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Konnkjke Br NV, Leden, DOI: 10.1163/221183412X628389
Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 br.n/jrj
Japanese Secularities and the Decline
of Temple Buddhism
John K. NelsonUnversty o San Francsco, San Francsco, USA
Abstract
In many ways, Japan provdes a predctabe exampe o how hstorca, potca, economc,
and cutura actors n the postwar and ate-modern perods nfluence the nteractvty o
regous aiatons and secuar orces. And yet, to grasp the compexty o the stuaton aso
requres a broader anaytca perspectve, one that can ncorporate secuarzng nfluences
that are harder to denty because they are more gobay duse. Based on extended ied-
work that has examned the boom and bust o contemporary Japanese tempe Buddhsm, I
irst dscuss hstorca and potca egaces unque to Japan that have shaped oca secuar-
tes. Addtonay, concepts o Japanese regosty and secuarty have been reerenced n
controversa court cases that are reevant to the practce o regon n the pubc sphere.
Fnay, the dscusson surveys orces that are domestc and amar as we as goba and
nvasvenew normaton technooges, greater persona agency, hyper-consumersm,
corporate and bureaucratc restructurng, and a growng toerance or dverstympactng
tradtona tempe Buddhsm. Each one o these actors s sgnicant n understandng
Japans secuartes. The purpose here s to see them as a mutuay-renorcng and nterac-
tve web o reatons and consequences or the Japanese peope and the regous nsttu-
tons n ther mdst.
Keywords
secuarty, secuarzaton, regosty, Shnt, Buddhst tempe, gobazaton
Introduction
Unt very recenty, a ne rom the move Casablanca coud be used to
summarze the way many schoars and pocymakers approached the topc
o secuarzaton n cutura contexts outsde the West. In the im, a oca
poce captan (payed by Caude Rans) nstructs a subordnate to round
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
up the usua suspects ater a murder has been commtted. Athough
theres no crme to respond to n the academc study o secuarzaton (save
or that o compacency), expanng how a socety negotates the separa-
ton o regon and the state as we as ways o beng secuar has generay
reed upon a predctabe number o agents. Frst are those modes o
thought dentied as modern, ratona, and scentica wth orgns n
the European enghtenment. For schoars workng on secuarzaton the-
ory, ths trnty has been seen as nstrumenta or dstngushng regous
and non-regous wordvews, the soca derentaton o regon, and the
prvatzaton o regous practce and bee. Next, accompces to these
prmary agents woud ncude nsttutona systems that have deveopeddue to the gradua wthdrawa o regous nfluences rom governmenta
and corporate aars. An obvous neup woud ncude captasm (n both
prncpe and practce), democraces based on consttutona aw, man-
stream potca partes, scence and technoogy n both pubc and prvate
sectors, mass normaton meda, academc educaton, medcazed heath
systems and so on.
However, as a number o authors have noted (Asad ; Jakobsen and
Peegrn ; Casanova , ), there s consderabe sppage when
Eurocentrc modes o secuarzaton are caed upon n non-Western soce-
tes to assess the roe o regon n the pubc sphere. In some cases where
European coonzaton has been ressted, as n Thaand and Japan, ater-
natve and marked orms o regon proved to be a response to the domna-
ton o Protestantsm (Jakobsen and Peegrn : ). These natons
showed t was possbe to reate to European vaues shaped by the Enght-
enment but not be encompassed by them. Whe both socetes adopted
the trappngs o European monarches and paramentary orms o govern-
ment, they promoted nove arrangements o regous bee and practce(a knd o state Buddhsm n Thaand and the nvented tradton o mpe-
ra Shnt n Japan) that were dstncty ther own. For a number o other
countres n Asa rom the s to , ssues o secuarzaton and secu-
arty were voate pubc ssues exacerbated by deoogca conflct
(Demerath : ). Chna, Mongoa, Korea, Indonesa, Bangadesh,
and Inda a experenced major potca tensons and oten outrght con-
flcts about the roe o regon n emergng soca and potca orders.
Ths paper argues that conventona vews o secuarzaton and regos-ty are ony partay hepu n understandng the roe o regon n
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
contemporary Japanese socety. Because we now understand that secuar-
zaton takes on oca expressons and orms, the dscusson w hghght
cutura norms and soca practces that have shaped Japanese socety, aw,
and potcs n ways that have decsvey curtaed the roe o regon n the
pubc sphere. In partcuar, hstorca and potca egaces couped wth a
cuturay-specic orm o regosty w be addressed. The dscusson w
aso survey orces that are smutaneousy amar (the usua suspects) and
gobay nvasve, a o whch are shapng the reatonshp between con-
temporary Japanese socety and ts regous nsttutons. My ocus w be
on contemporary Buddhst tempes and prests where the eects o domes-
tc and goba trends aectng regous aiaton are aready pronounced.
