Everyones Queer Leila Rupp

8/11/2019 Everyones Queer Leila Rupp

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/everyones-queer-leila-rupp 1/5

Organization of American Historians is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to OAH Magazine of

History.

http://www.jstor.org

Everyone's QueerAuthor(s): Leila J. RuppSource: OAH Magazine of History, Vol. 20, No. 2, History of Sexuality (Mar., 2006), pp. 8-11Published by: Organization of American HistoriansStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25162026Accessed: 16-08-2014 16:59 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of contentin a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

This content downloaded from 141.213.236.110 on Sat, 16 Aug 2014 16:59:42 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oah

http://www.jstor.org/stable/25162026






http://www.jstor.org/stable/25162026

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oah

http://www.jstor.org/



Leila

J.

Rupp

Everyone's

Queer

When

I

was

growing

up,

one

of

my

Quaker

mother's

favor

ite

expressions

was

Everyone's

queer

except

thee and

me,

and sometimes

I

think

thee

is

a

little

queer,

too.

Even

as

a

child,

I

loved

both

the

sentiment

and the

language,

and then

later

I

got

a

special

kick

out

of the

possibilities

of the

word

queer.

But until

I sat

down

to

write

this

piece,

I

had

never

thought

about how

appropri

ate

the

saying

is

to

a

consideration

of

the

history

of

sexuality.

For the

most

striking

thing

about the literature

is

that the

vast

majority

of what

we

know about

sexuality

in

the

past

is

about what is

queer,

in

the

sense

of nonnormative.

We

assume

that

normative

describes

most

of

what

happened sexually

in

the

past,

but

we

know

very

little about that.

Except

what the

history

of nonnormative sexual

ity?same-sex,

commercial,

non- or

extra-marital,

or

in

some

other

way

deemed

inappropriate?can

tell

us.

And

that,

it

turns

out,

is

quite

a

lot.

Like

motherhood

or

childhood,

sexuality,

we

once

assumed,

had

no

history.

Now

we

know

better.

Sexuality, consisting

of,

among

other ele

ments,

sexual

desires,

sexual

acts,

love,

sexual

identities,

and

sexual

communities,

has

not

been

fixed

over

time

and differs

from

place

to

place.

That

is,

whether and

how

people

act

on

their

desires,

what

kinds

of

acts

they

engage

in

and

with

whom,

what kinds of

meanings

they

attribute

to

those desires

and

acts, whether they think love can be sexual, whether they think of sexu

ality

as

having

meaning

for

identities,

whether

they

form communities

with

people

with

like

desires?all of this

is

shaped

by

the

societies

in

which

people

live.

On

the

streets

of

New

York

at

the

turn

of

the

nine

teenth

century,

men

engaged

in

sexual

acts

with other

men

without

any

bearing

on

their

identity

as

heterosexual,

as

long

as

they

took what

they

thought

of

as

the

male

part.

Women embraced their

women

friends,

pledged

their

undying

love,

and

slept

with

each other without

neces

sarily

interfering

with their

married lives.

Knowing

these

patterns,

it

begins

to

make

more sense

that

Jonathan

Katz wrote

a

wonderfully

titled

book,

The

Invention

of

Heterosexuality

(1995),

for it

was

only

when

certain

acts

and

feelings

came

to

be identified

as

the

characteristics of

a new

type

of

person,

the

homosexual,

that

people

began

to

think of

heterosexuals

(i).

And what defined

a

heterosexual?

Someone

who

did

not,

under

any

(or

almost

any)

circumstances,

engage

in

same-sex

love

or

intimacy

or

sex.

That

this

never

became

a

hard

and fast rule

throughout

U.S.

society

is

suggested

by

the

recent

attention

to

life

on

the down

low,

the

practice

of

some

black

men

who

secretly

engage

in

sex

with

other

men

but live

in

heterosexual

relationships,

or

to

patterns

of

sexuality

among

Latino

men

(2).

But

the

important

point

here

is

that

normative

heterosexuality?what

scholars

sometimes call

heteronor

mativity ?can

only

be

defined

in contrast to

what

it

is not.

Which

is

why

the

history

of

nonnormative

sexuality

and the

concept

of

queer

is

so

important.

