than three per cent of the

population receives a regular salary; the rest are engaged in informal economic

activities, such as street sales, doing anything they can to make a living (Al Jazeera

English, 2010). With low literacy levels and unemployment hovering above 18%,

Senegal continues to slide down the rankings of UNDP’s Human Development Index. In

2009, it ranked 166 out of 182 countries, below Eritrea and above Rwanda, but falling far

below countries such as Haiti and Bangladesh (UNDP, 2009).

Senegalese youth, in particular, have been affected by a worsening economic situation,

‘pushing’ them to leave the country for Europe in search of opportunities (Riccio, 2005;

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CIA, 2010; Ba and Ndiaye, 2008). Remittances from migrants living abroad have become

key to the survival of many Senegalese families. According to World Bank data, inward

remittance flows from Senegalese nationals totalled almost US$1.3 billion in 2008,

accounting for 9.8 per cent of the country’s GDP for that year. Those figures reflect

“officially recorded” remittances, whereas “the true size of remittances, including

unrecorded flows through formal and informal channels, is believed to be much larger”

(World Bank, 2008). According to Willems, “taking into account the large number of

informal systems to send money home, it has been suggested that this amount should be

trebled” (2007: 27). Indeed, monetary transfers are essential to Senegal’s development,

writes Riccio, quoting a Senegalese migrant living in Italy: “without [the] modou modou,

Senegal would be on its knees. Remittances are the real source of development of the

country” (2001: 11). Given all these factors combined, it is understandable that Senegal

has developed a culture of migration, which has only strengthened over time.

2.2.1 France

enegalese migration to Europe dates back to the colonial era, but increased

significantly in the 1960s, following Senegal’s independence from France (Poeze,

2010). The wave of migrants during the post-war period included students attending

French universities, who would later form the country’s intellectual elite leading up to

independence (Willems, 2007). Even after Senegal’s independence, “France provided

political advisors and economic aid, French companies dominated commerce and

industry, and the French military maintained a sizeable presence in the country.” (Al

Jazeera English, 2010) Senegal’s strong “ideological links” to France, namely the French

language, a tied currency and French-style institutions, meant migration to France

represented a much easier transition than to other European nations (Massey et. al.,

1993: 446). During the 1960s and 1970s, male workers left their families behind in

Senegal to work in France, filling that country’s demand for labour, followed by an

increase in family reunifications (Poeze, 2010; Flahaux et. al., 2010). Those migration

flows decreased in 1977 when high unemployment prompted the French government to

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halt family reunifications if only temporarily (Weil, 2008; Poeze, 2010). Then, with the

tightening of borders in France in the 1980s, Senegalese migrants began to favour Italy,

and later Spain (Riccio, 2004).

Since his election in 2007, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, formerly the country’s

interior minister, has moved to toughen immigration laws and has cracked down on

illegal immigration (Bennhold, 2007). Sarkozy’s tough stance has contributed to a

climate of fear among irregular immigrants in that country.

2.2.2 Spain

n recent years, an increasing number of Sub-Saharan Africans have been using Spain

as both a transit country – a gateway to Europe – and a desirable destination within

Europe with the goal of improving their economic situation (Riccio, 2001; Carling, 2007).

Since the 1990s, even migrants from French-speaking Sub-Saharan Africa were breaking

with tradition and opting to stay in Spain over their former colonial power, France

(Lessault and Beauchemin, 2009; Carling, 2007). The economic boom in Spain

contributed to a surge in population, from 39.6 million in 1996 to 46 million in 2008,

largely owing to an increase in immigration (Martínez Codina et. al., 2010). Senegalese

immigrants were the second most represented African nationality migrating to Spain

between 2004 and 2009, behind only Moroccans, with Senegalese migrant inflows

peaking in 2007 at 10,261, more than five times the level recorded seven years earlier

(INE, 2009). Some analysts argue that Spain’s regularization of unauthorized and

undocumented immigrants since the early 1990s resulted in migrants favouring Spain

over other European countries (Carling, 2007).21 Whatever the reason, as of 2008, Spain

ranked among the top ten countries in the world for incoming immigration, with 5.2

million newcomers (Martínez Codina et. al, 2010; World Bank, 2008).

21ThistheorywasconfirmedinstreetvendorinterviewsinBarcelona.

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22

Between 2000 and 2007, an average of 350 fishing boats, or pirogues,22 filled with

unauthorized African migrants were intercepted in Spanish coastal waters each week

(Carling, 2007). Reports of overloaded boats attempting to reach the Canary Islands,

Sub-Saharan Africans who died attempting to storm or scale the fences separating

Morocco from the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, and the thousands of deaths

and drownings associated with these migrations, made headlines and drew

international political attention to clandestine Sub-Saharan African migration to Europe

(Ibid; Howden, 2005; Lessault and Beauchemin, 2009). The risks associated with

reaching a wealthy European country were great, with one in five sea crossings

resulting in death, but the ‘pull effect’ of Madrid’s immigrant regularization programs

and Spain as a gateway to Fortress Europe were much greater for would-be migrants

(Carling, 2007; Lessault and Beauchemin, 2009; Howden, 2005; Poeze, 2010). In addition,

the Spanish government further facilitated the migrants’ journey by transferring

unauthorized migrants landing on the Canary Islands to mainland cities, such as

Madrid or Barcelona. This effort to reduce pressure on the island populations had Sub-

Saharan African migrants increasingly favouring the Canary Islands route over making

the dangerous Strait of Gibraltar crossing (Carling, 2007). Then clandestine immigration

to Spain by sea dropped dramatically in 2009, largely due to Spain’s intensified patrols

of its coastline and monitoring and repatriation agreements with several African

governments, including Morocco and Senegal (Gimeno, 2010). However, clandestine

immigration would find new routes to Europe in the form of illegal visas, or overstaying

of legal visas, and human smuggling by plane, as confirmed by information gathered in

this study (Diatta, 2010; Ba and Ndiaye, 2008).

22WoodenSenegalesefishingboats.

23

2.2.3 Italy

nitial Senegalese migration to Italy was spurred by restrictive measures in France in

the 1980s, with 1989 being the peak year of Senegal-to-Italy migration (Grillo and

Riccio, 2004). Migrants from Senegal were initially employed in the factories, quarries

and mills in Northern Italy, leading to Senegalese settlements in the provinces of Brecia,

Bergamo and Veneto (Colombo and Sciortino, 2004). In 1990, Senegalese nationals living

in Italy were among the top five nationalities granted Italian residence permits for that

year. By 1999, the number of residence permits granted to Senegalese nationals had

almost doubled, from 21,073 to 40,089 (Ibid). The existence of Senegalese migrant

networks has over time facilitated further Senegalese migration to Italy (Ibid).

