AD-£126 770 A PRELIMINART OWERVZEUI OF CULTURAL HISTORY IN THE LOKIR I/IRIO CHABA NER UEAICOIUI SAN qJAN COUNTT ARCHAEOLOGICALRESEARCH CENTER ASD LIBRARY 111- P WHITTEN EII AL.
UNCLASSIFIED 15 SEP 80 DACW4?-60-MU Na r/q s HI
Eu.
MICROCOPY RESOLUTION TEST CHART
TOA ii UOF STAD- 190I3-A
i" 32
IEEE,-
"'______ .... _ ___gill__IIi____III__I___
; DIVISI.ON OF CONSERVATION ARCHAEOLOGY
SAN JUAN COUNTY ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH CENTER AND LIBRARY
y081 A Preliminary Overview of Cultural Historyin the Lower Rio Chama, New Mexico
P/
~~ IPenelope Whitten
andMargaret A. Powers i TIc
1980
|ozpulic~ leealu;it
isdouet is enlimited. d
88 04 18 006ContributLons to Anthropology Series, No.300
50272 -1"REPORT DOCUMENTATIONpG 1wR'-E NO- Z. ein 2.Acess .
PA. TO en Sub9 S. R'~'eport Date'"" and 'ue A Preliminary Overview of Cultural History in the L 1980.
Lower Rio Chama; New Mexico 1.
7. A t~"s) a. Peforming Orgaftaion Rept. Me.
Whitten. Penelope & Margaret A. Powers 300i. Performing Ovganlzstion Name and Address 10. lroiect/Tisk/Work Unit No.
Division of Conservation ArcheologySan Juan County Archeological Research Center & Library 11. Contract(C) or Grant(S) No.
(c DACW 47-80-M-0689(0)
1Z. Sponsoring Oganization Name and Address 13. T ype of RepWt & Ise Covered
Department of the Army Final Report Sept. 1980Albuquerque District Corps of EngineersP.O. Box 1580Al1hiirtni.1 N1 y MP 'rf.n R7103A
IS. Suppienrary No.
-I. Abstract (U lt: 200 words)
In order to provide base line data for future Corps of Engineers' work in thelower Rio Chama, this project aims to:
1. Identify and evaluate published and unpullished sources documenting thehistory and prehistory of the study area
2. Summarize briefly the history and prehistory of the lower Chama
1': 3. Document previously recorded sites
4. Provide recommendations for future work including assessment of potentialfor locating additional cultural resources in tie study area.'
Prehistoric Archeology, Historical Archeology, Cultural Resource Management,Rio Chama area of New Mexico
b. Idnll~/Open.Ened Tom,.
Paleo-Indian, Archaic, Basketmake III, Pueblo I-IV, Spanish colonial, UteIndians, Anglo-American and Modern Pueblos.
4. COSA ?r PgdI/ouM
I&. Aw 11 60tVt Sbtewn 60"r"ut Claes (W^d Steer Rai. oef .pagsa
UNCLASSIFIED 56RELEASE UNLIMITED 9L SWaft cam af ) : a PuSO
UNCLAS IF EDICg.. ANSI-a9.Ift fe Inetr-.- n r"* PISWM Powm af(4?)
fem 0 if ""-3"Oepsiqmn of Commerce
77r,""
Project go. 66-SO
A Preliminary Overviewof Cultural History in theLower Rio Chama, New Mexico
for
U.S. Army Corps of EngineersAlbuquerque District
by
Penelope Whittenand
Margaret A. Powers
APR 14 1983
submitted byMargaret A. Powers
Principal Investigator
DIVISION 01 COUsxRVkTIOU ARCUAZOLOGY
Coutzibutios to hathropol"y &*rises, No* 300San Joan County Arehaeologioal Researob Center and Library
-~77-
TABLE OF CONTENTSpage
LIST Of FIGURE8 S
LIST O TABLES ii
INTRODUCTION 1
OBJECTIVES AND STUDY METHODS 3
Documentation of Cultural Resources 3Literature Searoh and Annotated Bibliography 12
PREHISTORY OF TEE LOWER CRAMA RIVER is
PaleoIndian is
Archaic '8
Iasketmaker III - Pueblo I 19
Pueblo 11 - mid Pueblo I1 19
Late Pueblo III - Pueblo rV 20
HISTORY OF THE LOWER RIO ClAKA 23
Spanish 23
Navajo 26
Utes and their Allies 27
Anglos 29
Modern Pueblos 30
HISPANIC SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND SETTLUMENT PATTERNS01 THE LOSER RIO ClARA 32
EVALUATION OF RESOURCES 35
site Records 35
Documentary Resouroes 36
RZCOMKZKDATIONS FOR FUTURE WORK 31
BIBLIOGRAPHY 40
Accession For
NiTTS GRA&IDTIC. TABU i, s unced 0Justifceatio
.. • Dtstrl).ution/
SAvol~.'lt- an ore...I I . . I . _ t I
LIST OF FIGURESpa~ge
Figure 1. Location of the Rio Chama Study Area 2
Figure 2. Detail of the Lover Rio Chama 4
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Summary of Inventoried Sites 5
Table 2. Data Sources for Inventoried Sites 13
*73
e+ INTRODUCTION
SDiiDuring the period 2 September through 22 September 1980, the,, Division of Conservation Archaeology (DCA) of the San Juan County
Auseum Association completed preliminary cultural resource researchin the lower Rio Chama area (figure 1). Work was conducted underthe provisions of contract no. DACW 47-80-M-0689 for the AlbuquerqueDistrict of the Army Corps of Engineers. Donna ROXOy, DistrictArcheologiut, administered the project for the Corps of Engineers,Margaret Povers, Principal Investigator, directed the project forDCA. Penelope Whitten, DCA Supervisory Archaeologist* was respon-ible for the research and report preparation. Marsha Jackson,Rosemary Talley, and Laura Solt of the Laboratory of Anthropologyand Curtis schaafsmat New Moxico State Archaeologist, providedvaluable assistance in locating reooxds and references. GigiBayliss drafted the report illustrations.
iF
!-
-2-
=96
STUY RE
-mu
Sam P'nw
COUCOUNTY
-74
| -3-
~OBJECTIVES AND STUDY METHODS
in order to provide base line data for future Corps of. Engineers' work in the lower Rio chamsl this project aims tot
(1 Identify and *valuate published and unpublished sources
(2\ documenting the history and prehistory of the study area;Summarize briefly the history and prehistory of thelow(2 chase;
| Document previously recorded sites3!4) Provide recommendations for future work including assessment
of potential for locating additional cultur&l resources inthe study area.,
These objectives were met through limited library and archivalg research at the Laboratory of Anthropology (LA) of the Museum of
Nev Mexico and the Museum of New Mexico Historical Library inSanta Fe, New Nexico.,,Approximately 1.5 person/days were employedin obtaining site file data and 2.5 person/days in library andarchival research. The methods employed in the study are describedbelow.
Documentation of CulturalResource#
All archaeological sites located within the study area (figure2) were transferred from the LA site file topographic maps to asecond set of USGS topographic maps. Orthophoto maps furnished bythe Corps of Engineers provided the basis for determining the limitsof the study area. However, differences in scale between the mapSets often made accurate definition of the study limits difficult.Since sites were included, rather than excluded, if there was anydoubt, some of the inventoried sites probably fall outside the areaof immediate study interest. Moreover, limiting the site inventory Ito the floodplain would have precluded an adequate overview. Sub-stantial portions of the surrounding upland were also included, sincethe full range of site types present in the lower Chaa Valley couldnot be addressed on the basis of examination of one topographic zone.
Survey forms, site mapb, tree-ring information, and historicsite inventory records availabe for each site were photocopied.Summaries of the sites are presented in table 1. Theie summariesare derived largely from the survey forms. Some topographic settings(when not indicated on the forms) were taken from the maps. Some ofthe entries usder cultural affiliation are based on our own examina-tics of site descriptions. If information derived from excavationdiffered from information given on the survey focms, the formerwas used. Letters following the LA number in table I specify separatecomponents for multLomponent sites.
Field notes and laboratory analysis forms for excavated siteswere not photocopied. Sites for whLh these data are available atthe Laboratory of Anthropology are identified in table 2. Site
* data and topo maps shoving site locations constitute Attachment 1.
n, , L. ' -'III -- - -]' tunI
- -.........
I-
..........
*i
400
OkiI
0 0 5
04 aa 'ain P4 a N. or
'. 0 0 0 040 44 0 o1-0 SE 46 .04
A AM
0014A
14m 0mP4 P
N34 A Va 6.P
Ua "q 410414@10 0 4IsAc A A . A5os 14 .1 1% A A
0" A 0
.41 4 5 41 a 40 ago
N 30 S I ~102 W4 4 a '010 0 44 0 43 2 0.4 46 Aa m4 44 a
a.
*~~ "4asip 0 a6*0
1 4 0 . .0 ' ~ ~A . s * A 6 04.
.4~1 lI 4.
N ~ A Wa
0~~4 x 0 x 0c~~4 0 ,cx o>
' 0 19 1 9 0 A gA In '040 +. )a In
E-44
N 0 0 0U 0 '94 C 4 V 41 A 1 C C 0 0U~~~W A3 Q . ~
a 0 0 0 c 0 N '
1a .M 0 rMN 0 N 4N a04 VC P4 V4 tp aC at
3k P00.o4 P4 c
4 4 a
0014.0
* 0 0a4 4 4' a. a 0 0w
0 A 0 0 0 a~ a Ca aC o o m i0 0 ~ 0 .0 4 0 0. 1 4r
0 h. 0 0 of .0 0 a a P4.
4H'w 4',
0.0 0 La 0 0 4r
a 3 4 " 0 aI "4 C x 64 C .4 .4a
ri C4 A0 EA A a 6 A 1
m w 4 0 00 0 0 c~ ad 0 6to4 04 A' us 0A 2 CE U a a 0m
14U 4 . ' 41 a m
m41 N 04 Laa a .0 L M ~
ok A 40 i
o4 04 4 04 P4 4 40. * . . 4~0. ' 4' C 4 014 4' 14 00 O~N 4 4' 'fa
0~~~~~~ ~ ~ 9 0 4 0 .034 0
45W 00 N in (4 *4 N N
94 0 0C -4 oil 0 0 0 0 0m I0hi a *w i a 4 in in a
w , ine W 4 'a r4 W4O n N N ~ C4 C
0-4
0 W4
04.4" 0 0 0 0 0
0N~~ 0 "4~ 00000 0
C 0 0 m 0 0in a 4 a' 00 a' pk In in0 0 a 0j
C2 4 4 "4 ".4 a a a. a V .o 04 N4 At 04 . 0 0 0
44 a u *to o 0 0i 0P 0 0 0 00 0O4 hi hi4 I"4 00i h i h S
.0 WO aO a 4 45 4. 4 a5. 00 aAhn N1 4 4A iW 4A .0 0j 0 j aK 41Of -.40 " .4 -44 " -A .00 .hof Do .A 0 An .0 A. 0 A a4 A .0 "4
P. P.61 P.1 o s s
x~0 0 0 0ft 0 - -k
Sk 04 1 ~ . 4 Ae0 w4 . . .~~~~ AA z~. 0 . 0 .0 .. 0 . .0e
~ . 0 0 0 0 0 *0 As 014 Ie m0 41 IN. .0 b0 pq 46 A0 .1 . #4
0fN mc oP
ft i 0in i n ia nto
hi tot
1, 4 "4L
CD 0 caM f a S 0 aM
m 04 U in 94 in 0f f~. o o . o ~
fa.4 ,-I aU
" '°N °4 1o " a Na;
ca 40 a2 a%140a a 0 0 0 0 a
o 0-1 inl u-I u-I Nl in in in n Na on
o. -, uo, oo
m4 0E4 As
0
0 041 u-g 41
o 04
0 0 s-40 0 . . eo- ae 4 b - 0 0 6
A 0 uI 0 0 - 0 0 0 C Uo 4 4 0 0 4 0 0- et-.