Historical Contingencies Shaping Japanese Secularity
Japanese eaders earned eary on that regon coud be nstrumentay use-
u as we as openy dsruptve n tryng to mantan a stabe soca order.
Frst ntroduced by ther counterparts n the Korean pennsua n the sxth
century CE, eary Buddhsm n Japan was promoted as a wsh-uing
jewe o great beneit to both ruers and ther subjects. By the eghth cen-tury, ater three hundred years o growng power and nfluence by Buddhst
monks and ther tempes, the Impera Court mposed strct reguatons or
ther ordnaton and conduct, and restrcted ther mobty to eave the
monastery and crcuate n socety. Despte these rues, monks contnued
to serve reguary as potca advsors and conidants due to ther teracy,
educaton, and purported sks to summon sacred power rom bodhsatt-
vas and buddhas. Others, such as the amous Gyk (-7), crcu-
ated wdey among commoners where he and hs oowers not ony spread
Buddhst teachngs but aso but tempes, cncs, rrgaton mprovements,
and asssted the poor and outcaste n numerous ways.
Severa regmes and ive and a ha centures ater, new regous move-
ments and ther oowers openy ressted the power o mtary ruers ntent
Ths paper was prepared orgnay or the Mutpe Secuartes Conerence hed
at the Unversty o Lepzg, Germany. I woud ke to thank the conerence organzers and,
n partcuar, Php Cart or provdng an opportunty to thnk about these ssues n thecontext o Asa and contemporary socetes wordwde.
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
on centrazng and stabzng potca contro. Ater suppressng potca
nsurrectons by regousy-nspred mtas (ikk-ikki) based on
Jdo Shnsh Buddhsm n the md-5s, obteratng resstance
to the enterng the capta by warror monks on Mt. He n 57, and endng
Chrstan-nspred armed resstance at Shmabara n the southwest n 7,
the mtary state consstenty montored the rapd expanson o a re-
gous organzatons or the next 5 years. Ony certan expressons o
regon n pubcvstng tempes and pgrmage n partcuarwere
permtted and toerated.
An excepton to ths genera trend began n the md-nneteenth century
oowng a decsve revouton and bre cv war endng n . A aryconsstent theme emerged among Japans new eaders, one that was to
reman at the heart o modernzng and coonzng eorts nto the twent-
eth century: regous expanson (ncudng Chrstanty) woud be aowed,
but a regous actvty woud reman subject to the emperors sacred
authorty, now extended to the poces o the naton (and ts mtary).
Because the state now dctated whch regous organzatons and actvtes
were consdered to be n the best nterests o the naton, both cvc aw and
educatona currcua justied a coerced partcpaton n state-sponsored
regous aars as we as a potca deoogy that prveged Japans super-
orty over a other Asan natons. Ths crtca juncture came at a moment
when the structura condtons o socety and a growng emphass on nd-
vduas-as-ctzens served as resources or systematc change wthn a
hghy condensed hstorca perod (see Kuru 7: 55).
In contemporary Japan as n Europe and North Amerca, secuarsm
(sezoku) generay reers to an deoogca poston (backed by potca
prncpes) that there shoud be a negotated separaton o regon rom
the state. In Japan, the concept irst ganed tracton durng the rapd mod-ernzaton o the country n the ate nneteenth century. It was not unt
Japans deeat n the Pacic War and the advent o a new consttuton
I am reerrng here to three ceebrated exampes. The irst s Oda Nobunagas 57 attack
on Tenda Buddhsms vast compex o tempes, brares, prayer has and resdences on
Mt. He (near Kyoto) n whch over , monks, servants, concubnes, and retaners were
ked. Next s Nobunaga and hs successor Hdeyoshs suppresson o the Shn Buddhst
mtas and ther huge tempe n Osaka. Fnay, the Tokugawa regme had to que an
uprsng o over , masteress samura and peasants at Shmabara, Kysh n .
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wrtten argey by the Aed Occupaton that secuarsm became a soca
and potca pocy o secuarzaton, ntended to curta government
patronage o seect regous organzatons. In partcuar, the mpera cut
and State Shnt were the most obvous cuprts hed responsbe or the
wartme deoogy o sacrice and submsson. But Buddhsm and even
manstream Chrstan denomnatons were aso nvoved. Ther reuctant
adaptaton to a new knd o soca and potca system entaed the neces-
sty o support or natona poces o mtary expanson, coonasm, and
even war.