According to Grillo and Riccio, the majority of Senegalese migrants in Italy were male,

Wolof-speaking and members of the Mouride brotherhood, who had come to Italy

because they could not find work at home or they were lured by the prospect of ‘easy

money’ in Europe (2004; Riccio, 2004). Furthermore, as recently as 2004, street-selling

remained a “characteristic occupation” among Senegalese in Italy, with Senegalese

migrants expressing their interest in maintaining a transnational lifestyle, whereby they

could live part of the year in Italy and part of the year in Senegal, “‘making the best of

both countries’” (Riccio, 2004: 933). However, the conservative Italian Prime Minister

Silvio Berlusconi has taken a hard-line approach against illegal immigration in recent

years, with tougher penalties, including prison terms for undocumented migrants

(Povoledo, 2008). The impact of such measures was reflected in this study, as

undocumented street vendors in Rome expressed concerns about racism, arrest and

deportation.

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CHAPTER 3. RESEARCH FINDINGS

hile the data sample was small, findings of the 31 street vendors interviews

using semi-structured questionnaires confirmed more extensive quantitative

studies of Senegalese migration to France, Spain and Italy, namely the MAFE-Sénégal

project. Interestingly, some of the research findings of this paper failed to confirm

theories put forth in earlier scholarly articles on Senegalese street vendors, perhaps due

to changing economic conditions, or due to the changing attitudes of the vendors

themselves. Those discrepancies included the street vendors’ motivations to come to

Europe, their desire to return to Senegal and the role of transnational social or religious

networks in facilitating their journey and settlement in the receiving country.

Contrary to previous scholarly articles (Riccio, 2001; Babou, 2002), in which migrant

networks are said to play a critical role in international migration, in facilitating the

movement, settlement and integration of migrants in receiving countries, this study of

Senegalese street vendors did not determine that migrants necessarily rely upon or

receive assistance from either their religious brotherhood or migrant network. Networks

were strongest in Italy, followed by France, where 50% of migrants indicated that they

had received assistance from their religious brotherhood or other street vendors. This

does not refute the fact that migrant networks could have facilitated the settlement of

street vendors in each city or country; however, it is merely an observation that migrant

networks proved less influential than might be expected. It is also possible that

questions about migrant networks or religious brotherhoods playing a role in the

migration, settlement or livelihoods of vendors evoked negative responses from

interviewees as a reaction to media reports criticizing the Mouride brotherhood and

street vendors in Paris. In this sense, the solidarity among the Mouride and Tidjane

street vendors, if measured another way, could prove to be very strong, whereby their

loyalty to their brotherhood promotes a climate of secrecy, to protect the image of their

religious leaders and the religion itself.

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At least 81% of the Senegalese street vendors in this study were found to be irregular

immigrants (sans-papiers) in their receiving European countries, and 48% indicated that

having papers (residence permit and the entitlement to work) and a steady job (not

street sales) were necessary prior to their return to Senegal. Ninety per cent expressed

the desire to return to Senegal permanently, but with the ability to travel and work

freely between Senegal and Europe. Reasons for leaving their home country were

almost unanimously the desire to work, to earn a living, to support their family, or to

have a better life. Destination countries were largely chosen on the basis of ease of

regularization, ability to make money, availability of work and proximity to friends and

loved ones.

In this study, racism and integration into European society would be emergent themes.

Over half (58%) of the Senegalese vendors interviewed expressed some disappointment

with their reception by members of the receiving societies and cited racist attitudes of

police and individuals in all three countries included in this report. While 73% of

migrants were receptive to the idea of integrating into European society, those

respondents who expressed concerns about negative European attitudes towards black

Africans and the Islamic faith cited those factors as major obstacles to their ability and

willingness to integrate. A question on integration (‘assimilation’), partial integration

(‘integration’) or segregation was posed to interviewees, with 46% preferring to keep

their Muslim Senegalese culture even while living amongst Europeans, constituting a

demand for integration rather than an assimilation approach to immigrant settlement in

the receiving societies.23 To those respondents who were not married a further question

was posed as to whether they would consider marrying a ‘toubab’.24 This question was

included to gauge their willingness to integrate as intermarriage is often viewed as the

quickest route to integration (Begag, 2006). However, among a small, yet unquantified

23DefinitionsinquotationsonceagainrefertoBerry’sdefinitionsofassimilation,integration,separationandmarginalization(2001:619).

24ASenegalesetermforwhiteEuropeansorWesterners.(Riccio,2004:939)

26

percentage of younger, unmarried respondents in Spain, it became clear that they would

consider marrying a European with one goal in mind: to have residential documents.

After exhausting all other legal avenues for regularization and with bureaucratic delays

in receiving one’s carte de séjour (residential document), such a quick-fix solution to their

immigration problems holds strong appeal. This attitude was particularly prevalent

among interviewees in Spain, whereas in France most vendors were averse to the notion

of marrying a European and seemed keen to return to Senegal to find a wife.

he selection of 31 Mouride and Tidjane street vendors interviewed through

random, convenience sampling in Paris, Barcelona and Rome revealed some key

commonalities including average education levels, aspirations in Europe, overall

willingness to return to Senegal on a permanent or semi-permanent basis, adhesion to

religious beliefs and rituals, and solidarity among vendors. All those interviewed for

this study were males between the ages of 17 and 53, with an almost even split between

Tidjanes and Mourides in each city.25 A majority (61%) of the vendors were single, with

a higher concentration of slightly older, married vendors (average age 33) living in

Rome. Interestingly, 57% of vendors in Rome were married, which was in sharp contrast

to the younger, mostly single street vendor communities of Paris (average age 25; 64%

single) and Barcelona (average age 26; 69% single). Fittingly, street vendors in Rome had

also been away from Senegal the longest (eight years on average), compared to vendors

interviewed in Paris (four years) and Barcelona (three years).

Contrary to the image of irregular immigrants arriving by boat, most of the street

vendors interviewed arrived by plane (71%), either overstaying their visas or having

purchased short-term tourist visas and a flight through human smugglers.26 Not

25Themajorityofrespondents(81%)wereWolof,whiletherestwereHalpulaaren,orPulaar‐speaking(16%),orMandinka(3%).

26Asmentionedpreviously,directquestionsonclandestineimmigrationwerenotincludedinthemigrantsurveys;howeverasmallnumberofkeycontactsvolunteeredinformationonceconfidencelevelswereestablished.

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surprisingly, the highest concentration of arrivals by boat or pirogue was among street

vendors working in Barcelona (46% of Barcelona vendors, making up 67% of all

interviewees). In some cases, the vendors had made up to three attempted crossings

from Mauritania or Senegal to the Canary Islands.