04 be 1 .0 a .0 a0 . 0 eb
0 . o 4 0i 0 O,,
be -V4 o e A .4" f4 . 4 060 a
• 0 o00
,Q2: j , I14 J9 .0 M 0 Ad 41 41 0 4 Ag
41 a t in a~ 01 "4 0 a 4I
4 CIO C4 .40 4 .t 0 .0 ON V A1ff P4 'w04ff 4
14
Ae E4 44
0 a 0 0 0 0 0. 0.-. 4 . 4 " 1 4 Im 4 .1 - 0
0 a 4 a 0 a 0 " 0 040 0 0 41 4 4% fw4 . . 14
"4 "4 " 4 " 0 a, 41 m 4"
P4 a P4 a. us A. A. U U A A0
04
*0 31 X X'~ 0. a 0
> *0 a a a 0 Do 01
42 04 as a@ Do of a a a
in in *s le * N to 40 tot
V V1
'0 '
Ion An 0 a
V 4 P4 P1a in PI i in N4 P
.0343
P4 0P4 P4
0l 0 0 U0C) e4 aa 41
C ~ 1 1 1 A A A
0 a
OPl. S0"0 00 P 5 %9 60 aI ah Im
CP a 04 54 a r uda 4 45P1a 06 a a a1US*6 *
a Vi 4w 41 U "4 a " 4a P4 "4m4 "4 h"q W4 A a A 0a Ag A1 At A Au
in 0r Ac " it '0 4 44 S4 "4 U' 4a a4" a It a
4A "4 0 W0 05 0
4 14"4 ".4 a4 0 4a 41 41M m40 0 4 I 0 $d 4 0 0 0
O A 2 0 0 0 0 Uf OsP4 "4 V40 4 "q 41 41 "4 5' 4 0 P. SN Os P Os~ e 4a A& 0 0 1 0 14 " M4 1030 o 4 aJ o6 0 "4 0 06 4 all% "40 9 a 0U 4 41 -A %4 ".4 41 .0 1.4 -A~ %a U4a"4 "4 0 0N I "4 V4 A0 a A0 "q 0. 41 A 40 S 0 415 a V0 0 V01 e A in1 40a A "46 4 0 0A5a 0 usa A ai a. 65q 00 a "4 "q6 a A 41 4 "4601 635 ON a
U 4 A A "4 fa1 A4 aS "E. 0 0 A a 0 5' o. 0
3 4 4
AI 0
~. 3130
01 Ve C4be C4 f 4 4 %
I~ In o' 40 10dlo 0q P4 0 60
C4 N
CA in
a N 4 fn N
N N'
0
364
34 0 0
14 0, 44 0
044 0. 0 '
4 P4 48 48 M
w a 0 04 0 0 060 00
ov "4 " ~ 4 A ' A 0 .4 U 46
4. 0 4 64 u .4 " a A 00 a -
oe .0t 0 wa Is 10.- 0 6 0 0 6 S44
34 "4 0 "4 NO A U .4 is .0 .0 A00 U .
to r A 4 004 4 A a 9. 1,Mr4A aM A V4
040
0 00
m 6 1a 0 a e .94 A 41 ato 9466 m 0 a a,4 a OnUbe~
YA 4"4 A cc4A 6 0@ A
'aDo V0
0 00.a If .. 00.
Pie 48 I0e a as 4O~6 dC4.4 .
34VU46 . 4 0.46 4 04 4 C04
1414 6 .4 0 0~ 94 048 .0IVA
to in W4o
,0 --,.oC C ,. ,
N 40 vN P4 MN 0
* 'N 0
(A 0 a .
J.0 A V
w~ in m ,.0 0m
1 .0 , 4"
4 c a a F - 1-
0 0 0
0 4 • LI
L, ~AO bea €
% 31 a a#
14 0 6 4P34 .04 a 0
4 "N -4460 M0bpc c
M 40 A 01 O-I 4A b s 01 0 4 4 012
4 a, V4 "4 a I "* aAAA 0 A
0 ". "q 4416 a i0 a00 V 44
* 0
45 * , O'..4
*1 4 a4 aP 0
4 be 0 1 0 0
M 4 A 4
.04 3a 0 m 03~M M 0 OA 3 e.'
34 4 4a 00 . s 00
0~@ 4 DO l be
a 06 0
A A to 0,
00 s6 IN b 0. 4
il~ ~ ~ ~ ~ i a N I4 0 0a
" 01 4 b e
N be is s 0 MeS m.4~~ 0 60. a 46 a 6 @06
*451e41 6 : 6 * 3* .4 ' e. 45 O0be"666 .
P 4 06 ap do6. 0 6.* 5 A a
-12-
Literature Search and Annotated Bibliography
Identification of published and unpublished sources wasaccomplished in three ways:
1. Site forms for sites identified in the course of system-atic (for example, clearance) surveys referenced theapplicable survey report. These reports, on file in thesite survey room at the Laboratory of Anthropology, wereinspected.
2. Pertinent headings (for example, Chama, Rio Arriba County)in the card catalogs at the Laboratory of Anthropologyand Historical libraries were consulted.
3. Bibliographic references included in documents pertainingto the study area were checked.
Some of the documents consulted pertain to sites and surveyslocated outside the immediate area encompassed by this overview.Since these supply information that can be used to better eval-uate the data from the project area, they have been included inthe bibliography. Owing to insufficient time, first prioritywas given to those sources that bore directly on the project area.
Due to the number of indexed references to the study area,the shortage of time, and the time-consuming nature of archival/historical research, only a few of the available historic docu-ments were consulted. A last minute "find* (Kesmell 1979) demon-strated that there is ample material on the subject. This articleshould provide a starting point for any future research.
The annotated bibliography includes both examined sources andthose that have not been examined because they were not locallyavailable or because there was insufficient time. Those notexamined are marked with an asterisk. In cases where other .have provided information as to the content of the unexaminedsources, this information is included in parentheses.
2
" 3
be 30 -13-. V4 . r40 0 a A A - G-~ c 0VU Lea A id 0 v 0 . X 0
0 Ve oo $4 0 0- @0.
141
1. 0 A3 MQ01C. 0
0U a0 A0 A JJW.OU wA .
9 IC i 0 a 6-4a9% 04 m M o . M " ~
* A U 646-61 U 64m 3m 3 3 3 3 0C 3C
N 4
b4
030
x u0 "
MIi of 4 Vol
faP4"0o 4 0 o 4 b4
ix0 b o k tt MC14 0 aSd 4: i
340m"40 " " " 4 40200 0 olaN l
A AU0 4a
owa 3w 0w Iwo3434 0 00
443. x2 x x6
4
U4 V04 004 IP04 .* g 4 pe4 Ag OrZ .4
40 in U er o
a b a V4 Pin W to U
-14-)
0 x
14 V
3
M
to
33
0
M
3K
K x
N N 144 . p o
14 1"
03 o u U " 4ok9 p l
M 3 00 x 3 91 M 4 4 1
- 030 f
AN MM~r
-15- .-
S
C .
'I
SMM34.44
r NOm
03
4M
MNh
SMO
IH o"
030
L 34.4443
m N
S0.1N X
4 NbCx
34~ M4 PR ip N
M9 a d A A A A A A A6 A A A A AAAAL 4 4 4 U a*a a a a a aunaaaa a a a a uaa
%pal
o .04
34 ~~ ~ 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 ' 0 0 aS P4 A0'0a in .4 a - .4 - 4 - 5 4 .4 - . 4 . 4 P4 p
-16-o 0.0 .0 **, . 11, .0 .
a *: 0 0 00 .0 .0 .0
P4 .00 ,1 hl N NO .00 0" 40 0 0 0
0 0 Ol .00i .0 0 . 0• 0
040
(14 C)01 01 41 a1.1.
u0 m0 00 0 0 0 Mo
04 E-4 i i '4
.hi
1440C-4 00 3 >)
4WDm m
No4334M 4M Ok
of 0O Do
*l a 0 A I A l ~ I ~ g ~ ~ .
14 $4 a - 0*4 ata .
in 04 v6g - #4 V4 v- "~g4.w* m a a I a a a a
P3 010 4"
* *
4 N aa a a a a a aaaa a ab0 V 4 P4 P4 04 V4 P4 A4 . .4 P4 .4 P4 P4 A4 p4
V*P
* ~ i pq a a aaa1.0 P4 *l A *4 P4 -4 P44 04 V4 A -
.4
ON94 m
0'
£I mx to
0
' 4 0 6 00 I40
14N 01 Aaaa0 AeIwk IS b F . r
ri..
1J -1 - -
PREHISTORY OF THE LOWER CHAMA RIVER
The human use of the lower Chama River covers more than 6000years and includes at least half a dozen cultural traditions.The prehistoric period begins in the PaleoIndian era and extendsto the initial Spanish contact with the native inhabitants. Thefollowing account of the prehistory is ordered chronologically.
Paleolndian manifestations are extremely scarce in the ChamaValley. Only one component, one Eden point, and one Keserve pointhave been reported from the Abiquiu Reservoir District (Klager1980:06j Schaafsma 1976.118), which lies immediately upstreamfrom the lower Chama study area. No sites in the overview areahave been identified as Paleolndian. There is some evidence, Jhovever# that the Chama served as a source area for lithic mate-rial during the Paleolndian period (Lang 1979:5). It is probablethat this use was sporadic and did not reflect any long-termoccupation of the valley. The absence of Paleoindian sites inthe Chaema and in the Santa Fe areas is apparently due to a reallack of Pale.Indian usage rather than failure of archaeologiststo detect them (Snow 1975a).