As a resut o postwar consttutona aw, the secuarzaton (sezokuka
) o Japanese socetythat s, both the unctona derentatonand prvatzaton o regonpcked up momentum. The new consttu-
ton guaranteed regous reedom to a ctzens or the irst tme n Japa-
nese hstory and mposed strct gudenes that curtaed state sponsorshp
o regous actvtes and organzatons. Artce states that, No regous
organzaton sha receve any prveges rom the State nor exercse any
potca authorty. No person sha be compeed to take part n any re-
gous acts, ceebraton, rte or practce. The State and ts organs sha reran
rom regous educaton or any other regous actvty (OBren : ).
Despte the uncompromsng anguage, Artce dd not uneash an
aggressve secuarzaton but rather a more passve type whch s a prag-
matc potca prncpe that tres to mantan state neutraty toward var-
ous regons (Kuru 7: 57). Due n part to ths oica atttude, the
postwar perod saw a proeraton o growth and expanson among a wde
varety o new regous organzatons, such as Ska Gakka or
When aced wth modernzng and centrazng orces uneashed by a new regme that
ended eudasm n the ate s, Japanese Buddhsts had tte choce but to adapt rapdyor ace persecuton and possbe extncton. Accordng to James Keteaar, Buddhsm had
been judged by Japans new eaders as heretca . . . and as socay exteror to the naton and
thus deservng censure (Keteaar : 7). As a resut, a cooperaton among Buddhst ead-
ers resuted n a trans-sectaran cooperatve (Bukky Kakush Kyka) that
heped to transorm Buddhsm nto a modern, cosmopotan, and socay eicacous nst-
tuton by adaptng eements o Chrstanty and even soca Darwnsm (Keteaar : ). Some mght argue that the consttuton aowed reedom o regous aiaton.
Whe true up to a pont, ctzens were nstructed n Artce that ther regous reedom
was guaranteed, wthn mts not prejudca to peace and order, and not antagonstc to
ther dutes as subjects whch ncuded uphodng the consttuton n whch the Emperor
was named soveregn because o hs dvne ancestry, unbroken or ages eterna (Ito n.d.).
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
Rssh Kseka. Tradtona tempe Buddhsm kewse expanded
sgnicanty nto the mortuary ndustry, as a boomng economy created
more flexbe ncome to spend on eaborate uneras and graves, outward
expressons o a amys rsng economc status. It was ony n 5 wth the
attack on the Tokyo subway by the Aum Shnrky regous
sect that the government once agan tghtened exstng reguatons (mpe-
mented n 5) montorng the egtmacy, inances, and organzatona
prncpes o a regous corporatons.
Japans Secularities
Ths bre athough cursory hstory brngs us to the irst o Japans mutpe
secuartes. Beore dscussng these exampes, t seems prudent to estab-
sh some carty about the use o terms. In the s and eary 7s,
secuarzaton was thought to be a unversa process shared by a modern-
zng socetes. As scence, reason, and market economes grew n nfluence,
the abty o regon to permeate soca e wth expanatory causes and
transcendent purposes dmnshed proportonay. Whe ths trend has
been pronounced n some socetes ke Europe and North Amerca, scho-ars now emphasze the dverse and compex nature o secuar expressons
n socety, whch are aways contngent n how they orm and are man-
taned through soca, potca, and ega structures. As we puraze
secuarzaton and secuarsm we must denty what modes are aready
n pace n derent oca and natona coniguratons ( Jakobsen and
Peegrn : 5).
Any anayss o the reatonshp between the pubc roe o regon and
secuar socety shoud be senstve to the oowng three eatures. Frst,
secuarty s cuturay specic to the hstorca and potca condtons o a
partcuar socety and s thus shaped decsvey by ocaty and regon.
Second, thnkng o secuarty as ocay determned (though certany not
soated rom arger networks o normaton and power) heps to accom-
modate wde varatons n how regon s conceved n the irst pace, a
partcuary mportant ssue or understandng the Japanese stuaton.5
5 Too oten n studes o secuarzaton, regon appears as a receved, unambguous,
and unprobematzed category, and or the most part s treated as synonymous wth certan
types o bee (Seth : 7). Anyone studyng or observng regous actvty n Japan
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Fnay, secuartes wthn a socety respond to and are reconigured by
changng crcumstances brought about through pubc controverses,
debates n the meda or n educatona settngs, and ega cases.
To keep the oowng dscusson wthn manageabe mts, I w survey
three exampes specic to Japan that represent some o the eatures o sec-
uarty just descrbed. The irst case s the ngerng shadow o empre and
the Pacic War. Ths egacy contnues to obscure the separaton o state
and regon, evdenced n rungs rom Japans hgh and supreme courts.