An overwhelming majority (90%) of the vendors interviewed expressed interest in

returning to Senegal permanently and 71% had not returned to Senegal at all since their

arrival in Europe.27 Of those vendors who had some idea of when they would return to

Senegal, 48% indicated that the time would come as soon as they had their documents

(residence/working permit) in the receiving country. However, there were seen to be

some contradictions in those initial projected return rates, with the respondents

indicating that if life improved in Europe, and if they were able to work in a regular job,

they might consider staying in the receiving country, and making regular “navettes”

(shuttling) between Europe and Senegal.

Education levels of the respondents varied widely, from almost no schooling, sewing

school or Koranic studies, to some completion of high school, to university degrees in

philosophy and civil engineering. Several of the respondents indicated that they had left

jobs behind, in masonry, construction or as a small-business owner. Others lamented

leaving their studies early to come to Europe. The highest concentration of street

vendors with some university education was in Paris (36% of Parisian respondents),

followed by Rome (28%), while in Barcelona 62% of respondents had some high school

education28, but none of the interviewees had attended university.

27InSpain,92%ofintervieweeshadnotreturnedtoSenegal,likelyduetotheirrelativelyrecentarrivalinEurope,comparedto55%inParisand57%inRome.

28 According the French collège/lycée system, whereby the former is similar to junior high school and the latter to senior secondary schooling. In Paris, another 36% had completed some high school education, while in Rome another 29% had received some secondary education.

28

3.1 ROLE OF RELIGIOUS OR MIGRANT NETWORK

hen asked about their social and religious network in the receiving cities, and

the solidarity among the Mourides or the Tidjanes, all respondents agreed that

members of their Muslim brotherhoods would meet regularly at the mosque or during

weekly meetings at the dahira.29 However, contrary to earlier theories put forth in other

scholarly literature about the strength of the migrant network and social capital, among

Mourides in particular, the vendors denied receiving much support from their

respective Muslim brotherhood or religious network. Only those respondents who had

lived in Italy suggested that the brotherhood was organized and had helped them find a

job as a street vendor and a place to stay (54% of all respondents and 67% of

respondents in Rome). Again, the solidarity among Senegalese adherents to Sufi Islam

in Italy might be due to the difficulties immigrants face there in terms of strict

immigration policies, perceived racism and a language barrier. Other kinds of support

cited in migrant interviews included advice on working as a vendor, with three

respondents indicating that their Muslim brotherhood or migrant network had helped

them get a visa or papers, or helped finance their trip from Senegal. One respondent

said the brotherhood had supported his trip in a pirogue “with prayers.”30

29Thedahiraisalocalassociationwherefollowersofaparticularbrotherhoodormaraboutassemble“toprayanddiscussreligiousmatters.”(Riccio,2004:933)

30SeealsoMigrantCommentTable1,“Solidarityandstrengthofmigrantnetwork”,Appendix2,page52.

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Table 1. Role of religious or migrant network

Network helped How religious or migrant network helped

Yes No

Paris 50% 50% Job, housing, advice

Rome 67% 33% Job, housing

Barcelona 46% 54% Job, housing, advice, papers, visa, financed trip

3.2 PERCEPTIONS OF RECEIVING COUNTRIES

ey to this study was gauging the migrants’ perceptions of receiving countries

before and after arrival, and whether the experience had been positive or negative

overall. Emergent themes in these findings were the perception of Europe as an El

Dorado prior to emigration, followed by what many described as “the Great

Deception”: the recognition that life in Europe wasn’t easy, that there were no jobs,

money was not easily made and that immigrants were not warmly welcomed by

receiving societies. The richness of their responses reflects their array of experiences, but

nonetheless reveals common themes of expectation and disappointment.31

Remarkably, despite the hardship, 77% of the street vendors surveyed stating that

coming to Europe had been a good experience. Interestingly, the biggest deception was

felt in Paris, where only 64% believed it had been a positive experience, compared to

86% in Rome and 85% in Barcelona.32 The greater sense of deception among migrants in

31SeeMigrantCommentTables2.1“Perceptionsofreceivingcountrybeforearrival:ElDorado”and2.2,“Perceptionsofreceivingcountryafterarrival:TheGreatDeception”,Appendix2,pages53‐54.

32SeealsoMigrantCommentTable3,“HascomingtoEuropebeenagoodexperience?”,Appendix2,page55.

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France could be due to the higher expectations prior to arrival. In light of their country’s

former colonial ties and shared ideologies with France, migrants in Paris might have

believed their situation would be better than it turned out to be.

Table 2. Perception of receiving country

Positive experience Negative experience

Paris 64% 36%

Rome 86% 14%

Barcelona 85% 15%

Total (all countries) 77% 23%

When the vendors were asked if they would be willing to live in the receiving country

permanently, 55% said yes; however four respondents were only willing to stay if

certain conditions were met, namely having papers (2 cases), a job (1) or a job and

papers (1). In Paris, only 45% of vendors indicated they would be willing to stay under

any conditions, compared to Rome’s 57% (with papers), and Barcelona’s 62% (with jobs

and papers). However, if neither jobs nor papers were available, only 42% of all

Senegalese vendors would be willing to stay in all three countries combined, and only

29% would be willing to stay in Rome, compared to 46% in Barcelona. Interestingly,

much of the reasoning behind migrant responses on whether they would or would not

consider settling in Europe corresponds with later data on their dissatisfaction with their

current economic or employment situation, perceptions of the host society and

authorities, such as the police, combined with their longing for acceptance, and desire to

preserve their Senegalese Muslim traditions and values.33

33SeealsoMigrantCommentTable4,“OnwhethervendorscouldstayinEuropepermanently”,Appendix2,page55.

31

Table 3. Migrant willingness to stay in receiving country permanently

Willingness to stay Willingness to stay, with conditions

Paris 45% 45%

Rome 29% 57% (with papers)

Barcelona 46% 62% (with jobs, papers)

Total (all countries) 42% 55%

Almost half (48%) of the vendors complained that the most difficult aspect about their

life in Europe was working as a street vendor, while 77% of respondents indicated they

would rather leave street sales for a regular job. Other common problems included

racism, being far from their friends and families, and running from the police.34

It was discovered that 62% of Senegalese vendors in all three cities had experienced

some racism, or misunderstandings about their culture. Recurrent themes relating to

this question included close-mindedness and ignorance, closed societies and the lack of

labour opportunities available for Sub-Saharan Africans. However, tolerance on the part

of the migrants toward the receiving societies was reflected throughout the research

findings alongside accounts of discrimination against them.35 This accepting attitude

was underscored by the characteristic phrase that there were good people and bad

people, “like everywhere in the world.”36

34SeealsoMigrantCommentTable5,“MostdifficultaspectaboutlifeinEurope”,Appendix2,page56.

35SeealsoMigrantCommentTable6, “Howdoyou find thepeople in the receiving country?”,Appendix2,page57. 36ResponsetomigrantsurveyinParis.