Archaic
Survey and excavations in the Abiquiu Reservoir District in-dicate significant use of the Chama Valley by Archaic populations,especially between ca. 3000 BC and AD 500 (Schaafsma 1976, Klager1980). The Abiquiu Reservoir assemblage includes large riverinecamps as well as small to medium size sites located on slopesand terraces overlooking the Chama (Schaafsma 1976:49-50). SixArchaic components have been tentatively identified among thesites examined for the lower Chama overview. These sites arelocated on slopes, dunal areas, mesa tops, and in the valleybottom, suggesting exploitation of a variety of ecological zones.They also vary in size and complexity, including one excavatedmultipurpose site (LA 11335) used intermittently from Archaic toPueblo III(Snow n.d.b).Although Schaafsma (1976) views the Archaicsites as the product of seasonal movement of bands operatingwithin fixed territories centered in the Chama Valley, Snow(n.d.b) argues that Archaic sites may represent use of the Chamaas a resource zone by prehistoric occupants of adjacent regions.
The small number of Archaic sites recorded in the lowerChama compared to the numerous sites documented in the AbiquiuReservoir District may reflect advances in archaeological surveytechnique. Nost of those sites tentatively identified as Archaic,both in the lower Chasm and in the reservoir district, wererecorded during intensive systematic surveys. Prior to work inthe 1970s, nonceramic sites were rarely detected or reported.Since only a small portion of the lower Chama has been systemat-ically inventoried, lithic sites are probably underrepresented inthe existing survey data. Differences in survey method blone.
2"0
, -19-
however, may not account for the differences in Archaic sitefrequency. The 1962 Highway inventory survey through the lowerChama area (Anderson 1964) suggests that the frequency of pre-ceramic sites decreases east of Abiquiu.
In addition to those sites tentatively identified as Archaic,there are nine undiagnostic lithic sites recorded in the overviewarea. While sane of those are probably Archaic, the assemblagesfrom two excavated sites (LA 10705 and LA 11828) fall within the
9 range of stone morphology reported for Pueblo sites (Whiteaker1974a, 1976b).
Baakt uaker III - Pueblo I
Projectile points characteristic of the Basketmaker III andPueblo I periods occur on small lithic sites in the Abiquiu Reser-voir District. The absence of associated structures and ceramicsindicates that the Chama was used primarily for hunting by peoplewho lived elsewhere during this period (Schaafsma 1976:64; Klager1180M99). Based on similarities in projectile point form,Schaafsma (197614) suggests that the home base for these earlyAnasasi hunters was the Rosa Phase settlement around Dulce, NewMexico. This may explain the absence of permanent IN III - P Imaterial in the lower Chama Valley.
No sites from this time period have been recorded in theproject area, though an unrecorded site consisting of 2 or 3pithouse depressions, 15 to 20 hearths, and high concentrationsof lithics and ceramics (Powell 1977t2) could conceivably be5K III - I I.
Pueblo 11 mid Pueblo III
evidence for Pueblo 11 and III sites in the study area isambiguous. Linda Cordell (1979s1l) places Anasasi occupation of(217522} alludes to early Tewe sites (AD 1100 - 1300) excavated
In the Ghost Ranch area. the AD 1200 date suggested by Cordell(1979s) may be based on a tree-ring date of AD 1250 for Taiping,a ruin located on Catones Creek. It is not clear where sheobtained this date, but tree-ting data for Teiping appearing inRobinson and Warren (l97s16) indiestes construction activity inthe first quarter of the fourteenth century. The AD 1200 place-meat may be based on the presence of Santa Pe DI/W shards occurringat some of the excavated iitea from the succeeding period (of.Ribbon 19471 Leubben 19531 Weaderf 1953j. The available data.however, including the small perentage of Santa Pe a/W, is noteconsistent with an initial occupation of the overview area aroundthe end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century.
C
St
-20-
Late Pueblo II- Pueblo IV
The reasons for knasazi movement into the lower Chama Valleyin the late 1200a have received little attention in the literature.It is likely, however, that the initial occupation, as well assubsequent population increase, was related to the abandonmentof th% San Juan Basin and the Gallina area (of. Leubben 1951;Lang 1979).
The ceramic assemblages at the earliest sites dating fromthe late Pueblo III - Pueblo IV period are dominated by Wiyo B/N.In addition to Tsiping, the other Wiyo Phase sites recorded forthe Abiquiu Reservoir District are Palisade Ruin (KLager 1980;Peckham 1959) and Riana Ruin (Hibben 1937). These have beendated at AD 1312-1314 and AD 1335 respectively (Robinson andWarren 1971232,34).. Riana contains roughly 25 ground floorrooms and Palisade 50 ground floor rooms (Klager 1960:92).Each appears to have been built as a unit. Aside from occasionalisolated sherds, including some Santa Fe B/W (Schaafsma 1976:172),these 3 sites represent the only conclusive evidence of. Wiyo Phaseoccupation in the reservoir district.
In the lower Chana Valley overview area four componentshave been identified as Wiyo Phase Sites. One of these isrepresented by garden plots and is discussed below. The otherthree include the large excavated sites of Leaf Water (Leubben1951, 1953), Te'ewi (Wendorf 1953) and the west plaza at Teama(Greenlee 1930). Although tree-ring dates for Te'ewi place themajor occupation between AD 1400*and 1500 (Robinson and Warren1974:26), the presence of Wiyo 3/W and Santa Fe B/Wbeneath some of the floors suggests that portions of the sitewere occupied in the 1300s (Wendorf 1953:36). All three ofthe sites are situated on elevated terrain above the valleyfloor. Room count estimates are not available for the westplaza at Teama or the Wiyo Phase at Te'ewi, but Leaf Water mayexceed 100 ground floor rooms (Leubben 1953sfigure 2). TheseWiyo Phase sites are of variable construction. Riana is builtof sandstone and lava boulders (Ribben 1937:22) while Palisadeand Leaf Water are predominantly adobe (Klager 1980:91; Leubben1953ll),. Neither Riana nor Leaf Water appear. to have beenoccupied for an extended period of time (Hibben 1937321Leubben 1951:99).
Between a&. AD 1350 and 1400, the.number of sites recordedfor the lower Chama Valley increases radically, while the AbiquiuReservoir District is virtually abandoned (Schaafsma 19761 Klager1980). This increase may be due to aggregation of small groups,previously living in adjacent areas, especially in the highupland country bordering the Chas Valley (Wendorf 1953394).The multiple plasas at some of the large Bliscuitware sites datingto this period, as well as the evidence from Te'ewi (Wendorf 1953)and the east plaza at Teama (Greenlee 1930) that rows of roomswere subsequently added to the original roomblock, suggest thatthis process of aggregation continued for some time.. A detailed 0summary of the characteristics of these large Discuitware sitesas well as the smaller Wiyo sites is provided by Cordell (1979:51-53).
-21-
Twenty-nine of the components examined for this overviewhave been classified as Discuitware habitation units. Theserange in size from sites consisting of ca. 5 rooms to sites such
Sas Poshu containing more than 1,000 rooms (Jeancon 1923splats 1).Although some of these sites are located in the valley bottom,most are situated in elevated terrain.
Many of these sites were recorded during the 1962 HighwayInventory. It is possible, therefore, that the size of some of
g these units has been exaggerated or that they do not reallyrepresent habitation units at all (see Evaluation of Resources section).
Bordered garden plots/stone grids occur frequently in theChama Valley and have often been mistaken for room foundations.These garden plots are generally specified by rectangular areas,often bordered by cobbles, sometimes raised, sometimes filledwith a gravel mulch. They can occur singly or they may bejoined to form grid systems of up to 2,000 units such as LA 4924(cf. Hibben 1937; Tjaden 19791 iero n.d.). Tjaden (1979)argues that these plots were ideally suited for dry farming,especially during a period that appears to have been characterizedby a winter dominant rainfall pattern. Unfortunately, the frequentlack of associated artifacts makes dating of specific garden plotsdifficult, but they occur from 4he Wiyo Phase on into the historicperiod.
Small field houses have been recorded adjacent to somegarden plots along the Chama and its tributaries. (Tjaden 19791Piero n.d.). These sites, garden plots with associated fieldhouses, have slightly higher frequencies of artifacts than dogarden plots alone (Tjaden 1979:30,)..
Skinner (1965) located twenty-four 1-or 2-room field housesin a roughly one square mile area east of Sapawe, which liesapproximately 8 miles north of the Chama. Associated sherdswere largely Riscuitwares. Although some of Skinner's fieldhouses may in fact be garden plots (Piero n.d.), it isdoubtful that they have all been misclassified. Field housesshould also be expected to occur in the area encompassed by the
flower Chama overview. Yet other than the one recorded by Fierot (n.d.), none have been rqported.
Other Anasazi special function/limited use sites no doubtalso exist in the overview area and have been overlooked byprevious surveys. At present, documentation of this class ofsites consists of 3 predominantly lithic sites (Whiteaker 1976a,b; Snow n.d.b), 3 ceramic scatters, 2 shrines, and a "shrinearea," the latter with no LA number. Possible shrines have alsobeen reported at Poshu (Jeancon 1923) and Te'ewi (Wendorf 1953).Anasasi rock art is totally missing from the inventory, thoughJeancon (l923splate 63) includes photos of pictographs in himreport on Poshu.
W
S
-22-
Two sites with possible utorreons," suggesting a Gallinaaffiliation, were recorded in the overview area during the 1962Highway Inventory Survey. Hibben (1937:figure 1) locatedtorreons at the confluence of the Gallina and the Chama and onArroyo Seco above the Chama, but none were found in the lowerChama Valley. Because no Gallina sites were reported for theAbiquiu Reservoir District, it seems likely that the Gallinadid not penetrate that far into the Chama Valley.
All of the large Biscuitware sites in the lower ChamaValley, with the exception of San Juan and Yunqueyunque at theconfluence of the Chama and the Rio Grande, appear to have beenabandoned by the beginning of the seventeenth century (cf. Hera1934tfigure 3Y. Whether this exodus occurred before or afterinitial Spanish contact in the area is not clear. A clasp froman old Spanish book was found in one of the rooms at Tsama(Ellis 1975:20) and tree ring dates suggestthat Te'ewi mayhave been occupied up to, if not after, the Spanish entrada(Robinson and Warren 1971:27). Though the arrival of theSpanish could have provided either direct or indirect impetusfor the move, it is also at this time that Navajos probably beginto make their appearance in the Chama Valley.
-23-
HISTORY 0F THE LOWER RI0 ClRA
The historic overview is organized in terms of thecultural affiliation of the various groups known to have
£ used or occupied the Chasa Valley during the protohistoricand historic periods. The sequence in which the data arepresented roughly parallels the order of each group'sarrival in the Chase Valley. The obvious exception to thisordering Is the historic Pueblo. This group is discussedlast.
Material postdating 1900 has been omitted, but wefeel that the bulk of the significant cultural and historicalresources predate the twentieth century.