The second exampe s a unquey conigured sense o regosty n Japan
that suraces requenty n schoary terature va opnon surveys. Whe
ndvdua bee and opnons are mportant n assessng regon n anysocety, we w see how overemphaszng these aspects gnore soca cond-
tons and cutura trends aectng exstng nsttutons and regous aia-
tons. My ast exampe w show how a convergence o unprecedented
goba orces are acceeratng the dmnuton o regon n the pubc sphere
and are contrbutng to the decne and possbe demse o numerous Bud-
dhst tempes. Taken together, these three stuatonsthe egacy o the
Pacic war, dverse regosty, and newy ntrusve soca trendsndcate
that conventona understandngs o secuarty and regous practce
shoud be reramed n a daectca oscaton n whch each s contngent
on and responsve to the other (Demerath : ).
Multiple Secularities via State and Empire
The concept o secuarsm n the West orgnated as a response to the ways
n whch poweru and argey autonomous regous organzatons (such as
the Vatcan or Church o Engand) had become ntegrated wth the potca
and ega poces o monarches. Accordng to Ian Ward, secuarsm s
anayzed most rutuy as a discourse of displacement that ixes ctzens
reasonabe anxetes . . . on regon, constructed as an anomaous and
unstabe object n the secuar ied o pubc e (Ward : ). In Japan,
however, durng the natons rapd modernzaton rom to 5, re-
gon as a vta part o secuar pubc e was not consdered unstabe. It
qucky reazes that usng bee rather than practce as a measure o regosty s hghy
probematc.
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was the state, and not a domnant regous organzaton (as n Europe),
that approprated regous egtmacy or tse whe at the same tme pro-
motng the soveregnty o the Emperor and a dogma o sacred hertage or
the naton-state. Japans irst consttuton ater the euda perod, promu-
gated n , estabshed a potca system centered on concepts Western-
ers usuay thnk o as contradctory: a sacred monarchy wth rea coercve
power, and a representatve democracy that was amost entrey secuar
(Skya : ).
State poces to enhance mpera power va regous nsttutons and
rtuassuch as State Shnt (kokka shint) and Yasukun Shrne
(Yasukuni jinja, the controversa shrne at the heart o the StateShnt system), the niinamesai mpera harvest estva, or pacy-
ng the sprts o the mtary deadreached ther apex n 5. Wth Japans
deeat, the separaton o regon and the state came about not through
popuar demand but va the Aed Occupaton. To the common person,
ther irst experence wth secuarzaton was ess as a pocy restrctng
regon and more as one o a dzzyng custer o changes nked to Japans
deeat and subsequent democratzaton. Japans postwar rebudng s a
prme exampe o rapd modernzaton and ndustrazaton takng pace
wthout a systematc pocy o aggressve secuarzaton emnatng the
nsttutons responsbe or wartme deooges. The perod can aso be
characterzed as a tme o venture regous actvty where t became pr-
vatzed and derentated, one subsystem among many n a socety beng
restructured (Shobara : ).
Due n part to consttutona guarantees o reedom o regon, some o
the pre-war and wartme potca and regous aances promotng mpe-
ra rue and a sacred naton-state have perssted ong nto the postwar per-
od. From the s to , a number o groups and ndvduas haveattempted to subvert and renterpret the postwar consttutons separaton
cause. There s a weath o exampes where common ctzens have sued
state agences and regous organzatons over ther patronage and avort-
sm o partcuar regous expressons nked to natonasm. Wth cases
rangng rom taxpayer-unded groundbreakng rtuas (jichinsai,
see ig. ) and war memoras, to the states enshrnement o a soder ked
See Mark Muns exceent anayss, How Yasukun Shrne Survved the Occupaton:
A Crtca Examnaton o Popuar Cams (Muns ).
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 5
n an accdent (over the opposton o hs Chrstan we), to oica vsts by
the natons prme mnster (and members o hs cabnet) to Yasukun
Shrne, each court rung has been sgnicant n artcuatng the roe o re-
gon n the pubc sphere.
In the groundbreakng ceremony case, the Nagoya Hgh Court rued n
7 that an event n the cty o Tsu conducted by ordaned Shnt
prests n ront o an atar dedcated to a specic dety o the and upon
whch was to be constructed a muncpa gymnasumwas reay not re-
gous but was a tradtona okway and thus a secuar (sezokuteki)actvty. When the case was appeaed to the Supreme Court, t rued n 77
Figure 1. Shnt prest beore a groundbreakng ceremony (jichinsai) atar (photo
courtesy o Hachman Shrne, Yokohama, Japan).