32

ll of the migrants included in this study had made an effort to learn the local

language either through classes or “dans la rue”.37 In France, language was

generally not an issue, but language acquisition is a key factor in integration. In this

regard, Spain seemed to have the upper hand in terms of getting the street vendors to

class. Free or subsidized Spanish classes were attended by 92% of respondents living in

Barcelona, with some of them indicating that they would attend classes in Catalan, the

official language of Catalonia, once they had mastered Spanish. In contrast, 71% of street

vendors in Italy had learned the language dans la rue, by speaking with Italians or

learning from other street vendors.

In terms of integrating fully into European society or remaining in a predominantly

Senegalese Muslim environment, 27% of the street vendors surveyed indicated that they

were willing to fully assimilate, while another 27% expressed the wish to remain in a

Senegalese Muslim environment (segregation or separation). The remaining 46%

expressed a preference for integration while maintaining their culture. There were no

clear cases of what Berry describes as “marginalization” in this study, however it is

possible that the desires of the vendors to integrate are not always fulfilled (2001: 620).38

Interestingly, proportionally the street vendors were more willing to integrate fully

(assimilate) into Spanish or Italian culture than French society, despite linguistic and

ideological ties.

37Literaltranslation:“inthestreet”.Referencetolearningalanguagebytalkingtoothers.

38Migrantvulnerabilities,whichnaturallyleadtoorstemfrommarginization,willbediscussedfurtherinChapter4.

A

33

Table 4. Migrant willingness to integrate into receiving society

Full integration (assimilation)

Predominantly Senegalese Muslim environment (segregation or separation)

Integration, with culture (integration)

All migrants

27% 27% 46%

Respondents who were willing to fully integrate (assimilate) into European society cited

the following reasons for their choice:

Table 5. Reasons for willingness to integrate into receiving society

“Senegalese people have a good reputation here.” -ROME1

“We need to integrate into the society where we live.” -ROME7

Would like to integrate “because I’m here.” -BCN3

“If you live here, you have to live like the people do here. You can’t live like a Senegalese person here.” -BCN12

One final question on integration was posed, as to whether the unmarried respondents

would ever consider marrying a toubab (European). Of the 20 unmarried men, 45%

would marry a European, while 30% said “I don’t know”/”maybe”. The remaining 25%

said no. Again, the single Senegalese men were more interested in

integration/intermarriage in Italy (100%) and Spain (56% yes; 44% maybe), while most

respondents in France (63%) indicated that they would rather not marry a European.

Table 6. Migrant willingness to marry a European

Marriage with a European Yes No Don’t know/maybe

All single migrants (20) 45% 25% 30%

34

espite their trade, street vendors involved in this study expressed, for the most

part, respect and understanding towards police and authorities in the receiving

country, with 61% of respondents indicating that there were “good and bad” (”nice” or

“mean”) police, and that the officers were just “doing their job” when they arrested

vendors, took their bags or gave them fines. Another 36% described the police as an

impediment to their job as a street vendor. The remaining 3% described the police as

violent. Nonetheless, even vendors who appeared to have some tolerance towards

police described incidents of police brutality or uttering of threats, or called police

“thieves” for taking the vendors’ money and/or merchandise without filling out the

required paperwork. Nineteen per cent of respondents shared this view.39

Eighty-four per cent of respondents said the general perception of Europe among

Senegalese people living in Senegal is that of an “El Dorado”, “paradise” or “a dream”,

where jobs are plentiful and money is easily made. However, 84% of vendors indicated

that when talking about their experience in Europe, they (would) advise their friends

and family to “stay in Senegal”, ”life is hard”, or “Europe isn’t easy”. When asked if

they believed their negative experiences would affect or curtail future Senegalese

migration to Europe, 62% of vendors surveyed said yes, “things will change”. However,

the remaining 38% were less optimistic about a slowdown in Senegalese emigration to

Europe, stating that people think they’re lying if they say life is difficult in Europe.40

The reason for disbelief among Senegalese society at large of the hardships faced by

migrants in Europe is largely the fault of the migrants themselves. Returning migrants

have been known to flaunt their successes abroad, regardless of their true situation. This

ostentation subsequently fuels Senegalese stereotypes of Europe as an El Dorado.

39SeealsoMigrantCommentTable7,“Policecanbeabusive”,Appendix2,page58.

40SeealsoMigrantCommentTable8,“FutureSenegalesemigrationtoEurope”,Appendix2,page59.

D

35

Would-be migrants might also believe that the opportunist modou modou are trying to

dissuade them from coming to Europe because they want to keep the riches for

themselves.

Table 7. Migrant view on future migration

Future Senegalese migration to Europe will be affected Yes No

All migrants 62% 38%

3.3 CURRENT MIGRATION STUDIES (MAFE-SÉNÉGAL)

The MAFE-Sénégal41 project examined return migration patterns between Senegal and

the receiving countries of France, Spain and Italy. Its quantitative data is based on

interviews with 1,067 individual migrants, non-migrants or members of migrant

families in Senegal and 602 migrants in Europe (199 in France, 203 in Italy and 200 in

Spain). While the research sample was skewed to include a higher representation of

females (50%) and older migrants (aged 25-70), much of the data reflects the research

findings of this dissertation.

Findings of the MAFE-Sénégal study pointed to the strength of migrant networks, such

as family, friends or other contacts in the receiving countries as key factors in

influencing the migrant’s choice of country. Echoing the findings of this study on

Mouride and Tidjane street vendors, the MAFE-Sénégal data found the main

motivations for Senegalese migration to Europe were economic – to find work or due to

lack of employment opportunities at home. The MAFE-Sénégal study also revealed

patterns of repeat migration, noting that a history of migration in a family or community

led to a strong propensity of further migration. This trend, as noted by Massey et. al.,

was also observed in this study, whereby Senegalese street vendors described

41MAFEstandsfor“MigrationsbetweenAfricaandEurope”.

36

themselves as second- or third-generation migrants to Europe or mentioned fathers and

sons working together as vendors or traders.42

According to the MAFE-Sénégal data, there also appeared to be a strong propensity for

migrants to go to France to study, something that could reflect the higher education

levels among Senegalese street vendors interviewed in Paris.

Of note, the MAFE-Sénégal study found that regularization policies did not necessarily

increase migration flows to a given country, and likewise restrictive immigration

measures did not necessarily stem the flow of irregular immigration to any of the

European countries included in the study. Another interesting revelation was that

remittances and investment in the home country did not decrease among irregular

migrants. On the contrary, irregular Senegalese migrants in all three European countries

sent home slightly more remittances overall than their documented counterparts.43

Members of the MAFE-Sénégal team indicated in that immigration figures in Italy and

France were less complete in comparison to Spain, which keeps records of all regular

and irregular migrants who register with their municipality. In Spain, regular and

irregular immigrants have incentives to register, such as free access to healthcare;

whereas in France and Italy there is perceived to be a more hostile anti-immigration

political climate, or a greater risk of imprisonment or expulsion for irregular migrants.