SpanishThe early Spanish entradas may have had some Impact on
the Chama Valley, since both the 1540 Coronado Expedition andthe 1590 Castano do Sosa Expedition appear to have crossedthe Chama near its confluence with the Rio Grande (Cordell1974:114). Spanish soldiers visited San Juan Pueblo and
* Yunqueyunque in 1541. The first Spanish settlement, however,was the colony at San Juan Pueblo, established by Orate in1596. Within two years the colony was moved across theriver to San Gabriel de, Tunque (Schroeder 1953:5.6). Asthe name implies, the mission of San Gabriel was establishedat the pueblo of Yunqueyunquo, whose inhabitants had toined
* their neighbors at San Juan. Spanish occupation of SanGabriel was brief and in 1610 the population moved south to
found the villa. of Santa Fe (Simmons 1969t9,10).
Some colonists probably remained In the area, since theencoiend system, which depended on Indian labor, fostered
* settlement around the pueblos (Simmons 1969:11). Gillio(1979s$), in speaking of the period from 1596 to 1660fmentions "isolated ranches and haciendas In nearly all ofthe valleys of the Rio Grande and Chasaeie~s. These wereabandoned when the pueblos revolted in 1660.
* The immediate effect of the Pueblo Revolt was the totalwithdrawal of Spanish colonists from northern Now Mexioo.Despite abortive attempts at reconquest during the next twoyears, the Spaniards were obliged to vacate all of New Nexico
j north of 2l Paso. They were not to return until 1692 whenDiego de Vorgas reconquered the province. Settlers them againmoved into the Chansa Valley. Sometime botwe*n 1715 and 1730. thesesettlers petitioned for land near San Gabriel and westwardalong both banks of the Chamai. Those grants form the basisof the present day towns of Chamita. Nahe, Hernande:, andChili (Swades-h 1974*321 Weigle 1975#16#)o Land at LaCuchilla (probably the present community of La Chuachia) mayalso have been granted during this period (Swadesh 1974t33).
-24-
Beginning in the 17308, additional grants were allotted,including one in 1734 that established the settlement ofSanta Rosa de Lima de Abiquiu (Rodriguez et al. 1976:113;Carrillo 19783). In 1735 a grant was made at the presentlocation of Barranco (Swadesh 1974:33).
Santa Rosa de Lima de Abiquiu was located roughly 2miles downstream from the current town of Abiquiu (Swadesh1974; Weigle 1975:154). Raids by Utes and Comanches forcedabandonment of Santa Rosa in the late 1740s. When the areawas resettled in 1750, 13 Genizaros were assigned to a residencealready in existence at the present site of Abiquiu (Swadesh1974:58). The Gonizar population included both detribalizednomadic Indians and Pueblo Indians who had been evicted fromthe pueblos for assuming Spanish customs (Swadesh 1974:xviii).
In 1754 a Genizaro pueblo land grant was establishedand the Franciscan mission of Santo Tomas de Abiquitr wasconstructed (Swadesh l974:391 New Mexico State PlanningOffice 1967:22). Although Santa Rosa de Abiquiu apparentlycontinued to be occupied until early in the 1900s (Carrillo19793), Santo Tomas de Abiquiu became the "mother"community for the lower Cham Valley. By 1760 the populationof Santo Tomas de Abiquiu was reported to consist of 166Genizaros and 617 Spaniards (New Mexico State Planning Office1967:22).
Population growth in the Chama Valley was marked inthe late 1700. and early 1800s. This period of growth coin-cided with a cessation of hostilities between the colonistsand the Indians. Available agricultural and grazing landwas limited and settlers began to petition for land grants !in the upper Chama drainage. By 1821 population in theAbiquiu area had risen to 246 *Indians* and 3,029 Spaniards(Swadesh 1974:46-69)
In this same year Mexico, which encompassed the provinceof New Mexico, became a republic. During the first decadeof Mexican control, the Old Spanish Trail linking Santa Feand California was established. Traders and trappersgathered at Abiquiu to outfit themselves for the journeynorth and west (Swadesh 1974s601 Kessell 1979s266)
Following United States acquisition of Now Mexico andArizona in 1645-46, Abiquiu served as a military outpost andIndian agency. Nevertheless, there was an outward movementof population from the lower Chase Valley. Swadesh (1974:67) attributes this movement principally to land loss and thedesire to escape domination under a new and somewhatoppressive government. It seems likely, however, that some
-25-
of this movement simply represented a continuation ofexpansionist trends begun in the early 1800s.
g |mining interests and construction of the Colorado toZapatola spur of the Denver and Rio Grands Railroad in1600 (the *Chili Line") also played a role in populationmovements in and out of the Chama Valley during this period.A toll road north to the San Juan mining district waschartered in 1361 and miners crowded into Abiquiu (lessell
* 1979:273). The area around Abiquiu itself was also minedfor gold, copper, and uranium (Cordell 1979:125; Gillio1979:33).
The Court of Private Land Claims was instituted in1891 to arbitrate the claims of Spanish Americans toancestral lands guaranteed them under the Treaty ofGuadalupe Hidalgo. When the court disbanded in 1904, however,many claimants had lost their tracts to large and powerful landowners. The Chase Valley settlers were no exception.!the court denied recognition of a number of Chama Valleygrants in favor of the Juan Jose Iobato claim. Additionalland was appropriated in 1905 for the National Forests(Swadesh 1974:70).
Documented Hispanic sites in the Abiquiu ReservoirDistrict are few. The evidence for Spanish entry prior to 1800consists of 2 petroglyph panels, one bearing a date of 1758.The majority of the Spanish sites, however, belong to thelate eighteenth and early nineteenth centuriess five home-steads concentrated in the Rio Puerco and two downstream about4 miles. The cluster of 5 appears to be an Hispanic community,but the other 2, which are more isolated, apparently arefarmsteads belonging to a freed Navajo slave (Schaafema 1976:110-115). The sites are probably at least partiallycontemporaneous.
In the lower Chama area such small sites are missingfrom the inventory. In fact, the only Spanish sites recordedare Plaza Larga, San Gabriel, Abiquiu, and Santa Rosa de Limade Abiquiu, all large and well documented early Spanishsettlements, and LA 6595, a 6-or7-room site, possiblydating to the 1600s. Three other historic sites have beenrecorded in the lower Chasa, but they are unassociated withdiagnostic artifacts, and thus, their cultural affiliation isambiguous.
* Because small puebloan sites and early Spanish sites havesimilar architectural styles and similar artifact assemblages(Gillio 1979:11), discrimination between them during surveysmay be diffiault. Some sites in the study area classed as puebloanmight, in fact, be Spanish.
8
* .
-26-
Navaio
A series of sites from the AbiquLu Reservoir District,believed to represent Navajo habitations, have been datedby archaeomagnetic methods to the period 1640 to 1710(Schaafsma 1980:31). These dated sites represent the ear-liest documented occurrence of possible Navajo occupation in theChama Valley, but they are only a few of the 37 Navajo orpresumably Navajo sites recorded for the reservoir and thusmay not encompass the entire period of occupation (Schaafsma1976; Klager 1980). In addition to the habitation units,Navajo sites found in the reservoir area include rockshelters,possible lambing pens, wall remnants with associated lithicsor ceramics, isolated projectile points, and isolated shardscatters, sometimes accompanied by hearths. Almost all of theNavajo sites are located above the valley floor, at the edgeof the second and third terraces. (Schaafsma 1975, 1976).
Habitation sites may be represented by single units,multiple units, or integrated villages called "rancherias"(Schaafama 1976). Evidence from the Cerrito Site, anexcavated seventeenth century rancheria indicatescontemporaneous occupation by 5 or 6 family units (Schaafsma -1975). During this period, Navajos appear to have reliedheavily on sheep husbandry, marginal agriculture and tradewith the Rio Grande pueblos (Klager 1980:102). Thatsimilar rancherias also existed in the area of Abiquiu issuggested by a special order issued in 1709 authorizing amilitary campaign against Navajos who were harassing settle-ments in the Rio Grande Valley. Abiquiu is singled out as oneof the "said enemies' dwellings" (Schaafema 1976:195).
How long after 1710 the Navajo continued to occupy thelower Chama is uncertain, but they appear to have withdrawnfrom the area by the time Santa Rosa de Abiquiu was establishedin the 17309. Ute and Comanche activity in the area duringthe early to mid 1700a appears to have kept the Navajosconfined to the territory west of the Chama Valley. Navajoraids in the Abiquiu area are reported, however, for the1780s and again in the early 1800s (Schroeder 1975:61,64).
When New Mexico became a United States territory, anIndian agency was established at Abiquiu (New Mexico StatePlanning Office 1967:23). Although this agency was notintended to serve the Navajos, a group of Navajos wasreported among the Indians at the agency in 1856 (Schroeder1964569). In the 1860s and 1870m, during and followingthe period of Navajo internment at Bosque Redondo, thenumber of Navajo captives in Hispanic households of theChama drainage rose dramatically (Schroeder 1974:65).This period also appears to mark the end of Navajo incursioninto the lower Chama Valley.
MN
-- -~ !
-27-
Sites generated by Navajo raiding would presumably reflectthe transient nature of their activities in the valley, andwould most likely belocated up river from the Abiquiu area.The visit of the Navajos to the Abiquiu agency in 1656 mayalso have left some physical remains, though it is not clearhow long the visiting Navajos remained there.
The four possible Navajo components included in theoverview inventory have been tentatively identified as
S belonging to the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuryNavajo occupation of the valley. Schaafsma (1960:33) hassuggested that the ancestral Navajo initially settled aroundTewa villages in the Rio Grande Valley.. if so, they probablymoved up the Chama from the Rio Grands and thus Navajo sitesboth earlier than, and contemporaneous with, the sites of
g the reservoir district should occur in the lower Chas area.
Utes and their Allies
The two major Ute bands known to have been in the Chamaregion during the Nistoric period were the Capote and theKoache. Also present in the valley at various times were theSabuagana (Chaguagua, Taguaganas), Weminuche, and Tabeguache(cf. Schroeder l9651 Swadesh 1974).
Shortly before 1593 a group of Indians, which appear tohave been Capote Utes, traveled via the Rio Chase from JemezPueblo to their home beyond the San Juan River (Schroeder1965:54)o The most direct route from Jemez would bring the-Utes into the Chama Valley upstream from the overview area,but it is possible that similar excursions, presumably fortrade, were undertaken to the Rio Grand* Pueblos as well.Aside from this early reference, there appears to be nodocumentation of Ute presence in the vicinity of the ChasaS Valley prior to the late 1600s.