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
that the rtua was not a okway but was st a secuar actvty, notng that
because o Japans unque regous hstory, t was mpossbe to separate
what was regous rom what was consdered secuar. The rung acknow-
edged that Shnt prests were nvoved, but snce they dd not preach or
proseytze, they were consdered to have not engaged n a regous actvty
(see OBren ; Hardacre ).
Foowng the courts ogc, Japans Shnt shrnes natonwde coud thus
be consdered as secuar rather than regous nsttutons n whch peope
partcpate vountary.7 A possbe resut o ths rung (and one ong desred
by neo-natonasts) woud be a government sponsored centrazaton o
and patronage or shrne Shnt, ncudng Yasukun Shrne and otherregona naton-protectng shrnes. However, dsagreement over the
nature o shrnes as regous or secuar between the natons Shnt
prests and ther centra pocy board (Jnja Honch, Assocaton
o Shnt Shrnes) n Tokyo eectvey hamstrung any ntatve that mght
have advanced shrnes as secuar nsttutons.
Athough the natons Shnt prests dsagreed over the possbe out-
comes o ths rung, conservatve and natonastc potcans wthn the
Lbera Democratc Party saw an opportunty and acted upon t. The
Supreme Court rung was a crtca juncture where crcumstances and
hghy motvated actors concded to produce a seres o potca moves, a
desgned to ether enhance or restore the potca and sacred power o the
emperor. (Ths s probabynotwhat Max Weber had n mnd when dscuss-
ng the reenchantment o the word). A b had aready been ntroduced
n to reestabsh Yasukun Shrne as nonregous oundaton. Grand
ceremones ceebratng emperor Hrohtos ity years on the throne were
hed n 7, pad or wth edera unds over the objectons o opposton
orces both wthn and outsde the government. In 77, the prewar anthem,Kimigayo (whch extos mpera rue astng orever and says noth-
ng about the actua naton o Japan), was renstated or oica occasons
(athough not passed nto aw unt ). In 7, the government was
compct n the enshrnement o ourteen convcted cass-A war crmnas
at Yasukun Shrne, whe the oowng year the naton reverted oicay to
7 Esabetta Porcus work on neghborhood organzatons n Kyoto (ths ssue) ndcates
that a egay-sanctoned organzaton, the chnaikai, exerts coercve pressure onresdents to contrbute inancay to Shnt estvas.
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 7
countng years accordng to the regn o an emperor. In , a government
commttee o awmakers and ega experts concuded that oica vsts to
Yasukun Shrne coud be consdered consttutona based n part on the
77 Supreme Court rung n the groundbreakng ceremony case. The very
next year, then prme mnster Nakasone Yasuhro made an
oica vst to Yasukun, settng o a irestorm o controversy rom Asan
natons once occuped by Japanese mpera orces. The commttee
report may have aso provded Kozum Junchr , Japans
prme mnster rom -, a ega ramework or justyng the ive
oica and hghy controversa vsts he made to Yasukun.
Multiple Secularities and Japanese Religiosity
Snce the regosty o the Japanese peope has been a key actor n both the
Hgh and Supreme Courts rungs, t s worth nvestgatng urther how ths
egacy pays nto debates about secuarty. The courts ogc o how an aver-
age Japanese person woud regard a groundbreakng ceremony cted both
a wdespread regous nderence as we a purastc regous con-
scousness contrbutng to ths unque sense o the secuar (OBren :). Schoars o secuarzaton n the West mght assume these descrptons
appy to the postwar perod o regous reedom and rapd modernzaton.
They reer, however, to a centures-od genera tendency n Japan or nd-
vduas to seek sprtua and regous beneits (riyaku) rom a varety
o tradtons, dependng on the settng, crcumstances, and tmng o a per-
sons need. Awareness o and oyaty to the doctrne o a partcuar regous
tradton has been the excepton rather than the norm n Japan, except dur-
ng that perod o ate nneteenth and eary twenteth century mpera rue
when the State actvey promoted and enorced deooges about the sacred
quaty o the emperor.
For many schoars, the dea o regon as a dscrete category o bee
and ndvdua practce outsde Europe predates the modern perod and s
ted to goba eects o coonazaton (Myajma ). Snce arrvng n
Japan rom Europe n the nneteenth century, the concept o regon
Both Weber and Foucaut have noted that the a-encompassng nature o Chrstanty
meant t dd not need to be enorced n any hghy-reguated manner or even practced n a
day way beore the Reormaton (Jakobsen and Peegrn : 5).
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(shkyor the teachngs [ky] o a sect [sh]) has been cosey
connected wth potca power, organzed regons, and regous doctrne.