So how

did

people

come

to

think of them

selves

as

homosexual

or

bisexual

or

heterosexu

al

or

transsexual? That

is

one

of the

interesting

questions

that

historians have

explored.

We

now

know

a

great

deal about

the

development

of

the

concepts

by

the

sexologists,

scientists,

and social

scientists

who studied

sexual

behavior,

but

we

also

are

learning

more

about

the

complex

relationship

between scientific definitions

(and,

in

the

case

of

transsexuality,

medi

cal

techniques)

and

the desires

and

identities

of

individuals

(3).

For

example,

Lisa

Duggan,

in

her

book

Sapphic

Slashers

(2000),

details

the ways that publicity about a notorious lesbian murder in Memphis

in

the late nineteenth

century

both

fed

on

and

fed

into

such diverse

genres

as

scientific

case

studies and French

novels

(4).

In

his work

on

New

York,

George

Chauncey

opens

the

curtains

on an

early

twenti

eth-century

world

in

which

men

were

not

homosexual

or

heterosexual,

despite

the

categorizations

of

the

sexologists,

but

instead fairies

or

pan

sies,

wolves

or

husbands,

queers

or

normal

men

depending

on

their

class

position, ethnicity,

and sexual role

(the

part

one

plays

in

a

sexual

act?generally

penetrator

or

encloser) (5).

And

Joanne

Meyerowitz,

in

How

Sex

Changed

(2002),

reveals that

even

before the

publicity

about

Christine

Jorgenser?s sex-change

surgery

hit American

newsstands,

individual

men

and

women

wrote

of their

longings

to

change

sex

and

Like

motherhood

or

childhood,

sexuality,

we once

assumed,

had

no

history.

Now

we

know

better.

8

O

AH

Magazine

of

History

March

2006







bombarded

physicians

with

questions

and demands

(6).

That

is,

we

do

not

have the doctors and

scientists

to

thank for

our

identities;

their

definitions

sometimes

enabled

people

to

come

to

an

understanding

of

their

feelings

and

actions,

sometimes

to

reject

the definitions.

But it

was

observation of individuals and

communities

that led the sexolo

gists

to

their

thinking

about

categories

in

the first

place.

We,

as

homo

sexuals

and

heterosexuals and

bisexuals,

were

not

created

out

of thin

air.

Identities?and

by

identities

I

mean

not

just

homosexual

or

gay

or

lesbian,

but

all their elaborate manifestations

such

as

fairy,

faggot,

pogue,

lamb,

bull

dagger,

ladylover,

butch, stud,

fern?have

a

complex relationship

to

behavior,

as

the

contemporary

case

of life

on

the down

low makes clear.

Over

time,

the sexolo

gists

came

to

define

homosexuality

not

as

gender

inversion?effeminacy

in

men and masculinity in women?but

as

desire for

someone

of the

same

sex.

By

extension,

heterosexuals

felt

no

such

desire.

But

how

to

explain

men

who

identified

as

heterosexual but had

(ap

propriately

masculine-defined?that

is,

insertive

rather than

receptive)

sex

with

other

men?

Or,

in

the

case

of

women

who

came

to

be known

as

political

lesbians

in

1970s

lesbian feminist

communities,

women

who identified

as

lesbians but

didn't have

sex

with

women

(7)?

Identity

and behavior

are

not

always

a

neat

fit,

as

the revelations of

widespread

same-sex

sexual

interactions

in

the famous

Kin

sey

studies of male and female

sexuality

made clear

to

a

stunned

American

public

in

the

postwar

decades.

In

response

to

his

findings,

based

on

interviews

with

individuals about their sexual behav

ior,

Kinsey

developed

a

scale

to

position

people

in

terms

of their behavior

on a

spectrum

from

exclusively

heterosexual

to

exclusively

homosexual

(8).

Another

aspect

of the

relationship

of

identity

to

behavior is

suggested

by

some

of the

labels

people

claimed for them

selves,

for

many

of them referred

to

a

preference

for

specific

kinds

of sexual

acts,

sexual

roles,

or

sexual

partners.

George

Chamice/s

re

search on the Naval investigation into perversion in Newport, Rhode

Island,

in

the second

decade

of the twentieth

century

revealed the

very

specific

terms

used for those who

preferred particular

acts

and roles

(9).