During the period of the Pueblo Revolt (1660-1692),Noache Utes gathered in bands of sufficient size to attackthe northern Pueblos (Schroeder 1965:56). An alliancewith the Comanche around 1700 provided additional strength,
S and combined Moache Ute and Comanche raids into the Chama-Rio Grande area increased (Schroeder 1965M56). As notedpreviously, the settlement of Santa Rosa do Lima de Abiquiuwas attacked in 1747 and again in the early 1750s, forcing thesettlers to withdraw. During this period Utes could proceedat will through the settlements in the lower Chama (Schroeder9l6g5s59), It is about this time that the Ute-Comanchealliance apparently fell apart. Peace was restored by 1754(Schroeder 1945t59,60). According to Schroeder (19M65:9,60)the Otes took up residence in camps 0above Abiquiu on the ChamaRiver.8 It is not clear which band Schroeder is referring toor how long they resided on the river.
ST
8
-28-
Prior to 1762 Capote and Sabuagana Utes had begun makingtrips to the Chama Valley to trade (Swadesh 1974s47). In1776 a trade fair was held for the Utes in Abiquiu, and traderelations between the Spanish settlers and the Utes continueddespite a 1778 edict prohibiting such relations (Schroeder1965:61; Swadesh 1974). Peace lasted into the early 1940a..
In 1844 Utes killed 3 men in the settlement of TierraAzul, downstream from Abiquiur before fleeing to theirencampment on the Vega de Riano near the confluence of CanonesCreek and the Rio Chama (Swadesh 1974:62). Capote Utesraided livestock near AbiquLu in 1852 (Schroeder.1965%65).Surprisingly , trading relations between the Spanish settlersand the Utes appear to have remained unaffected by the generalhostilities (Swadesh 1974:63).
The location of Ute camps during this period is unclear.By 1850 Capote Utes were said to be living a fev miles"northeast of Abiquiu. Shortly after 1850, however, .an agentis said to have visited Ute country located about 60 milesnorth of AbiquLu (Schroeder 1965t64,65).
About 1855 Noache and Capote Utes concluded a treaty withthe United States government. At this time some of theJicarilla Apaches, one time allies of the Koache Ute, weresettled on land 10 miles west of Abiquiu. In 1658, however,they were moved back to the east side of the Rio Grande,though many continued to visit the agency at Abiquiu through-out the following decade (Schroeder 1965:68,69).
In 1669 the Capote Utes occupied the area from Abiquiunorth to the Navajo River, living most of the time at TierraAmarilla (Schroeder 1965:72,73). Both Noache and CapoteUtes apparently moved to a reservation on the San Juan Riverin 1874.
Ute sites in the Chama River Valley have been reportedby Ribben (1937) and Schaafama (1976). Aged informants in thearea identified Ribben's circular pole lodges as Ute. TheDase of these structures had been reinforced by boulders andlarge sandstone slabs, and these rock outlines have often beenidentified as tipi rings (Ribben 1937:13,14). Accordingto Ribben (1937s13) these lodges are situated in roughcountry away from the river. The tipi rings found in theAbiquiu Reservoir District, however, show no effort atconcealment and are generally located on the first and secondterraces abQve the valley bottom. No ceramics were found inassociation with the tipi rings in the reservoir district.Nor were there other artifacts that might date the sites tothe period of Ute occupatLon. Sites reported by Schaafamainclude from 1 to 20 tipi rings and appear to occur in 2clusters, suggesting 2 major social divisions. athnohistoric
O[0
-29-
accounts indicate the possibility of rancherias of up to 100structures (Schroeder 1965t59).
The physical similarities among Ute, Comanche, Apache,and even Navajo sites make it extremely difficult to identifythe specific cultural Identity of the occupants of thesehistoric componoets. The presence of features relating tosheep husbandry help in segregating Navajo sites. Schaafsma(1976s108,109) has also suggested the possibility ofdifferential us* of lithic material types, as sites tentativelyclassified as Ute tend to contain more obsidian than Navajosites. Chert appears to be the preferred lithic materialamong the Navajos.
go sites identified as Ute, Apache, or Comanche havebeen recorded for the overview area. This absence is clearlydue to inadequate survey procedures.
The first evidence of Anglos in the Chama Valley occursin the 1620s when the opening of the Old Spanish Trail drewtrappers and traders to the area. At least one of thetrading posts established during this period appears tohave been operated by an Anglo (Kossell 1979:266).
Zn 1846 Abiquiu became the point of departure forUnited States military expeditions into Ute and Navajocountry; troops marched in and out of the settlement. Apermanent post was constructed about 1351 but was apparentlyabandoned by 1355. Nevertheless, troops continued to useAbiquiu as a base of operations.
The Indian agency operated at Abiquiu was staffed, formost of its history# by Anglos. The agency continued inoperation until at least 1872 (Rodriguez at al. 1976:129-135).
Nany of the miners reported to be in Abiquiu after theopening of the toll road in 1860 were certainly Anglo. In1697 a Renry Grant was listed as postmaster and the GrantDrothers owned the only general store (Kessell 1979274).Anglos, in general, are in evidence in Abiquiu when the townis economically important and absent when its economic rolediminishes. But Anglo impact on the lower Chama Valleythrough the early 19008 was largely indirect, the resultof political and economic changes that followed the 1845-46:I acquisition of Now Mexico by the United States. Zven in the1970a there were no Anglo families reported living at eitherChamita or Sarranco, though 10 Anglo families were living onfarms near Abiquiu (Weigle 1975).
It
S'
-30-
Modern Pueblos
An previously indicated, the pueblo of Yunqueyunque wasturned over to the Spanish at the time San Gabriel was founded.This left San Juan as the only major pueblo settlement in thevicinity of the Chama River. Occupants of smaller sites inthe area may also have retreated to San Juan, as it was theSpanish policy to encourage pueblo consolidation. This consoli-dation facilitated supervision of Indian labor under theencomienga system and concentrated strength for defense againstnomadic tribes. Pueblos were distributed in encomienda toleading Spanish colonists, who could then exact tribute andlabor (Simmons 1969;715; Gillio 1979:9).
The hardships imposed by the enc.sienda system and theefforts of the Catholic clergy to eradicate the native religionculminated in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 (Simmons 1979ill;Gillio 1979:891 Swadesh 1974:13). The apparent uleader" ofthe revolt, Pope, was from San Juan Pueblo.
During the period 1680 to 1696, pueblo residents moved toisolated and defensible locations to escape from Spanishattempts to reestablish control (Swadesh 1974:151 Gillio1979:14). Some of the population also sought refuge with theNavajos. It is likely that the absence of the Spanishencouraged intensified raiding of the pueblos on the part ofnomadic tribes. We have no indication of population movementout of San Juan at this time, but the possibility exists andshould be reflected in the archaeological record.
In 1669, as part of the effort to regain authority inNew Mexico, San Juan Pueblo was allotted land by the SpanishCrown. Pueblo Indian grants, such as this, established therights of the Indians to the territory surrounding theirpueblos.
The inhabitants of San Juan appear to have had littleinvolvement with the Chama Valley settlers during the ensuinghundred years, perhaps because the Spanish neglected theirrelationships with the Pueblo Indians in favor of their contactswith the Utes (Swadesh 1966:14). It is likely, however, thatthe pueblo occupants continued to use the Chama Valley and itsenvirons as a resource base as they do today.
Taikog5 ("obsidian covered mountaing), that is, PolvaderaPeak, located 15 miles west of the pueblo, represents thewestern boundary of the San Juan *world" (Ortiz 1969:19).Sacred reference points, such as TsJigka, however, do notlimit the territory that may be exploited. Wood for fueland construction, clay, plants, game, and lithic materials areall secured from a wide area, as are various elements ofceremonial paraphernalia (Friedlander 1980:32). Shrines maybe built at any place considered sacred.
0
-31-
Zn the second half of the nineteenth century, the UnitedStates government's successful campaign against nomadic tribesassured the safety of pueblo farmers and their families vho
C chose to reside near more distant fields (Simmons 1969s19).The establishment of the-colony of Pueblito, across the riverfrom San Juan, reflects this process of dispersal.
I
I
I
iS
-32-
HISPANIC SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND SETTLEMENTPATTERNS OF THE LOWER RIO CHAKA
The original Spanish colonists along the Rio Chama lived insmall dispersed settlements, variously referred to as ranchos,volacionas, P.acitas, and plazas. The people residing inthese settlements were organized in extended family units rangingin size from 6 to 20 households (Swadesh 1974; Simmons 1969).
The dispersed settlement pattern was a function of therequirements of 1)a pastoral/agricultural subsistencl base thatwas constrained by the narrow valley of the Chama, 21 the-. landinheritance system and 3)the alternating hostile and peacefulrelationships with the Utes.
Land grants were generally made in the form of narrow stripsextending inland from the river's edge. The tools availableat the time allowed only for farming of the bottomlands, thuslimiting the acreage that could be placed under cultivation.Land was inherited by both male and female offspring andgenerational growth resulted in the sectioning of the originalgrants into even narrower strips. Eventually the land couldno longer support the growing extended family so younger memberspetitioned for land farther upstream (Swadesh 1974).
This scattered homestead pattern made defense difficultand the colonial authorities continued to urge the coloniststo congregate in large fortified plazas . This would haveplaced the settlers at some distance from their fields, however,a situation that was apparently unworkable, especially since themen spent most of the year herding and hunting. Contrary to theopinions of the authorities, enclosed ajL&" provided no realdefense. The fortifications were easily breached, endangeringthe flocks of the entire community. if an isolated farmsteadwere raided, only a few sheep were likely to be stolen, and anindividual's extended kin would be able to compensatehim for his loss. This system minimized the effects of Indianraiding for the entire community. (Simmons 1969 ; Swadesh 1974).
Dispeesionalso made it difficult for the Spanish authoritiesto maintain close supervision and to enforce obedience to theIndian trade regulations. This was particularly important duringthe period of illicit trading with the Utes. (Swadesh 1974).
The dispersed pattern of occupation persisted in the ChamaValley until the twentieth century. Swadesh (1974s136) believesthat the current concentration of population into communitiesIn: the result of land loss engendered by the handling of theland grant claims. One of the consequences of the loss ofancestral land* was a greater dependence on wage labor. Themodern village pattern is probably a consequence of these andother social and economic factors.
C)
. ..- Q wma ~ u m re__ _ - H i e
-33-
The basic forms of social organization have changed littlesince colonial times. The extended family was central to boththe internal organization of the colonial settlements and tointersettlement relationships. Throughout most of the Spanishcolonial period there were few formal institutions of socialcontrol. Final authority within each rancho or Plagita restedin the hands of the elders, or ta (Swadesh 1974). Sinceresidents of many of the raghas were linked by either marriageor blood, the kin based hierarchy could be extended to encom-pass a series of settlements.
Disputes between families that arose over water rightswere arbitrated by the mayordomo de acequia, or ditch boss,who also supervised construction and maintenance of the ditches.Bach community apparently elected its own mayordomo. Togetherthese mayordomos insured equitable distribution of the irrigationwater (Swad8Eh 1974).