Ono Makoto remnds us that, n the case o Japan, what one cas
regon pror to the perod o modernzaton depends amost entrey on
the hstorca perod n whch the term s to appy (Ono : ). For exam-
pe, pror to the Mej revouton endng n , regous aiaton as a
Buddhst was a soca necessty, decreed by the Tokugawa shogunate as a
way to contro regous actvty and montor bees (such as Chrstanty)
deemed subversve to the state. Today, by contrast, regous bee n Japan
as n many western countres s a soca contngency wth secuar socety
as the norm (Gordon : 5). The concept o contemporary regonremans coored by soca stgmas derved rom regous nsttutons asso-
catons wth potca power, money-makng, excessve recrutment strate-
ges, or even voent or expotatve practces. As a resut, the average
Japanese tends to vew regon n a pejoratve sense, thus ormng an hs-
torca bond wth Europeans who envsoned a pubc sphere ree o the
entangements o regous nsttutons and ther power.
Schoars reyng on surveys or reevant data about the regous bees o
the Japanese peope run a hgh rsk o overstatng the roe o regon n
contemporary socety. Mchae Roemer has ooked at Japanese regosty
as reported n eght, mut-year surveys ncudng the Asan Barometer, the
Japanese Genera Soca Surveys, and the Word Vaues Survey. He states
that regosty s used n these surveys as a broad term to encompass a
number o rtes, bees, opnons, and atttudes, and s not excusvey ted
to organzed regons (Roemer orthcomng). Athough the Agency or
Cutura Aars has or decades been cted by journasts or normaton
reated to regous aiaton, and many schoars have ponted out the
nflated nature o these statstcs, Roemer argues convncngy that theAgencys data s nether accurate, reabe, nor credbe. There s no verica-
ton or membershp numbers reported by regous organzatons, nor s
there a snge deinton o what consttutes membershp n one o these
groups. Somewhat comcay, the Agency reports mon beevers o
Shnt, 7 mon or Buddhsm, mon or Chrstanty, and over m-
on or everythng ese, totang 7 mon beevers n a naton whose
popuaton s sted by the Word Bank as totang around 7.5 mon
(Agency o Cutura Aars ).In contrast, the Japanese Genera Soca Survey ( JGSS) s unque n the
sense that, aongsde amar questons about bee and practce, t asks
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whether ndvduas have a persona or househod regous aiaton as
we as the reasons or these aiatons. Those who reported a persona
regon ndcated they joned or the purpose o ganng some sort o ben-
eit, such as psychoogca we-beng. A househod regon s more o a cus-
tom or obgaton and s carred out or the beneit o ones ancestors and
amy hertage. Assocaton wth ths type o regous practce s key to
be ess vountary than a regon one chooses to jon.
Out o the JGSS poo o ,7 respondents drawn rom a strategc, mut-
stage probabty sampe o a 7 preectures admnstered n 5, ony
,7 (.5%) answered that they have a regon n whch theypersonally
beeve. In other words, the JGSS inds that ess than % o the Japanesepopuaton denties personay wth a regon. A oow-up queston n
the JGSS survey nqured about a respondents devoton to a regon, and
ony .5% o the respondents mantaned that they were devoted (nesshin
), % sad they were somewhat devoted, .5% sad they were not
devoted, and the remanng 7% camed no aiaton at a (data adapted
rom Roemer orthcomng).
A typca opnon survey assesses regosty based amost entrey on
ndvdua bees and practces, an emphass smar to those ound n
many pos orgnatng n the West (such as the Word Vaues Survey, con-
sdered to be the standard or arge surveys, or the Goba Barometer
Survey). Questons deveoped or Western respondents are ncorporated n
many surveys n Japan and Asa n order to have comparatvey vad data
sets. Askng about regous bees, perodc but not reguar partcpaton
at regous nsttutons (wth no menton o membershp or reguar patron-
age/vstaton), or opnons about the characterstcs o regon n a socety
n whch such tendences have never been the norm thus msrepresent the
regosty o most Japanese.For exampe, the wdey-cted NHK Broadcastng Corporatons sur-
vey, conducted once every ive years wth , respondents, s a typca
exampe o questons ocusng on ndvdua bee and opnon, wth no
For exampe, the Asan Barometer Survey requres a country teams ( rom East Asa
and 5 rom south Asan countres) to compy wth the research protocos whch Goba
Barometer network has deveoped, tested, and proved practca or conductng comparatvesurvey research on pubc atttudes. Ther survey sampes are based on , respondents.
http://www.asanbarometer.org/newengsh/ntroducton (accessed November ).