In

his

study

of the Pacific

Northwest,

Peter

Boag

describes

a

prefer

ence

for

anal

or

interfemoral

intercourse

in

the

intergenerational

rela

tionships

between

wolves

and

punks

among

transient

laborers

(10).

Liz

Kennedy

and

Madeleine

Davis's

study

of the

working-class

lesbian

bar

community

in

Buffalo,

New

York,

in

the

1940s

and

1950s

makes

clear how central

sexual roles

were,

at

least

in

theory,

to

the

making

of

butches and ferns

(11).

One

identity,

that

of

stone

butch,

was

defined

by

what

a woman

did

not

do,

in

this

case

desire

and/or

allow her lover

to

make

love

to

her.

One

of the

things

that historians'

uncovering

of the sexual

acts

that

took

place

between

people

of the

same sex

reveals

is

how these

changed

over

time.

Sharon Ullman's research shows that oral

sex

between

men

was

considered

something

new

in

the

early

twentieth

century.

When

the

police

in

Long

Beach, California,

broke

up

a

society

of

queers,

they

were

confounded

to

discover that

they

were

having

oral rather than

anal

sex

and concluded that that didn't

really

count

as

homosexual

sex.

The

men

themselves dubbed oral

sex

the

twentieth-century

way (12).

Likewise,

Kennedy

and

Davis

found that butches

and ferns

in

Buffalo did

not

engage

in

oral

sex.

We

know,

or

should

know,

that

cultures

in

different

times

and

places

foster different kinds of sexual

acts.

Kissing,

for

example,

is

a

relatively

re

cent

Western innovation

as

something

erotic.

But

on

the

whole,

as

Heather

Miller has pointed out, historians of

sexuality

have

paid

very

little

atten

tion

to

the actual sexual

acts

in

which

people?and

especially

heterosexual

people?engage

(13).

One of

the

things

that nonnormative

sexuality

can

tell

us

about

heteronormativity

is

what kinds

of sexual

acts

are

acceptable.

We

know,

for

example,

that

heterosexual

oral

sex

was

something

confined

to

prostitu

tion?at

least

in

theory?until

the

early

twentieth

century.

Wliat

prostitutes,

both male and

female,

were

willing

to

do,

especially

for increased

fees,

tells

us

something

about what

respectable

women were

probably

not.

In

addition

to

interest

in

desire,

love,

sexual

acts,

and identities?and

the

complex

relationships

among

them?historians

of

sexuality

have

concentrated

on

the

building

of

com

munities

and

on

struggles

to

make the

world

a

better

place.

Martin

Meeker,

in

his book

Contacts

Desired

(2006),

un

covers

the

communications

networks

that made

same-sex

sexuality

visible

and both resulted from

and contribu?

ed

to

the

building

of

communities

and the

homophile

movement

in

the

post-Second

World

War

decades

(14).

His concentration

on a

wide

vari

ety of media adds to incredibly rich research on different communities.

In

addition

to

Chauncey

on

New

York,

Kennedy

and

Davis

on

Buffalo,

and

Boag

on

Portland,

there's Esther

Newton

on

Cherry

Grove,

telling

the

story

of the

creation

of

a

gay

resort

(15).

In

the

same

vein,

Karen Kra

hulik has

detailed

the

ways

that

Provincetown

became

Cape

Queer

(16).

Marc

Stein,

in

City

of

Sisterly

and

Brotherly

Loves

(2000),

uses

the

history

of

Philadelphia

to

detail,

among

other

things,

the

relationship

between

lesbian and

gay

worlds

in

the

city

and

in

the

movement

(17).

Nan

Alamilla

Boyd,

in

her

study

of

San

Francisco,

shows

not

only

how

the

city

by

the

Bay

became

a

gay

mecca

(something

Meeker addresses

as

well from

a

different

perspective),

but also how

queer

culture and

the

homophile

movement

had

amore

symbiotic

relationship

than

we

Alfred C.

Kinsey,

shown

interviewing

one

of his staff

members,

found

ed the

Kinsey

Institute for

Research

in

Sex,

Gender,

and

Reproduction,

located

at

Indiana

University.