Even with access to official census and population data for all three countries, the

MAFE-Sénégal project noted that those figures did not necessarily reflect the true

numbers of documented and undocumented immigrants. In terms of official numbers, it

42Source:migrantinterviewsinParisandVersailles.

43Thiscouldbepartlyduetothefactthatirregularmigrantshavemoredifficultyopeningabankaccountinthereceivingcountry,motivatingthemtosendhomemoneytheyhavesaved.

37

goes without saying that irregular migration is hard to quantify.44 Moreover, the MAFE-

Sénégal project also found the snowball technique to be a less-than-effective method at

finding potential subjects for its much larger migration surveys. Referrals were found to

lead to dead ends, or unwilling participants (Beauchemin and González Ferrer, 2009).

This coincides with the methodology of this study, in which face-to-face meetings with

street vendors proved to be the most successful mode of securing an interview.

In many respects, the results and trends emerging from the larger quantitative data

contained in the MAFE-Sénégal study echoed the qualitative findings of this study on

Senegalese street vendors, further strengthening the credibility of this data despite a

smaller sample size and shorter time period for research. While there remain many

more parallels to be explored and analyzed, an initial comparison provides a reliable,

quantifiable statistical backdrop to this ethnographic research on Senegalese street

vendors in Europe. Moreover, where the MAFE-Sénégal data gives a broad overview,

this qualitative study provides a more detailed picture of the perceptions and

motivations of newly arrived individual migrants in France, Spain and Italy.

44EveninSpain,whereregisteringwiththemunicipalityisencouraged,severalmigrantsincludedinthisstudyadmittedthattheywerenotyetempadronado.Inotherwords,eventhemoreaccurateimmigrantfiguresofSpainarefarfromcomplete.

38

CHAPTER 4. ANALYSIS

his study on transnational African migration through the lens of a specific,

relatively organized immigrant community – Senegalese street vendors from the

Mouride and Tidjane brotherhoods – has attempted to offer insight into the perspectives

of individual migrants on their experience in the receiving countries. Due to the nature

and movement of migrant populations within the three countries, facilitated in part by

the migrant’s own social network, and perceived opportunities in other European cities,

it has been possible to document some comparisons between countries included in the

study as to the migrants’ treatment and their experience overall. Some key themes

emerged from the interviews, such as: the motivations for migration, namely economic

or for the experience or prestige of being in Europe; the role of migrant and religious

networks (social capital) in the selection of destination, and the solidarity upon arrival

that might include assistance with accommodation, advice or finding work as a vendor;

the changing perceptions towards receiving countries, both before and after arrival (“El

Dorado” vs. “The Great Deception”); and the migrants’ willingness to integrate into

European society.

Racist attitudes in the form of racial profiling or stereotyping had affected most of the

vendors involved in this study. The flipside of this perspective is the Senegalese view of

the receiving society’s ignorance towards African and Muslim culture, as seen in some

migrants’ observations, putting the migrant in an interesting reverse role of being more

sophisticated and cosmopolitan than Europeans who have never travelled (Riccio, 2004).

Most Senegalese individuals included in this study are aware of their good reputation as

immigrants in receiving countries. As one Italian quoted by Riccio states:

“Senegalese are the preferred migrants. Because they tend to remain apart and they are

not violent and they accept the rules…they avoid Italian influence but they are always

friendly with Italian people. Furthermore, they do not go into bars, they do not

smoke.” (2004: 935)

T

39

Moreover, some of the migrants were not keen to fully integrate (assimilate) or settle in

European society due to the perceived dangers of living in a society that seemed to run

at odds with Muslim values, such as “doing bad things like drinking, getting involved

with immoral or unlawful situations” (Ibid: 935). For this reason, they could not

envision settling permanently in Europe and losing their culture, or raising families

where their children would not have a Sufi Muslim upbringing.

By focusing this study on the Senegalese street vendors – a community of immigrants

who by virtue of their trade are on the ‘front lines’ in their respective receiving societies

– it is possible to obtain great insight into the experiences of newly arrived, highly

visible migrant minorities in Europe. This valuable information is similar to notion of

the ‘canary in the coal mine’, whereby Senegalese street vendors are witnessing on a

daily basis their acceptance or rejection by the receiving societies as well as the

immediate effects of macro-level immigration policies on the ground.

Alongside the perceived lack of respect for their culture or religion, the migrants

included in this study are particularly vulnerable to poverty, human rights abuses,

discrimination and other corrupting forces.45 Diatta (2010) was acutely aware of the

dangers these irregular immigrants face: “Each immigrant leaves his country to improve

his economic situation, his life. And to support his family. When he arrives without

knowing anyone, without speaking the language, to a culture that is not his own, he is

not welcomed with open arms. It’s easy to find oneself in a precarious situation.”

In terms of policy-making and integration of newly arrived migrants, the outcomes of

this research have shown that receiving societies need to look beyond stereotypes and

try to understand individual motivations for migration. Furthermore, the receiving

society’s demonstration of respect and understanding for the individual immigrant

45Forstreetvendors,whoareonthefrontlines,thetemptationsaremanifold.Theycouldbeapproachedbydrugdealers,orpropositionedforsex.(Diatta,2010)

40

naturally reciprocates and leads to acceptance and willingness of the immigrant to

integrate into that society. Likewise, rejection by the receiving society leads to a greater

likelihood of marginalization of the individual immigrant. If, as mentioned earlier,

Senegalese migrants are among the more favoured migrant communities in countries

such as Italy, should that society not make a better effort to integrate its willing

members? The problem with not accepting a given immigrant community is the risk

that by virtue of its vulnerability and its regular exposure to negative, corrupting forces,

it could fall through the cracks and join the problematic, even criminal, forces at play in

every society.46

During this research, the author discovered that, like Riccio (2004), occasionally one

encounters migrants who are quite erudite and have a different philosophy or outlook

on their situation than their less-educated peers, but as Poeze found, sometimes it seems

as if the migrants are giving “socially desirable answers” (2010: 24-25), which are less

useful than honest ones. In this study, it was found that some of the richest interviews in

fact occurred with migrants who had less education, but who seemed to have reflected a

great deal on their situation. In this sense, education levels did not matter when it came

to collecting valuable information. Diatta (2010) described it as “l’école de la vie”.47

46Note:thesecorruptingforcesarebynomeansexclusivetoimmigrantcommunities.Infact,thisauthorwouldarguethattheSenegaleseimmigrantsinvolvedinthisstudyaremorevulnerabletocorruptingforcesfromexploitativenativepopulationsthanfromotherimmigrants.