A second focus of community activity was the Church. Thoughthere was no priest regularly assigned to the Chams Valley, someof the settlers built chapels. The first resident priest wasapparently the one assigned to Santo Tomas do Abiquiu. Whetherthere was a lay brotherhood, cofradia, associated with thischurch is not clear. The cofradia, however, apparently servedas the model from which the Penitente brotherhood evolved in thelate eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Gonzales 19691Simmons 19695 Swadesh 1974).I
The development of the Penitentes at this time reflectsthe scarcity of priests and the neglect of the Church. In 1827,for example, there were only 17 priests in all of Mew Mexico.The Penitentes assumed the duties of the Church, especially Ithe care of the sick, the incapacitated, and the bereaved.There are still two Penitente moradas standing in Abiquiu today(Gonzales 19691 Swadesh 19741 Kessell 1979).
During the Colonial and Mexican periods there was littleclass differentiation in the lower Chama Valley. Even theGenizaros seem to have been successfully assimilated intothe general populace. Three factors appear to have contributedto this basically egalitarian pattern: the opening of new lands,the opportunity to supplement the subsistence base by tradingwith the Utes, and the recurrent possibility of losing wea. hdue to raiding (Swadesh 1974).
Initial class differentiation may have begun with theopening of the Old Spanish Trail. This provided opportunitiesfor amassing wealth based on legal, as opposed to illicit, trade.After the United States assumed control of the territory, theconcentration of land in the hands of a few further increasedthe power of the or Those who had lost their
uI
o Viim -
-34-
grants began to work for those who now claimed title to theland or they began to engage in wage labor. Continuing dependenceon wage labor appears to be more pronounced among those on thewest side of the Rio Grande than among those on the east side(Gonzales 19G9; Swadesh 1974; Weigle 1975).
Hispanic residents of northern New Mexico responded to theeffects of United States territorial government by relying evenmore heavily on the ditch associations and the Penitents brother-hood. These institutions, along with the extended family, stillplay a major role in small northern New Mexican communitiestoday.
)
.)
- - A
-35-
EVALUATION OF RESOURCES
$ Site Records
The quality of the survey records is extremely variable.Information for the sites recorded in the early to mid 1900soften consists of no more than a locational reference and alist of pottery types. No site maps are attached to theseearly forms, but in many cases KHera Diagramss are available.These diagrams are site plans drawn by Mera and filed at theLaboratory of Anthropology. Also on file are "Hera Maps."Hera's maps are hand drawn facsimilies of the USGS maps availableat the time, with site locations plotted on them. These loca-tions have been transferred to the USGS maps currently in useat the Lab. Both diagrams and maps are referenced by numberand these numbers generally occur somewhere on the second lineof the form. Some of the sites probably have Here diagrams,but when no number was listed on the site card, it could notbe listed in table 2.
The descriptions for sites recorded or rerecorded duringthe 1962 Highway Inventory Survey (iee., sites in the LA 6000series recorded in tables 1 and 2) are relatively detailed,however, the accuracy of those descriptions are questionable(Stewart Peckham, personal communication). The locations ofthe Highway Inventory sites were oricinally recorded on HighwayDepartment quad maps, which are smaller in scale than the cor-responding topo maps. Locations as they appear on the topo-graphic maps, therefore, are only approximations. The HighwayInventory procedures included "comprehensive" collection ofartifacts. A list of these collections is appended to eachsite form.
Data for sites reported after 1962, with one exception,
have been recorded on the Museum of New Mexico ArchaeologicalSurvey Form. Because these are basically checklist forms,there is a lack of narrative data regarding these sites.
Descriptions on site forms for LA 20319 through LA 20323would not copy clearly. We have therefore appended the sitedescriptions given in Lang's 1979 report. There are no sitemaps for these sites, either in the site files or in the report.
Due to an oversight, the site card that presumably existsfor LA $74 (San Juan Pueblo) was not copied.
There are problems with 4 other sites occurring on theLab maps for the study area. LA 10, which appears in theoverview area, is recorded as being in another county, so thesite number on the map is obviously incorrect. There isprobably a site at that location, however. Three 'sites"noted on the topo maps do not have LA numbers. One of theseis simply marked "shrine area' (San Juan Pueblo Quad). A P IV
-36-
site consisting of "thousands of sherds and chalcedonyu isshown immediately south of the river on the Abiquiu Quad. Thethird site is one mentioned and located by Powell (1977) butnever formally recorded (see Chili Quad.)
Historic site inventory data for Abiquiu and San JuanPueblo consist of relevant excerpts from archival and secondarysources. Sources referenced in these inventories should beused to supplement the bibliography provided in this report.
Documentary Re2urces!
Most of the literature dealing with prehistoric resourcesin the lower Chama study area predate the mid 1950s. Datapresented in these reports generally provide an insufficientbasis for examining problems of current interest to archaeol-ogists, though they do furnish a starting point for generatinghypotheses. Information regarding intersite variability, atleast at the level of site size and possibly complexity mightbe obtained through a systematic inspection of Mera's diagrams.Tables and descriptions in Leubben, especially his thesis(1951), and in Wendorf (1953) should also allow for someassessment of both intersite and intrasite variability.
The Highway Inventory Report (Alexander 1964) and theclearance survey reports (e.g., Enloe et al. 1974; Powell1977; Lang 1979) do little more than reiterate the data pro-vided on the site forms.
The most promising sources are those written anC beingwritten by the Laboratory of Anthropology staff in conjunctionwith the Ojo Project (e.g., Whiteaker 1976b; Fiero n.d.j Snown.d.a. and b). The final Ojo Project report will deal withmaterial from a series of tested sites in the Chama Valley.Theead sites were originally recorded by Enloe st al. (1974)during the San Juan-to-Ojo transmission line survey. Thecomplete Ojo manuscript should be ready for publication latein 1910 (David Snow, personal communication). Although thisreport will deal with only lithic sites and garden plots, theanalyses are directed toward questions of economic behaviorand resource acquisition strategies.
Virtually all of the literature on the historic periodthat was examined for this overview consisted of secondarysources, many of which relied heavily on archival material.Without formal historical training, it is difficult to evalu-ate adequately either the secondary sources or the primarymaterial on which they are based. As indicated by the numerouscitations, however, Swadesh (1974) proved invaluable insorting out the complex history of the Chama Valley, at leastthrough the mid 1800s. Simmons' (1969) paper on settlementpatterns, though not specifically focused on the Chama Valley,was both impressive and relevant to archaeological concerns.It might be useful to explore other work he has done.
• i_ -
-37-
Knowledge of Anglo involvement in the Chama area isscanty. It is not clear whether this lack of informationis a function of incomplete researching on our part or areal gap in the literature. The same applies to the lackof historical, as opposed to ethnographic# literature on theTows. In both instances it may be necessary to examineprimary sources. Unfortunately, some of the archival materialsrelating to the Spanish Colonial period appear to be in MexicoCity or in Spain.
A number of specific problems were encountered in dealingwith the historical data. First, different authors sometimespresented conflicting information. Second, some villagesappearing on the USGS maps were never mentioned while others(e.g., Tierra Azul, La Puente) that were referenced in theliterature do not appear on the maps. Third, place names maybe spellediAn a variety of ways (e.g., Barranco/Darranca),leading to confusion in pursuing references. Fourth, placenames were duplicated as the settlers expanded north alongthe river (e.g., the present town of Chamita was originallycalled Chasae but the name was changed when the present townof Chama was founded up river in the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant).
Many of the more general sources referenced in Kessell(1979) are not included in our bibliography. These should beconsulted, however, in any future research.
tg,
-38-
RKCOX4EUDATIONS FOR FUTURE WORK
The prehistoric records for the study area have beenthowoughly reviewed in the course of preparing this overview.Additional work, at least for the Archaic period, might bestbe devoted to more intensive survey, to study of intra- andintersite variability, and to definition of site locationalpatterns both within the river valleys and in the surroundinguplands. Currentlyknowledge of the Archaic, as well as othercultural groups, is hampered by the orientation of past surveyprojects toward the river valley and its immediate environs.
The origins of the Pueblo tradition in the lower Chamaare poorly defined. in order to fill out the culture historyof the local pueblos, further archaeological work could seekbetter definitions of the founding dates of the Chama pueblos,the sources of the colonizing groups, the processes ofpopulation growth within and between settlements, and thecauses of pueblo abandonment. Additional areas of inquiryfor the pueblos might include the socioeconomic impetus formovements through the valley, environmental consequences ofagricultural activity along the Chama, social organizationalvariability through time among contemporaneous sites, andtrade relations with Navajos, Utes, Spaniards, and Anglos.
When one considers the richness of the history of thelower Chama area and the wealth of historical documentation,it is clear that any work that would impact historic sitesshould be accompanied by in-depth archival and historicalresearch. Given the problems of unfamiliarity that we, asanthropologists, faced in researching historic records, we
Irecommend that further background study be conducted by anhistorical researcher who would both locate and evaluate histor-ical materials# resolving conflicting accounts and discardingunreliable sources.
Beyond the background research, archaeological work athistoric sites should directly involve the ethnohistorian toensure maximum and pertinent data extraction. A combinedethnohistorical and archaeological approach would also permitmutual evaluation of historic and archaeological inferences.
Although the Navajo presence in the Chama has been referencedin historical documents, the best sources for early Navajo remainexcavation data. This probably holds true, perhaps to a lesserdegree, for the Ute as well. In particular, references todifferent bands and to changing warfare/trade relations withSpanish colonists, and concomitant organizational changes,might be more clearly defined in the archaeological recordthan in documentary materials.. Dates of first usage of thearea and other cultural historical questions are clearlyarchaeological problems. 7)
IO
-39-
Hispanic activity in the lower Rio Chama has a 100 yearhistory. Among the topics that might warrant further studyare the relationships among social hierarchies, status, and
I 8aces.to trade items, land, and other sources of wealththrough timer operation and persistence of the kin basedorganizational system under different governmental andreligious systems shifts in economic and political powercenters within and beyond the communitiesl and changes insubsistence and settlement patterns, particularly withinthe framework of a national economic network. In the laterperiods, post 1545, most of these topics will have to addressthe influence of such Anglo introductions as railroads, mining,andstate and federal governments. Additional documents, suchas those of the land claims courts, censusesp etc., should bevoluminous and should prove essential in ethnohistorical andarchaeological research for the territorial and statehoodperiods.
I
3
I
(I-
I
8
I I I I .. . .. ..I I
9 m m m emm mlml m mm :: " |
-40-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alexander# Robert K.1964 Highway Cultural Inventory Project Final Report
1961-1964. New Mexico State Highway Department andthe museum of New Mexico. Manuscript on file, Museumof New Mexico , Santa Fe.
Report is organised by highway department districts.A brief culture history, abbreviated site data, andmaps showing site locations are given for each district.
1966 Archaeological and Historical Survey alongNow Mexico Highways. Museum of New Mexico ResearchRecords 2.
A brief culture history for each highway departmentdistrict identical to those in author's 1964 report.