Having

conducted

extensive interviews

about sexual

behavior,

Kinsey

and his

colleagues

published

Sexual

Behavior

in

the

Human

Male

(1948)

and

Sexual Behavior

in the

Hu

man

Female

(1953),

which

suggested

that

homosexuality

was more

common

than

most

Americans assumed.

(Photograph

taken

in

1953

by

William

Dellenback.

Image reprinted by permission

of The

Kinsey

Institute

for

Research

in

Sex,

Gender,

and

Reproduction.)

OAH

Magazine

of

History

March

2006

9







had

thought (18).

A

collection of articles

on

different

communities,

Creating

a

Place

for

Ourselves

(1997), provides

even more

geographical

diversity,

as

does

John

Howard's work

on

the

vibrant

networks

gay

men

fashioned

in

the

rural

South

(19).

Wfliat these studies

collectively

reveal

is

the

way

economic,

politi

cal,

and social

forces,

especially

in

the

years

since

the

Second World

War,

enhanced

the

possibilities

for

individuals

with

same-sex

desires

to

find others like

themselves,

to

build

institutions

and

communities,

to

elaborate

identities,

and

to

organize

in

order

to

win

basic

rights:

to

gather,

work,

play,

and live. This

despite

the

crackdown

following

the

war,

which David

Johnson

argues

in The

Lavender Scare

(2004)

was

more

intense and

long

lasting

than the effort

to

root

Communists

out

of

government

(20).

These

works

on

diverse

communities

have

also

fleshed

out

the

story

John

D'Emilio tells

of

the rise of the

homophile

movement

in

his classic Sexual

Politics,

Sexual

Communities

(1983)

and

responded

to

tlfe

question

of

how

the

war

shaped

the

experiences

of

gay

men

and

women

first told

by

Allan B?rub?

in

his

1990

book

Coming

Out Under Fire

(21).

Increasingly,

research

on same-sex

sexuality

and other forms of

nonnorma

tive

sexuality

has attended

to

the rela

tionship

of

sexual desires and identities

to

gender,

class,

race,

and

ethnicity.

Lisa

Duggarfs Sapphic

Slashers,

for

example,

tells the

story

of white middle-class Alice

Mitchell's murder

of

her

lover Freda

Ward

intertwined with the

Memphis

lynching

that drove Ida

B.

Wells

from her

home

town

and

into

her

anti-lynching

crusade.

Judy

Wu

and

Nayan

Shah attend

to

how

ethnicity shaped

sexuality

in

the Chinese American

community (22).

John D'Emilio's biography of Bayard Rustin makes his identity as a

black

gay

man

inseparable

from

considering

his role

in

the civil

rights

movement

(23).

George

Chauncey

and

Peter

Boag

detail

different

ways

that class distinctions

emerged

in

forms of

male

same-sex

sexuality

on

opposite

sides

of

the

continent. Karen

Krahulik makes

ethnicity

and

class central

to

the

story

of

the

coexistence,

sometimes

peaceful

and

sometimes

not,

of

gay

and

lesbian

pioneers

and

Portuguese

fishermen

in

Provincetown.

And

Kevin

Mumford,

in Interzones

(1997),

argues

for

the

centrality

of

the

areas

of New York

and

Chicago

in

which racial

mix

ing

and all

sorts

of nonnormative

sexuality

took

place

for

the

shaping

of

both mainstream

and

gay

culture

(24).

W^hich

brings

us

back

to

the

notion of

the

queerness

of

us

all.

We

know

that,

without the

concept

of

homosexuality,

there

would

be

no

heterosexuality.

Without

knowing

which sexual desires and

acts

are

deemed

deviant,

we

would

not

know which

ones

passed

muster.

Know

ing

how identities are

created,

institutions

established,

communities

built,

and

movements

mobilized,

we

learn from

the

margins

what the

center

looks

like.

Wliat

we

do

know

more

directly

about

normative

sexuality

tends

to

be

about

prescription,

and

we

know

that directives about how

to

act

are

not

necessary

if

everyone

is

behaving

properly.

So

Marilyn

Hegarty

has

shown how the forces of

government,

the

military,

and medicine

coop

erated and

competed

both

to

mobilize and contain women's

sexuality

in

the

interests

of

victory

during

the Second World

War

(25).