47Translation:“theschooloflife.”

41

CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSIONS

iven the overwhelmingly negative experience of Senegalese street vendors in

France, Spain and Italy, the global economic crisis and tightening of immigration

regulations in all three countries, it would be natural to assume that the perception of

Europe as an El Dorado could potentially transform into one of hardship and “Great

Deception”. Migrant street vendors are finding that not only is the economy bad for

sales, but competition among street vendors is fierce, with more immigrants being

pushed into street sales due to the shortage of regular jobs or their lack of residence

documents, coupled with the continued flow of migrants coming to Europe.

Furthermore, police crackdowns on both counterfeit goods and street peddling in all

three cities are hindering whatever economic gain might be had by consumers opting

for cheaper, street-side goods. When vendors mention in interviews that things aren’t

the way they used to be, they are referring to when street vendors actually made a good

living selling on the sidewalks (Diatta, 2010). A generation ago, street vendors might

well have chosen their profession for its flexibility and better (tax-free) pay compared to

a regular job in France, Spain or Italy. These days, livelihoods based on informal

revenues no longer seem to be a viable option.

As the findings of this research indicate, despite dissuasion by current Senegalese

migrants, it is not clear that future Senegalese migrants will think twice before making

the dangerous or expensive journey to Fortress Europe. There are many possible reasons

for this discrepancy, namely: Senegalese society’s migration culture, the perceived

economic differential between Europe and Senegal, the African country’s heavy reliance

on informal economic activities, lack of domestic employment/opportunities, the

prestige of living in Europe, and the inflated success stories of Senegalese migrants

returning from abroad. To counter these mistaken views on immigrant life in Europe,

Senegalese society needs to focus on and promote education and awareness campaigns

that depict accurate and up-to-date realities of African migrants, documenting both the

success stories and the failures.

G

42

There are many untapped areas of research regarding the Senegalese street vendor

community that could be explored in greater depth, such as: measuring the impact of

the media and macro-level immigration policies on individual migrant well-being on

the ground; comparing the successful integration rates of individual Senegalese

migrants from the Mouride and Tidjane brotherhoods with those of individuals from

other African migrant communities; or exploring the impact of the irregular economy at

home on the emergence of Senegalese street vendor culture and commerce abroad.

Senegalese street vendors are a unique migration phenomenon and represent an

interesting case for the study of Sub-Saharan African migration to Europe. A key

component in the complex transnational network of the Mouride and Tidjane

brotherhoods, the modou modou are at once vulnerable – often young and itinerant, very

likely illiterate (Riccio, 2001) – and yet they represent a powerful economic and political

force in their home country. They are industrious, hard-working, frugal and modest

while abroad. And when they eventually return to Senegal – which they all plan to do –

they will enjoy the fruits of their labour. (Patterson, 2010; Riccio, 2001).

As Cernadas (2008) points out, the Muslim brotherhoods – and the Mouridiyya, in

particular – enjoy considerable political and economic influence in Senegal. However,

given the brevity of this study, the actual political impact of the returning Mouride

migrants’ negative perceptions of their immigrant experience in Europe has not been

measured. A longitudinal study of the impact of migrant perceptions on future patterns

of Senegalese-Mouride migration and on bilateral relations between Senegal and the

host countries of Europe would be an interesting topic for future scholarly research.

43

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WENTE, ALEXANDER. (1999) Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 1-44.

WILLEMS, ROOS. (2007) “’Barcelona or the Hereafter’: Senegalese struggling with perilous journeys and perilous livelihood”, in Kolor: Journal on Moving Communities, 7 (1), pp. 23-47.

WORLD BANK. (2008) Migration and Remittances Factbook 2008. [Online] Available from: http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTDECPROSPECTS/0,,contentMDK:21352016~pagePK:64165401~piPK:64165026~theSitePK:476883,00.html [Accessed 18 September 2010].

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APPENDIX 1. SEMI-STRUCTURED QUESTIONNAIRE

Questionnaire Français – Commerçants Ambulants Mourides et Tidjanes (France, Espagne, Italie)

[Langue de l’entretien: français] Cette enquête a pour but de recueillir de l’information sur les migrations sénégalaises en France, en Espagne et en Italie dans le cadre de ma recherche. Je suis étudiante en deuxième cycle en relations internationales à l’Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals à Barcelone et je suis actuellement en train de préparer mon mémoire sur la migration des commerçants mourides et tidjanes en Espagne, en France et en Italie. Dans cette perspective, je dois effectuer une comparaison des perceptions des immigrés sur leur accueil dans les trois pays européens. Cet été, je dois effectuer des entretiens avec des migrants sénégalais comme vous à Barcelone, à Paris et à Rome. L’idée est de mieux connaître la réalité quotidienne des immigrants africains nouvellement arrivés en Europe. Je vais vous poser les questions qui sont dans ce questionnaire. Si une question vous gêne, vous n’êtes pas obligé de répondre. Je vous assure que ce questionnaire est anonyme et que vos réponses sont confidentielles. L’enquêté est : 1. Prénom (confidentiel): 2. Commerçant ambulant. 3. Mouride/Tidjane/Autre confrérie musulmane/Autre musulman/Chrétien/Animiste/Autre religion/Sans religion 4. Homme/Femme. 5. Lieu de l’entretien (arrondissement, ville, pays): Renseignements biographiques 6. Vous êtes de quelle ethnie ? Wolof, Pular, Mandingue, Serer, Diola, Jola, Soninké. Autre.

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7. Date de naissance ou votre âge au dernier anniversaire: 8. Lieu de naissance ou ville/village d’origine au Sénégal: 9. Statut matrimonial: Célibataire. Marié. Divorcé. Veuf. 10. Quel est votre niveau d’instruction ? a. Non scolarisé. b. École primaire. c. Études secondaires (collège, lycée) d. Études supérieures 11. Où habitez-vous maintenant en France/Espagne/Italie (quartier, ville, village) ? 11b. Vous vivez seul, avec d’autres commerçants ambulants ? D’autres Mourides/Tidjanes ? (11c. Combien de personnes vivent là ?) Migration et réseau 12. Vous êtes parti du Sénégal depuis combien de temps ? 12b. Vous étiez toujours dans le même pays (Espagne/France/Italie), ou ailleurs ? 13. Pour quelle raison avez-vous décidé d’émigrer ? 14. Quand vous avez quitté le Sénégal pour la première fois, quel était votre pays de destination ? 14b. Si ce pays n’était pas le pays où vous désiriez aller, pour quelle raison aviez-vous décidé de rester ? 15. Lorsque vous avez décidé de venir en France/Espagne/Italie, pour combien de temps avez-vous prévu de rester ? 16. Pourquoi avez-vous choisi de venir dans ce pays ? 17. Pourriez-vous me dire comment vous êtes arrivé dans ce pays (par quel moyen de transport) ? Avion. Train. Bateau. Voiture. Patera/pirogue. Autre. 18. Avez-vous transité par d’autre pays ? 19. Vous êtes retourné de temps en temps au Sénégal ? 19b. Si oui, pour quelles occasions ? (ex. le grand Magal) 20. Vous avez l’idée de retourner au Sénégal en permanence ? 20b. Si oui, saviez-vous quand ?