*Bandelier# A. F.1892 Final Report of Investigations among the Indiansof the Southwestern U. S. Papers of the ArchaeologicalInstitute of America, Part II.
(Includes a description of some of the largerBiscuitware sites in the Abiquiu area.)
Deal, John D.1980 Sample and Site Specific Archaeological Salvage
at Abiquiu Reservoir. Manuscript on file, TheSchool of American Research, Santa Fe.
Site analyses for some tested sites in the AbiquiuReservoir district are presented.
*Bryan, Kirk1936 Prehistoric Quarries and Implements of Pre-Amerindian Aspects in New Mexico Science 87ts 343-346.
* 1939 Stone Cultures near Cerro Pedernal and theirGeological Antiquity. Bulletin of the TexasArchaeological und Paleontological Society l: 9-45.
*Carison* Alvar Ward1971 The Rio Arribas A Geographic Appraisal of theSpanish-American Homeland (Upper Rio Grande Valley,Ne Mexico). Ph. D. dissertation, University ofMinnesota.
(Contains a chapter on AbiquLu)
Carrillo, Charles M.1976 Archaeological Assessment and Recommendation
for the Spanish Colonial Village of Santa Rosa deLima do Abiquiu. Manuscript on file, Museum ofnew Mexico, Santa Fe.
______°_o
- m l -
-41-I
includes a list of previous work, a brief history of9the settlement of Santa Rosa de Lima, a physical
description of the archaeological remains and aresearch design for future work.
Cordell, Linda S.1979 Cultural Resources Overview, Middle Rio Grand*Valley, new Mexico. U. S. D. A. Forest Service,Albuquerque and Bureau of Land Management, Santa Fe.
Report includes an overview of the prehistory of theChas District and a more general history of the RiddleRio Grand* Valley. but with some reference to the
£ Chase District.
*Cordova, Gilberto Bonito1973 AbiquLu and Don Cacabuate: A folk history of aNew Mexico village. San Marcos Press, Los Cerillos,New Mexico.
(*A good-humored blend of folk tradition and historyby a native of the comunity'.)
*1979 Missionixation and mispanicization of SantoTonas &postal de Abiquiu, 1750-1770. Ph. D.dissertation, University of Now Mexico.
*Douglass, William Boone1917 Notes on the Shrines Of the Tew and other Pueblo
Indiana of New Mexico. Nineteenth InternationalCongress of Americanists, Washington. I
S Illis, Florence a.1975 The Valleys of the Rio Chase and Rio Gallina:Iighways to the Past. New Mexico Magazine 53 (5)s19-25, 35-37.
Popular account. Useful only insofar as it documents'5 fieldwork conducted by 31lis in the Ghost Ranch/Chama
Valley area.
* n. d. Preliminary Reports Sapeve (LA 306). Iacavations1963# 1966, 1966 Seasons. notes on file, museum ofNew Nexico Santa Fee
Inloe, James C. Andrew 1. fmith and Stewart L. Peekham1974 An Archaeological Survey of the &an Juan-to-Ojo
345 kY fTransmissio Line, Nertkwesetrm New Mexioo.Museum of New Mexico# Labwrascry of Anthropelowy
NOtOs 105.
4-
-42-
Fiero, Kathleenn.d. a Research Design (San Juan-to-Ojo Transmission
Line), LA 11830: Field House and stone grids. Manuscript'on file, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Pe.
Discusses previous references to stone grids (gardenplots) in the Chars Valley and outlines a researchstrategy based on stated assumptions regarding functions,cultural affiliation, and socio-economic/cultural-ecological significance.
*n.d..b Prehistoric Garden Plots along the LowerRio Chars Valleys Archaeological Investigations atSites LA 11830, LA 11831, and LA 11832. Draftmanuscript on file, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.
Forrest, Earle R.1965 Missions and Pueblos of the Old Southwest. The
Rio Grande Press, Inc., Illinois.
Includes brief accounts of the history of San Gabrieland San Juan Missions.
Friedlander, Eva and Panels J. Pinyon1980 Indian Use of the Santa Fe National Forest: ADetermination from Ethnographic Sources. Center forAnthropological Studies, Albuquerque, EthnohLstoricalReport Series No. 1.
Brief overview of resource use for each linguisticgroup (*. g. KereseTewa, Jicarilla Apache.)
Gillio, David A. "1979 Santa Fe National Forest Area: An Historical
Perspective for Management. U. S. D. A. Forest ServiceSouthwestern Region. Manuscript on file, The Museum ofNow Mexico, Santa Fo.
Brief review of New Mexico history with sone referenceto changes in archaeological assemblages which might beexpected at particular points in time.
Gonzales, Nancie L.1967 The Spanish Americans of New Mexico. Universityof New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
A well researched discussion and analysis of bothtraditional and eontemporary lispanio culture, socialorganization and settlement patterns in New Mexico.
O
-43-
Report includes summary of sites by specific categoriesC (t. 9. nonceramtci, San Juan and Rio Grand* Anasazi, etc.),
site descriptions and maps.
Greenlee, Robert1930 Archaeological Sites in the Chama Valley and
Zxcavations at Teams. Manuscript on file, TheMuseum of Nev Mexico, Santa Fe.
Brief description of some of the large Biscuitwaresites along the Chama and of 12 excavated rooms and2 trenches at Tmama.
*Barrington, J. P.1916 Ethnogeography of the Teva Indians. Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology, 29th. Annual Report.
(Includes a map(s) and description of some of thelarge Biscuitware sites in the Abiquiu area.)
* Rewetts Edgar L.1906 Antiquities of the Jemes Plateau, New Mexico.Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 32.
(Includes a description of some sites in theAbiquiu area.)
Ribbon, Frank C.1937 IXCavation of the Riana Ruin and Chams ValleySurvey. University of new Mexico Bulletin,Anthropological Series 2 (1).
SDescription of large Wiyo and Bisouitware sites inthe Chans Valley. Results of excavation at Riana Ruin(e. g. wall conatruction, features, pottery types).Tree-ring dates for Riana by W. S. Stallings, Jr.
*Iorr, David Ages* 1974 American Indian Sthnohistory Series, Carland
Publishing, New York.
(Written testimony before the U. S. Indian ClaimsCommission Including material on Apache, Navajo and Ote.)
* Rurt, W. R. and s. Dick1964 Spanish American Pottery from New Mexico.
El Palaoio 53 (10)s320-266.
A discussion of Manuano Ware ceramics, includingshords found at the Mission of Santa Rosa de Lima
* de Abiqulu.
O t
-44-
Jeancon, Jean A.* 1911 Explorations in the Chama Basin, New Mexico.
Records of the Past 10: 92-110.* 1912 Ruins at Pesedouinge. Records of the Past,
11 (1): 26-37.1923 Excavations in the Chama Valley, New Mexico.Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 81.
Description of excavations at Poshu and of materialrecovered. Extensive photographs of artifacts.
lessell, John L.1979 Sources for the History of a New Mexico Community:Abiquiu, New Mexico. Historical Review 54 (4)s 249-285.
An excellent discussion and evaluation of the popularprofessional, bibliographic, and archival sourcesavailable on Abiquiu and the lower Chama Valley.
Klager, Karol J.1980 Archaeological Survey of Remaining Corps of
Engineers Project Land at Abiquiu Dam, New Mexico.The School of American Research, Santa Fe.
Detailed descriptions of 47 sites in the AbiquiuDam area.
*Kutsche, Paul, John R. Van Ness, and Andrew T. Smith1976 A Unified Approach to the Anthropology of
Hispanic Northern New Mexicos HistoricalArchaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnography.Historical Archaeology 10: 1-16.,
(Abiquiu is used as an example in posing hypotheses.)
Lambert# Marjorie F.1944 Exploratory work at Yunqueyunque. Z Palacio 51:222-224.
A brief documentation of what appears to be the onlyexcavation undertaken at !unqueyunque/San Gabriel. Alsodocuments extensive modern damage to the site.
1946 First Capital Suffers Further Damage. El Palacio53s 324.
Documents extensive modern damage to the site of Yunque-yunque/Ien Gabriel.
41
-45-t II
Lang, Richard1979 An Archaeological Survey near the Confluence
of the Chama and Ojo Caliente Rivers, Rio ArribaCounty# 3ev Mexico. Manuscript on file, School ofAmerican Research, Santa Fe.
Report includes a brief description of location andnatural environment, site descriptions and a map ofsite locations, a brief culture history, and anevaluation of site significance.
Leubben. Ralph A.1951 The Leaf Water Site, Chama Valley, Nev Mexico.
M. A. thesis, University of New Mexico. On fileMuseum of Kew Mexico, Santa Fe.
Includes tables giving distribution and attributesof features as well as a conclusion which places site
in the context of other work done in the area. Thesevere omitted in Leubben 1953.
1953 Leaf Water Site. In Salvage Archaeology in theChama Valley.. Fred Wendorf, ed. Monographs of theSchool of American Research 1.
Description of vall construction, floors, features and
artifactual material uncovered during limited excavationat Leaf Water.
R Meaders, Margaret1965 The lconomy of Rio Arriba Countys The CountyBackground Series. New Mexico Business 1 (April):
I l1-23# (Kay):s 1-29.
Mera, H. P.1934 A Survey of the Biscuitware Area in Northern KewMexico. Laboratory of Anthropology, Technical SeriesBulletin 6.
Locates and discusses aiseuitrare Sites in the ChansValley and derives abandonment sequence from ceramictypes.
Nev Mexico State Planning OfficeS21967 Now Mexico Ristoric Sites. New Mexico State
Plamning Offie, Santa Fe.
Includes a brief account of the history of Abiquiu.
SIi-
*
i-~t"" ~ *' 7 *1I.> *-- .*P
-46-
'Noland, Melissa1977 Abiquiu's Roots: Villages Unearth their Past.
El Palacio 93 (4): 31-34.
(Popular account of excavations at Santa Rosa deLima do Abiquiu under the direction of Charles Carrillo.)
Ortiz, Alfonso1969 The Tewa World, Space, Time.: Being and Becoming
in a Pueblo Society. The University of Chicago Press,Chicago.
Focusing on San Juan Pueblo, the author presents anexcellent analysis of the organizational basis ofTewa society.
Parsons, Elsie Clews1929 The Social Organization of the Tewa of New Mexico.American Anthropological Association Memoir 36.
Includes description of *life crisis" rituals,household composition, kinship patterns, religioussocieties and associated ritual, etc. with attentionto similarities and differences between various TewaPueblos, including San Juan.
Pearce, T. M. (ed.)1965 New Mexico Place Names. University of New MexicoPress, Albuquerque.
Includes very brief historical notes for some townsalong the lower Chama River. Also indicates datesland grants were awarded.
Peckham, Stewart1959 The Palisade Ruin, LA 3505, Archaeological
Salvage Excavations near the Abiquiu Dam. Rio ArribaCounty, New Mexico. Manuscript on file, The Museumof New Mexico, Santa Fe.