Carolyn

Lewis's

forthcoming

work

on

the

premarital

pelvic

exam

in

the

1950s

reveals

the

cold

war

anxieties that

lay

behind

the initiative

to

teach

women

how

to

enjoy

and reach

orgasm

through

heterosexual

vaginal

intercourse

(26).

To

take

another

example,

in

her

forthcoming

book,

Susan

Freeman

explores

sex

education directed

at

girls

in

the

1950s

and

1960s, revealing,

among

other

things,

the

ways

that

girls

pushed

to

learn

what

they

needed

to

know

(27).

These contributions?exam

ples

from

my

own

students

or

former students?add

to

what

we

know

about

heteronormativity

from

scholars such

as

Sharon

Ullman,

Beth

Bailey,

David

Allyn,

and

Jeffrey

Moran

(28).

So

my

mother

was

right,

except

she didn't

go

far

enough.

As Dennis

Airman

pointed

out

in

arguing

for

the homosexualization

of

Amer

ica,

and

as

my

own

work

with

Verta

Taylor

on

drag

queens

and

the

responses

they

evoke

in

audience

members

reveals,

in

a

wide

variety

of

ways,

from

what

we

desire

to

how

we

love

to

how

we

make love

to

how

we

play,

we are

all

a

little

queer

(29).

And

we

have

a

lot

to

learn

from

the

history

of

nonnormative

sexualities.

Endnotes

i.

Jonathan

Ned

Katz,

The

Invention

of

Heterosexuality (New

York:

Dutton,

1995).

2. See, for example, J. L. King, On the Down

Low: A

Journey

Into the

Lives

of Straight

Black

Men

Who

Sleep

with

Men

(New

York:

Broadway

Books,

2004);

Tom?s

Almaguer,

Chicano

Men: A

Cartography

of

Homosexual

Identity

and

Behavior,

differences: AJournal

of

Feminist

Cultural Studies

3

(Summer

1991):

75-100;

Don

Kulick,

Travesti:

Sex,

Gender,

and Culture

among

Brazilian

Transgendered

Prostitutes

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1998);

Annick

Prieur,

Mema's

House,

Mexico

City:

On

Transvestites,

Queens,

and

Machos

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1998);

Claiborne

Smith,

Gay

Caballeros: Inside

the

Secret

World of Dallas'

Mayates,

Dallas

Observer

(January

13,

2005).

3.

On

sexology,

see

Jennifer Terry,

An

American Obsession:

Science, Medicine,

and

Homosexuality

in

Modern

Society

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1999).

4.

Lisa

Duggan,

Sapphic

Slashers:

Sex,

Violence,

and American

Modernity

(Durham,

NC:

Duke

University

Press,

2000).

5.

George

Chauncey,

Gay

New

York:

Gender,

Urban

Culture,

and

the

Making of

the

Gay

Male

World,

1890-1940

(New

York: Basic

Books,

1994).

6.

Joanne

Meyerowitz,

How Sex

Changed:

A

History ofTranssexuality

in the United

States

(Cambridge,

MA:

Harvard

University

Press,

2002).

7.

See Arlene

Stein,

Sex and

Sensibility:

Stories

of

a

Lesbian

Generation

(Berkeley

University

of California

Press,

1997).

8. Alfred

Kinsey

et

al.,

Sexual Behavior in

the Human

Male

(Philadelphia:

W.B.

Saunders

Col,

1948);

Kinsey

et

al.,

Sexual Behavior

in

the Human

Female

(Philadelphia:

W.B.

Sanders

Co.,

1953).

9.

George

Chauncey

Jr.,

Christian Brotherhood

or

Sexual Perversion?

Homosexual Identities

and

the

Construction

of

Sexual Boundaries

in

the

World

War

I

Era,

Journal

of

Social

History

19

(1985):

189-212.

10.

Peter

Boag,

Same-Sex

Affairs: Constructing

and

Controlling

Homosexuality

in

the

Pa?fic

Northwest

(Berkeley

University

of California Press,

2003).

11.

Elizabeth

Lapovsky Kennedy

and

Madeline

D.

Davis,

Boots

of

Leather,

Slippers

of

Gold: The

History

of

a

Lesbian

Community (New

York:

Routledge,

1993).