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Rôle du réseau/confrérie 21. Pourriez-vous me décrire un peu le rôle de votre confrérie ici à Barcelone/Paris/Rome ? 21b. Est-ce que vous vous rencontrez souvent dans un lieu spécifique ici comme un centre d’accueil, lieu religieux (ex. mosquée) ? 22. Dès votre arrivée, votre confrérie vous a-t-il aidé à vous trouver un emploi, un logement dans ce ville/pays ? 23. Et votre confrérie vous a-t-elle aidé avec vos papiers ? Votre voyage de Sénégal ? Votre passeport, visa ? Le financement de votre voyage ? 24. Avez-vous un permis pour travailler comme commerçant ambulant ? Perceptions du pays d’accueil 25. Quelle était votre perception de la France/l’Espagne/l’Italie avant d’arriver ici ? 25b. Comment voyez-vous ce pays maintenant ? 26. Étant donné les avantages et les inconvénients, de votre point de vue, venir vivre/travailler en Espagne/France/Italie a-t-elle été une bonne expérience ? 26b. Pourriez-vous rester ici en permanence ? 27. De votre point de vue, quel est l’aspect le plus difficile de votre vie ici ? 28. Sans parler des touristes, est-ce que vous parlez souvent aux Espagnols/Français/Italiens qui ne sont ni Mourides/Tidjanes, ni commerçants ambulants ? 29. Comment est-ce que vous trouvez les Espagnols/Français/Italiens ? 29b. Avez-vous fait des connaissances ou des amis espagnols/français/italiens ? 30. Avez-vous fait des efforts à apprendre la langue locale ? (Encercler un choix) Espagnol. Catalan. Français. Italien. 30b. Si oui, comment ? (Encercler un choix) Classes. Auto apprentissage. Autre moyen. 31. Êtes-vous intéressé par l’intégration dans la société européenne, ou préférez-vous rester dans un environnement à prédominance musulman et sénégalais ? 32. Pourriez-vous jamais envisager épouser un toubab ?

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33. De votre expérience, comment trouvez-vous la police et les fonctionnaires ici ? (La police vous chasse ? Vous donne des amendes ? Prend vos affaires ? Vous menace avec la déportation / l’arrestation ?) 34. Qu’est-ce que vous allez dire aux gens de chez vous de votre expérience en France/Espagne/Italie ? 35. Vous parlez souvent avec votre marabout/conseiller spirituel ? 35b. Est-ce que vous lui racontez de vos problèmes et de votre vie en France/Espagne/Italie ? 36. Que pensez-vous les Sénégalais pensent-ils de l’Espagne/France/Italie et des pays européens en général ? 36b. Étant donné ce que vous êtes en train de vivre ici et les expériences similaires des autres commerçants comme vous, que pensez-vous de ce que les Sénégalais vont penser de ce pays dans l’avenir ? 37. Vous vous sentez faire partie des tensions entre les musulmans en Europe et des Européens non-musulmans ? 38. Pensez-vous que les musulmans puissent vivre en paix avec des Européens non-musulmans ? 39. Avez-vous aidé votre famille, la confrérie, votre conseiller spirituel chez vous ? (des envoies d’argent, des cadeaux, par exemple.) 40. Combien d’heures par jour travaillez-vous ? Combien de jours par semaine ? 41. Avez-vous le temps pour les prières ? 41b. Quand est-ce que vous priez ? D’autres commentaires :

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APPENDIX 2. MIGRANT COMMENT TABLES

TABLE 1.

Solidarity and strength of migrant network

“There is no brotherhood. Everyone works for himself, for his family.” -PARIS1

On working as a street vendor: “If you come and you’re new, we will buy you things and explain how it works. For example, the places where one mustn’t work, [where] it’s dangerous (police).” On housing: “Before arriving we call someone to find an apartment to share. Otherwise, we stay in the foyer48 (for everyone).” -PARIS2

“It’s not a network of street vendors. Everyone works for himself. There is no network.” -PARIS7

The solidarity is everywhere. “We help each other a lot.” -ROME7

“There is solidarity among us. If you’re sick or someone dies, sometimes we ask for money to help.” -BCN1

“Sometimes they help you. Most of us are new here. We help each other. Most of us don’t have papers.” “If someone needs medical assistance, the dahira will collect from the other Mourides to help you pay.” Solidarity amongst them. -BCN11

“Tidjanes believe everyone needs to help themselves, not to rely on others.” More solidarity among Mourides. -BCN12

“No one helped me. I had to do it myself.” -BCN13

48Foyersaresocialhousingprovidedtoallimmigrants.ThismigrantwasreferringtoaresidenceincentralParis.

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TABLE 2.1 Perceptions of receiving country before arrival: El Dorado

“I came to help my family. Some believe that Europe is an El Dorado, but I didn’t think so. I’m sure that Senegal is better than here.” -PARIS1

“I thought France was an El Dorado, that one could earn money easily. But, in fact, it’s not the case.” -PARIS2

“I thought there was work.” -PARIS3

“I thought it would be easy, but it’s tough.” -PARIS7

“France is a developed country. It’s good to come and see how [the French] are.” -PARIS8

“I was positive I could work legally.” -PARIS9

That France was “beautiful”, a place where he could make “lots of money.” -PARIS10

There was no work in Africa. Not enough money. “To discover.” -PARIS11

“It was difficult in my country. I was looking for some experience, to be enriched.” -ROME1

“I thought I could work, give money to my family.” -ROME2

“I didn’t want to come. It was the conditions of poverty. To feed my family.” -ROME4

“That it’s a paradise.” -BCN4

“That Spain was a good place to work.” -BCN6

“It was to improve my living conditions.” -BCN8

“I thought I could work in my field (construction).” -BCN10

“I had the idea that Europe… Here it’s better.” -BCN11

Spain was “a dream.” -BCN13

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TABLE 2.2

Perceptions of receiving country after arrival: The Great Deception

“It was a deception. We don’t have experience. It’s very difficult. Sometimes we can’t even sell more than 5 euros in a day.” -PARIS2

“It’s not like it was before, not as easy as it was. It would be better to stay there (in Senegal).” -PARIS4

“It’s not easy.” -PARIS5

“It’s difficult. That’s why I’m a street vendor.” -PARIS9

“It was good in the beginning. There was work. Now we don’t have papers. We have to work. We have to pay the rent.” -ROME2

“It’s too hard. We’re tired.” -ROME6

“It’s changed a lot. It’s hard.” -ROME7

“There are no jobs. There’s no work.” -BCN1

“I see it badly. I don’t have papers. There’s no work. I run from the police. It’s tough.” -BCN2

“It’s not paradise. It’s s*** here.” -BCN4

“Europe isn’t paradise. If I had known it was like this, I would have stayed in Senegal to continue my studies.” -BCN5

“I’m here. I’m asking for asylum. There is no work. It’s hard.” -BCN8

“Since 2007-2008, there have been more problems with the police. All my friends want to leave this work if they have something better.” -BCN10

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TABLE 3

Has coming to Europe been a good experience?