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5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
questons on ong-term regous aiatons. Smary, a 7 survey
on ndvdua regosty bases ts indngs on regous behavor, bee
n detes, sous, and rencarnaton, genera regous bees and atttudes,
and the respondents opnon on the characterstcs o regon. Not a
snge queston to respondents deas wth nsttutons, organzatons,
e-cyce rtuas and ceremones, or membershp n a regous tradton.
Thus, the author concudes wth conidence that hs data supports an argu-
ment demonstratng the vtaty o regon n Japan and that secuarzaton
s not occurrng n a way detrmenta to estabshed regous tradtons
(Manabe 7: 7).
Whe there are many ways to nterpret survey resuts, Oddbjorn Knut-sen () argues that the most reabe measure o secuarzaton n a soc-
ety s the percentage o the popuaton who answer the queston concernng
regous aiaton wth none. Accordng to the Asan Barometer survey
o 5-, amost 7% o a Japanese report no regous aiaton,
yet 5.5% beeve n an unseen sprt word (Reed 7). These igures are
very cose to the JGSS survey whch reports that o the roughy % o the
popuaton airmng some persona connecton wth an organzed re-
gous tradton, about % are Buddhst and ess than % are aiated
wth ether Shnt (.%), New Regons (.5%), or Chrstanty (.%)
(Tanoka et a. 5).
I we can agree that secuarzaton n a socety means the dmnshed
capacty o regous doctrne and eaders to nfluence soca and potca
nsttutons, and that the ensung ega and soca nsttutons o socety
graduay encode the prvatzaton o regous bee and practce, then the
above statstcs about regous aiaton are evdence that Japan has one
o the words most secuar socetes. Jos Casanova, one o the eadng the-
orsts on secuarzaton and secuarty, beeves that we have to ook beyondthe patterns o modernty to assess whether or not a socety w deveop a
predomnanty secuar orentaton to nsttutons and genera wordvew.
Otherwse, how can one expan the extremes o two Chrstan-nfluenced
The NHK survey covers a wde range o topcs but has ony two questons on regosty
out o a tota o ity questons. http://www.nhk.or.jp/bunken/summary/yoron/soca/
pd/.pd (accessed November ). See aso Ian Readers dscusson o the Yomiuri
andAsahinewspaper surveys (n ths ssue).
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 5
socetes ke the Unted States (whch s modern but st resoutey re-
gous) and Europe (modern but hghy secuar)?
For Casanova, the key eature shapng the degree o secuarty wthn a
socety s whether ts ctzens have some hstorca conscousness that they
are progressng rom an unhappy past (where regon contrbuted to
oppressve systems o contro) towards a sophstcated and berated uture
(where regon s securey bracketed by aws that guarantee reedom o
choce as a key eature o a democratc government). Casanova argues
that a secuarst hstorca . . . conscousness expans when and where
processes o modernzaton are accompaned by radca secuarzaton
(Casanova : 7).Athough ths perspectve s reatvey new and untested, t woud seem
to appy to Japan n ways smar to Europe. Wth consttutona guarantees
that regon and the state shoud be separated, and that the rghts o ct-
zens ncude the reedom o (as we as rom) regon, Japans postwar drve
to recover rom past mssteps pont towards a smar type o secuarza-
ton, evdenced by extremey ow eves o ndvdua regous aiaton.
Multiple Secularities, Globalization, and Japanese Temple Buddhism
The vsbe evdence o the eects o secuartes upon tempe Buddhsm n
Japan s becomng ncreasngy obvous. Except or prestgous Buddhst
tempes (supported by revenue derved rom toursm) and head tempes o
a denomnaton (supported by membershp ees rom aiated branch
tempes across the naton), regona rura and urban neghborhood tempes
strugge to cope wth a dwndng number o parshoners due to a ang
brthrate and an agng popuaton. These are sgnicant domestc causes
or the decne o Buddhsm natonwde but there are others as we (to be
dscussed n the next secton) whch mpact the overa dynamc o re-
gous aiaton n Japanese socety n sgnicant ways.
Regous nsttutons o a szes and n both rura and urban ocatons,
many orgnatng n the euda perod (or beore) and survvors o the war
and postwar perods, now have to adapt to a socety nfluenced by a tran-
snatona economc order, as we as the consequences o tryng to domes-
tcate that order (ayos, temporary workers, outsourcng, and so on). Loca
condtons such as decnng brthrates are st crtcay mportant or re-gous aiaton but ocaty tse s constanty normed, nterered wth,
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5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
and shaped by regona or goba orces (Appadura : ). The s n
partcuar marked the begnnng o an age o ree markets, speed stock trad-
ng, nstantaneous data transer, junk bonds, and so ona eatures that
acceerated the economc dmensons o what has come to be caed go-
bazaton. For many Japanese, gobazaton as a orce orgnates outsde
Japan, actng ke another verson o the kurofune or back shps o
Commodore Perry that, n 5, began pressurng Japanese socety to make
undamenta changes n how t operates (Iyotan : ). One schoar
noted that the current verson o gobazaton has greaty compcated the
study o regon n Japan because t has ntroduced new notons o sprtu-
aty, new cut aiatons reachng beyond natona borders, and broad-ened the reach o oca regous eaders (and opportunsts) ar beyond ther
tradtona mtatons (Sakura et a. : ).