12.

Sharon

Ullman,

'The Twentieth

Century

Way'

Female

Impersonation

and

Sexual

Practice in

Turn-of-the-Century

America,

Journal of

the

History

of

Sexuality

5

(1995):

573-600.

13.

Heather

Lee

Miller,

The

Teeming

Brothel:

Sex

Acts, Desires,

and Sexual

Identities

in

the

United

States,

1870-1940

(Ph.D.

diss.,

Ohio

State

University,

2002).

14.

Martin

Meeker,

Contacts

Desired:

Gay

and

Lesbian

Communications

and

Community,

ig40s-igyos

(Chicago: University

of

Chicago

Press,

2006).

15.

Esther

Newton,

Cherry

Grove,

Fire

Island:

Sixty

Years

in America's

First

Gay

and Lesbian

Town

(Boston:

Beacon

Press,

1993).

We know

that,

without

the

concept

of

homo

sexuality, there would be no heterosexuality.

Without

knowing

which sexual

desires

and

acts

are

deemed

deviant,

we

would

not

know which

ones

passed

muster.

Knowing

how

identities

are

created,

institutions

established,

communi

ties

built,

and

movements

mobilized,

we

learn

from the

margins

what

the

center

looks like.

lo

OAH

Magazine of

History

March 2006







i6. Karen

Christel

Krahulik,

Provincetown: From

Pilgrim

Landing

to

Gay

Resort

(New

York:

New

York

University

Press,

2005).

17.

Marc

Stein,

City

of

Sisterly

and

Brotherly

Loves:

Lesbian and

Gay

Philadelphia,

1945~1972

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

2000).

18. Nan Alamilla Boyd, Wide Open Town: A History ofQueer San Francisco to 1965

(Berkeley

University

of California

Press,

2003).

19.

Brett

Beemyn,

ed.,

Creating

a

Place

for

Ourselves:

Lesbian,

Gay,

and

Bisexual

Community

Histories

(New

York:

Routledge, 1997);

John

Howard, ed.,

Carryin'

on

in

the Lesbian and

Gay

South

(New

York: New

York

University

Press,

1997);

and

Howard,

Men

Like

That:

A

Southern

Queer

History

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1999).

20.

David

K

Johnson,

The Lavender Scare: The

Cold

War

Persecution

of

Gays

and

Lesbians

in

the Federal

Government

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

2004).

21.

John

D'Emilio,

Sexual

Politics,

Sexual

Communities: The

Making of

a

Homosexual

Minority

in

the United

States,

1940-1970

(Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1983);

Allan

B?rub?,

Coming

Out

Under

Fire: The

History

of

Gay

Men

and

Women in

World

War II

(New

York:

Free

Press,

1990).

22.

Judy

Tzu-Chun

Wu,

Doctor Mom

Chung

of

the Fair-Haired

Bastards: The

Life

of

a

Wartime

Celebrity

(Berkeley University

of California

Press,

2005);

Nayan

Shah,

Contagious

Divides:

Epidemics

and

Race

in

San

Francisco's

Chinatown


of California

Press,

2001).

23.

John

D'Emilio,

Lost

Prophet:

The

Life

and Times

of Bayard

Rustin

(New

York:

Free

Press,

2003).

24.

Kevin

J.

Mumford,

Interzones:

Black/White

Sex Districts in

Chicago

and

New

York in the

Early

Twentieth

Century

(New

York: Columbia

University

Press,

1997).

25.

Marilyn

Elizabeth

Hegarty,

Patriots,

Prostitutes,

Patriotutes: The

Mobilization

and Control

of

Female

Sexuality

in

the

United

States

during

World

War

II

(Ph.D.

diss.,

Ohio

State

University,

1998).

Revised

version

forthcoming

from the

University

of

California

Press.

26. Carolyn Herbst Lewis, Waking Sleeping Beauty The Pelvic Exam,

Heterosexuality

and National

Security

in

the

Cold

War,

Journal

of

Women's

History

ly

(2005):

86-110.

27.

Susan

Kathleen

Freeman,

Making

Sense of Sex: Adolescent Girls and

Sex

Education

in

the

United

States,

1940-1960 (Ph.D.

diss.,

Ohio

State

University, 2002).