“No, I don’t think so.” -PARIS1

“It’s a very good experience to come to the Eiffel Tower.” -PARIS2

“Yes. I came here alone. To work things out for myself. Helped me a lot. Here, it’s every man for himself.” -PARIS8

“Yes. I discovered the life here.” -PARIS11

Yes. “You have seen everything. Something new.” -ROME2

Yes. “When there’s work.” -ROME6

Yes. “Because we discover another world.” -BCN4

Yes. “Because in Senegal, where I live, there’s no work.” -BCN7

“We don’t have much respect here. If I have papers, I will go where things are better, where people speak French or English (in Europe). What I’m doing is not a good thing. It’s not nice. I’m ashamed. If I find a job tomorrow, I’ll leave this.” -BCN12

“Yes. For example, I never would have studied in my country.” Within two years, he’s studying to become an electrician. -BCN13

TABLE 4

On whether vendors could stay in Europe permanently

“I don’t think so.” -PARIS8

“If God wishes.” -PARIS11

“Yes. But would prefer to leave soon.” -PARIS12

“I don’t know. If I find a good job, I’ll invite my family.” -BCN7

No. “I don’t wish for that. Ever.” -BCN11

No. “Not if things don’t change.” -BCN12

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TABLE 5

Most difficult aspect about life in Europe

“I live without my family, without my friends. The work is difficult. It’s not what some [of us] thought it would be like.” -PARIS1

“We miss our parents and our friends a lot. La nostalgie (missing home).” -PARIS2

“The work. The way in which we work.” -PARIS4

“We are very alone. To live all alone, without your loved ones. We have problems finding a job – I don’t know why – even though we’re fully qualified.” -PARIS8

“Lots of racism. Europeans don’t respect Africans.” -PARIS9

The difference of skin colour (racism). Not having papers. Not having a steady job. -ROME1

“I don’t like the work at all.” -ROME6

“Running from the police. They catch you; you get three days in prison. Being in a jail cell.” -BCN5

“To find a good job. I don’t want to be a vendor.” -BCN7

“Everything is difficult. Always the same. Just selling bags, it’s hard.” -BCN9

“The work. We have to do it, but it’s very difficult. We don’t have another option. If we had work, we would stop doing this.” -BCN11

Racism. “In the metro, some people change seats to be away from the street vendors. Or they think we’re going to rob them.” -BCN13

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TABLE 6

How do you find the people in the receiving country?

“They are open in their appearance. They seem nice, but some are very racist. Some of them don’t like us, Africans in general. Because they don’t know that we’re Senegalese or Muslim.” -PARIS2

Spaniards: “No problem. They like Africans, especially people from Senegal.” French: “50% treat us well, 50% look at us badly.” -PARIS4

“There are people who are a bit racist in Italy, people who say bad things every day.” -PARIS5

“The French don’t respect people, their rights and freedoms.” -PARIS9

“Compared to us, they are a bit quiet. We’re black. They stay away.” -PARIS12

Italians: “Every rule has an exception. Everywhere in the world it’s like that. [There are nice people and mean people.] It exists at home [in Senegal]. It’s worse here to be a foreigner. Italians don’t open doors for foreigners.” -ROME1

“Italians are more racist than Spaniards.” -ROME2

“Some are good, some are stupid.” Mentions skin colour and how Italians are “raciste”. -ROME4

“Italians are mean.” -ROME5

“It’s a country of tolerance and ignorance.” He says it’s impossible to enter Italian society/integrate. “Doors are closed.” -ROME7

“They [Spaniards] are pretty friendly. Especially in Catalonia. They’re great. They’re a bit tolerant. They let us sell in the streets.” -BCN1

Spain: the people are “not nice. They are mean people, racist.” -BCN3

“Some Spaniards are very nice, but some are racist. Spanish people don’t treat us like people.” -BCN5

“There are very good people and there are people that say we should go back to our country.” -BCN7

“There are good people and bad people. Here it’s better than France.” -BCN8

“They’re a bit closed. There are also some good people. And some that aren’t very intelligent. Many of them don’t know much about immigrants. They haven’t travelled. They don’t know other cultures.” -BCN11

“People here aren’t used to Africans.” -BCN12

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TABLE 7

Police can be abusive

“They’re doing their work. But sometimes they insult us to provoke us.” -PARIS1

“There are some who respect us (vendors know them by name).” Others “mistreat us, take our baggages (merchandise). They threaten us, by making a gesture that they’re going to send us back to our country.” -PARIS2

“The police often threaten us [with deportation]. Sometimes they hit people.”-BCN5

“There are good people and there are people who take our money and say to us, ‘Go back to your country.’” -BCN7

“There are really mean police, and really nice [police]. Some police are thieves. They take just the money and the bags, without taking you to the [police] station.” -BCN10

“The police are very violent with us. Sometimes they injure us when they take our bags. Every day they hurt people. You can’t do anything because you have no help [recourse]. Lots of my friends have been injured after the police hit them. Sometimes they chase us into the metro, the trains come.” Vendors try to escape cross the metro lines, risk their safety. -BCN11

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TABLE 8 Future Senegalese migration to Europe

“Sooner or later, the Senegalese people will be disillusioned. There will be a realization.” -PARIS2

“Senegalese migration will slow down a lot. There’s a crisis everywhere.” -PARIS3

“It doesn’t matter what we tell them. Those who want to come don’t want to see anything [negative], they just want to come and live in Europe.” -PARIS4

“Now the mentality is changing. Senegalese people know that it’s not easy here, that it’s not the life they dreamed of, especially with the economic crisis. People are going to try to stay home [in Senegal].” -PARIS7

“They’re starting to see that it’s not like it was.” -PARIS8

“They won’t believe us. Even if you say it’s hard. Some people don’t tell the truth [about their life abroad].” -BCN2

“If you say that Europe isn’t an El Dorado, they think you’re lying.” -BCN5