A brief description of excavated materials from a largePuebloan ruin near Abiquiu Dam.
* Petrick, Betsy1978 Abiquiu Rebuilds ltdt Heritage. Suntraila U. S. A.
Is 16-19.
(Popular account of excavations at Santa Rosa de Limade Abiquiu under the direction of Charles Carrillo.)
0
"7O
-47-
Powell, Mona1977 An Archaeological Clearance Survey of a Proposed
Powerline from Taos to Ojo Caliente, New Mexico.Cultural Resources Management Division, New MexicoState University, Las Cruces, Report 125.
Report includes brief culture history of surveyarea, site descriptions, and maps of site locations.
Robinson, William J. and Richard L. Warren1971 Tree-Ring Dates from New Mexico C-D, Northern
Rio Grande Area. Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research,The University of Arizona, Tucson.
g Includes tree-ring dates for some P IV-P V andHistoric Spanish sites in the Chama Valley.
Rodriguez, Ronald, Mike Robbeloth, and Jon Riddle1976 Santa Rosa do Lima. Colorado College.
g Manuscript on file, Museum of New Mexico.
Contains miscellaneous information including earlybaptismal records, drawings of artifacts withinformants' interpretations of their function, briefchapters on the role of various subsistence strategiesin the development of Santa Rosa de Lima and othercommunities along the Chama, and selected family histories.There does not appear to be any unifying theme ortheoretical basis.
* Salazar, R.1976 Santa Rosa do Lima do AbLquiu. New Mexico Architecture
l8:13-19.
(Discussion of early settlement at Santa Rosa do Limado Abiquiu.)
Schaafsma, Curtis1974 final Report on a Survey of Abiquiu Reservoir.Manuscript on file, The school of American Research,Santa Te.
Brief sit* descriptions of 33 sites in the lower portionof the reservoir.
1975a Archaeological Survey and Bzcavation at AbiquLuReservoir, Rio ArUibe County, New Mexico. Phase Iand Phase 11. Manuscript on file, The School ofAmecican Research, Santa re.
! 7
1 .. . . . .,
-48-
Synoptic report of 33 sites surveyed in 1974 andexcavations at lithic sites included in this inventory.
1975b An Archaeological Clearance Survey Report onAbiquiu Reservoir: The Cerrito Recreation Site.Manuscript on file, The School of American Research,Santa Fe.
Preliminary notes on a large Navajo site near AbiquiuDam.
1976 Archaeological Survey of Maximum Pool and NavajoExcavations at Abiquiu Reservoir, Rio Arriba County,Mew Mexico. Manuscript on file, The School ofAmerican Research, Santa Fe.
Summary of 279 sites surveyed, culture history of thearea, and report of excavations at 2 Navajo sites.
1977 Archaeological Excavations and Lithic Analysisin the Abiquiu Reservoir District, New Mexico:Phase IV. Manuscript on file, The School of AmericanResearch, Santa Fe.
Ixtensive lithic analyses for several sites excavatedin the reservoir district.
1976a The Mechanical and Chemical Effects of Inundationat Abiquiu Reservoir. Manuscript on file, The Schoolof American Research, Santa Fe.
Evaluation of mechanical and chemical changes inducedby flooding at several archaeological sites.
1978b Archaeological Mitigation of AR 102. Manuscripton file, The School of American Research, Santa Fe.
Report of collections made at a large lithic site andof survey of a quarry area.
1979 The Cerrito Site (AR 4), a Piedra Lumbre PhaseSettlement at AbiquLu Reservoir. The School ofAmerican Research, Santa Fe.
Excavation and analyses at a large Navajo site, composedof several habitation structures and lambing pens, nearAbiquiu Dan.
/ . - .. ............ .. . '
i-49-
1980 Early Apacheans in the Southwest: a Review.Manuscript on file, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.
Reviews existing theories of Apachean (especiallyNavajo) entry into the Southwest and evaluatesarchaeological, historical,and traditional bases forthese theories.
Schroeder, Albert H.1953 Brief History of the Chama Basin. In Salvage
Archaeology in the Ch;-ma Valley. Fred Wendorf, ed.Monographs of the School of American Research 17.
Draws largely on Spanish archives for a short accountof the early history of the Chan& Valley.
1965 A Brief :istory of the Southern Utes. SouthwesternLore 30: 53-78.
Draws heavily on archival sources to document the historyof the Southern Utes, their various alliances, and theirmovements. Includes numerous references to Ute presencein the Abiquiu area.
Simmons, Marc1969 Settlement Patterns and Village Plans in ColonialNew Mexico. Journal of the West 8 (1): 7-21.
General discussion of changing settlement patterns
through time and the factors affecting these changes.Applicable to the Chama Valley. I
Skinner, S. A.1964 A Survey of Field Rouses at Sapawe, NorthcentralNew Mexico. Southwestern Lore 31: 18-34.
A brief description of the general characteristics offield houses located during a survey east of Sapase.Some of these may in fact be garden plots. Also includesa brief summary of the ethnographic and archaeologicalliterature on field houses.
Snow, David H.1975* Archaeolog. ;,l Survey and Assessment, Sebastian
rMartin - Black Mesa Watershed, Rio Arriba County,new Mexico: Conducted for the U. S. Soil ConservationService. Museum of 3ew Mexico, Laboratory ofAnthropology Notes 114.
Outside of immediate project area but does provide a briefculture history for the lower Chans Valley.
0i-l i I -
-s0-
n.d.a Archaeological Investigations at LA 11836: aPedernal Chert Quarry in Rio Arriba County, New Mexico.Museum of New Mexico# Laboratory of Anthropology Notesill
(Outlines a research framework for investigating theroles of predominantly lithic sites, specifically alongthe Chama River.)
n.d.b Excavation at LA 11835: a Multicomponent LithicSite in Rio Arriba County, New Mexico. Draft manuscripton file, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.
Includes a description of excavated features and arti-factual material and an analysis of artifact distributionand attributes based on statistical manipulation of thedata. Interprets data in framework of Linton's (1937)form, meaning, use, and function and places site inregional perspective.
Speth, John D.1973 Arroyo Las Lagunitas Nonceramic Site LA 10998:
Preliminary Survey Report. Museum of New Mexico,Laboratory of Anthropology Notes 111.
Includes a description of features and surface collected
lithic and ceramic material. Tentative conclusions basedon preliminary (?) artifact analysis.
Steen, Charles1975 LA 874: Excavations at San Juan Pueblo. Manuscripton file, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.
Presents the results of very limited testing at SanJuan Pueblo.
Stone, Jens 8.1973 A Guide to the Museum of New Mexico Historical
Library. Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.
A general guide to library holdings relating to Spanishand Indian source materials. Organized by historic periods.Because of its broad range, less useful than Kessell (1979)for the Chama Area.
Swadesh, Frances L.1966 Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontiers from the Chama
Valley to the San Juan Basin, 1694-1960. University ofColorado Tri-Bthnic Research Project, Research Report 50.Manuscript on filet Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe.
0
-L
a
t -S-
Details the history of Spanish settlement in the Chamaand San Juan river valleys. Analyzes the social, economicand settlement patterns of these communities with specialemphasis on the circumstances that produced these adapt-ations. Analysis relies heavily on anthropological theory.
1974 Los Primeros Pobladores, Hispanic Americans of theUte Frontier. University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame.
A reworking of the author's 1966 contribution with lessemphasis on the theoretical bases for her conclusions andfewer specific historical references.
Tichy, Marjorie F. (see Lambert)
Tjaden, Rex L.1979 Bordered Garden Plots and Field Houses near Sapawe,Northcentral Vew Mexicos a Dry Farming Strategy. M. A.Thesis, Arizona State University. On file, Museum of NewMexico, Santa Fe.
Describes a number of P ZII - P IV bordered garden plots(i and associated field houses and advances a series of
arguments linking the garden plots to a dry farming strategy.
*Van Nesa, John R.
1968 The Archaeology of the Chama River Drainage,New Mexico: a Review of the Literature. K. A. Thesis,
CUniversity of Pennsylvania.
*Warren, Helene A.
1974 The Ancient Mineral Industries of Cerro Pedernal,Rio Arriba County, New Mexico. New Mexico GeologicalSociety Silver Anniversary Guidebook, Twenty-fifthField Conference. Ghost Rancht New Mexico.
Weigle, Marta1975 Hispanic Villages of Northern New Mexico. TheLightning Tree, Santa P.
( Presents a general discussion of economic adaptationsamong Spanish Americans in northern New Mexico. Includesmore specific data on the populations of Abiquiu, barranco,and Chamita. Provides an extensive bibliography.
Wendorf, Fred (ed,)1953a Salvage Archaeology in the Cham Valley# New Mexico.Monographs of the School of American Research 17.
See Leubben 1953, Schroeder 1953. and Wendorf 1953b.
0
o
,~.. - '44 7,~~tX 7,':~ ~~
-52-
Wendortf Fred1953b Excavations at Te*ewi. In Salvage Archaeology
in the Chama Valley. Fred Wendorf, ed. Monographsof the School of American Research 17.
Description of architecture, features, and artifactualmaterial from limited excavations at Te'evi. The verticaland horizontal distribution of sherds and lithic artifactsis presented in tables. Conclusions focus on possibleinteraction with the Plains. Photographs of artifacts.
Whiteaker, Ralph1976a The Little Deer Tail Site. Excavation of LA 10705.Museum of New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology Notes120.
Includes description of excavated features and artL-actual material, with tables. Conclusions are based onrelatively unsophisticated analyses of features and lithicmaterial.
1976b Archaeological Investigations on the San Juan-to-Ojo345kV Transmission Line for the Public Service Companyof New Mexicos the Excavation of LA 11825, the Arroyodel Palacio Site, Rio Arriba County, Now Mexico. Museumof New Mexico, Laboratory of Anthropology Notes lllb.
Includes description of excavated features and artifactualmaterial (with tables). Conclusions based on relativelyunsophisticated analysis of data.
Williams, Jerry L. and Paul 2. McAllister1979 New Mexico in Maps. Technology Application Center,University of New Mexico, Albuquerque.
Plots various social, historical, and economic variables.Includes list and maps of land grants, and indicates datesthey were awarded.
*Wittp Shirley Bill1969 Migration into San Juan Indian Pueblos 1726-1968.M. A. thesis, University of Now Mexico# Albuquerque.
CYarrow, 3. C.1875 Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers for 1875.Forty-fourth Congress, Kouse Exocutive Document 1 (2).
(Includes description of burial removed from Poshu aswell as overall plan of site.)
1679 Notice of a Ruined Pueblo and an Ancient Burial-Placein the Valley of the Rio Chama. Report upon UnitedItatas geographical Surveys West of the One BundredthMeridian 7.
.i• ' I.
:. -/
-FATEm
ILME.