Revised

version

to

be

published

by

the

University

of

Illinois

Press.

28. Sharon

R.

Ullman,

Sex

Seen:

The

Emergence

of

Modern

Sexuality

in

America


of

California

Press,

1997);

Beth

Bailey,

Sex

in

the

Heartland,

ist

paperback

ed.

(Cambridge,

MA:

Harvard

University

Press,

2002);

David

Allyn,

Make

Love,

Not War.

The

Sexual

Revolution,

An

Unfettered

History,

ist

paperback

ed.

(New

York:

Routledge,

2001); Jeffrey

P.

Moran,

Teaching

Sex:

The

Shaping of

Adolescence

in the

20th

Century

(Cambridge,

MA:

Harvard

University

Press,

2000).

29.

Dennis

Airman,

The

Homosexualization

of

America

(New

York: St. Martin's

Press,

1982);

Leila

J.

Rupp

and

Verta

Taylor,

Drag

Queens

at

the Soi Cabaret

(Chicago: University

of

Chicago

Press,

2003).

Leila

J. Rupp

is

Professor

and Chair

of

Women's

Studies

at

the

University

of California,

Santa

Barbara. She is the author

of

A

Desired Past:

A

Short

History

of Same-Sex Love

in

America

(iggg)

and

coauthor,

with Verta

Taylor,

of

Drag

Queens

at

the

801 Cabaret

(200$).

She

is

currently

work

ing

on a

book called

Sapphistries.

NEW

FROMPALGRAVE

ACMILLAN

^

BEST

HISTORY

ESSAYS

*

ffjfyK'^'fW^fi^i^a^^

THEBEST MERICAN

HISTORYESSAYS 006

Edited

by Joyce

Appleby

for the

Organization

of

American Historians

Palgrave

is

proud

to

announce a new

annual

publication

from

the

prestigious

Organization

of

American

Historians.

This

exciting

new

series

will showcase

pieces

selected

by

the

OAH

as

the

best of the

best in

intellectual

significance

and

writing style

from the

previous

year.

The

essays

will

be chosen

by

a

new,

prominent

American

historian

each

year.

The

collection

is

a

must-have for

all

armchair

historians,

historical

scholars,

and

academic and

public

libraries.

Inthis debut volume, former OAH and American Historical Association president

Joyce

Appleby

has

gathered

ten

of the best American

history

essays

and

articles

from

over

three hundred learned and

popular journals

published

in

the

last

year.

Written

by

such eminent

historians

as

Joseph

Ellis,

Ralph

E.

Luker,

and

Thomas

J.

Sugrue,

the book's

essays

cover

all

aspects

of American

history,

from

the

early

days

of

the

republic

to

the

twentieth

century.

April

2006

/

384

pp.

/ 1-4039-6840-3

/

$65.00

cl.

1-4039-6852-7

/

$18.95

pb

palgrave

acmiuan

}

330-8477

.

Fax:

(800)

672-2054

www.palgrave-usa.com

The

ninety-ninth

Annual

Meeting

of the

Organization

of American

Historians

and the

twenty-eighth

Annual

Meeting

of the

National Council

on

Public

History

will

be held

jointly

at

the

Hilton

Washington

Hotel

in

Washington,

D.C.,

April

19

to

22,2006.

Touching

on

the

concept

of

Nuestra Am?rica

as

articulated

by

nineteenth-century

Cuban

poet

and

patriot

Jos?

Mart?,

the

focus of the

annual

meeting

will

be the

expanding

definition of

America

beyond

borders and

across

bodies of

water.

The

range

of session

formats

will

be broadened

so

that

presen

tations

will

be

more

dynamic,

innovative,

and interactive. In

addition,

several offsite

sessions,

tours,

and

workshops

are

planned

that will tie the

meeting

more

closely

to

its host

city.

It

is

a

perfect

opportunity

to

explore

the

city's

museums,

monuments,

unique

neighborhoods,

and

restaurants.

For

more

information,

visit:

?

<www.oah.org/meetings/2006>

0*H

O

AH

Magazine

of

History

March

2006

11





Date post:	03-Jun-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	anonymous-xwv4pc
View:	228 times
Download:	0 times

Everyones Queer Leila Rupp

Documents