Wth over 7, tempes and , Buddhst prests natonwde,
Japanese tempe Buddhsmor those Buddhst denomnatons n exst-
ence snce at east the sxteenth centuryhas been a sgnicant soca and
regous presence or the past 5 years. As domestc and goba orces
aect the vabty o these tempes and the vehoods o ther prests, there
are ew gudenes to oow wthn Japans tradtona Buddhst denomna-
tons n deang wth these soca and economc compextes. Loca prests
may reerence the doctrnes, herarches, and regous networks o ther
denomnatons, but ther nsttutona autonomy means they w succeed
or a argey on ther own ntatves apped to the soca context wthn
whch ther tempe s embedded.
Sakura Yoshhde examned data n the 5 Comprehensve
Research Report o Regous Actvtes or the St Zen denomna-
ton. He notes that tempes earnng ess than one mon yen annuay
(or U.S. $,) account or 5% o a tempes n the denomnaton. Look-ng at the breakdown o revenue or a majorty o St Zen tempes, 5%
conssts o ncome derved prmary rom uneras and memora servces,
wth a meager % as donatons rom member househods. Sakura notes
anecdotay that a tempe wth annua revenue o ive mon yen or ess
(U.S. $5,) cannot provde a decent vng or a prest and hs amy, due
n arge part to the expense requred to mantan the tempe and vng
quarters. He cas prests at ths eve the workng poor (Sakura ). As
a resut, many prests must assume postons n other tempes that may aso
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 5
not be abe to aord a u-tme resdent prest, or seek work as a teacher or
empoyee o a muncpa government.
In the recent past, schoars mght have caed orth a predctabe set o
secuarzng orces to expan the probems acng tempes: demographc
shts rom rura to urban settngs, hgher educaton, ndvduazaton and
consumer cuture, ncreased ratonazaton, ega restrctons on regon,
and so on. Whe these actors are st mportant, we must ncude
other dynamcs aectng the vabty o regous nsttutons we are to
puraze secuarty and ground t n specic settngs. Many o these
nfluences are harder to denty because they are more cuturay and go-
bay dused. Loca actors contrbutng to a cuturay specic type osecuarty must thereore be contextuazed wthn arger rameworks hav-
ng breadth and unpredctabty. Our anayss cannot over-prvege the
oca as a correcton to the tradtona narratves o secuarzaton theory
because, by dong so, we mss key nterdependences that thcken the pot
about the dmnshng roe o regon n the pubc sphere.
Ater extended ntervews wth orty-ive Buddhst prests rom a major
denomnatons, as we as numerous conversatons wth ndvduas repre-
sentng a wde spectrum o regous aiaton (or ack o t), the oowng
our dynamcs now seem obvous to me or ther mpact on Japanese soc-
ety, the regous tradtons embedded theren, and ndvdua regosty:
a greater toerance or purasm, radcay new communcaton technoo-
ges, the restructurng o corporate and decson-makng processes, and
a greater persona agency to chart ones e course. Each one o these
dynamcs s sgnicant and coud be dscussed at ength or ther mpact
on Japanese socety. My purpose s here s to see them as a mutuay ren-
orcng and nteractve web o reatons and consequences both or the
Japanese peope and the secuar and regous nsttutons n ther mdst.The reasons behnd a greater soca and potca toerance or purasm
and dversty are compex, encompassng aout rom the ong projects o
mutpe moderntes, two word wars, coona agendas, the Cod War, and
ncreased mmgraton (to name ony a ew mportant nfluences). There s
See, or exampe, the 7 speca ssue o the Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
devoted to secuarzaton and modernty where a these themes appear.
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5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
aso, o course, the purastc hertage o Japanese regosty rom the Edo
perod (and beore), durng whch tme Japans popuace saw Buddhst
tempes and kami-orented shrnes as compementary. Returnng to the
contemporary moment, however, n ths perod o ate modernty Chares
Tayor (among others) beeves we have ended up wth hstorcay
unprecedented networks o new practces and nsttutona orms (Tayor
: ). Both purasm and dversty are essenta to the democratc
prncpes o human rghts and reedom o regon, where (try as they
mght) no snge regous or potca organzaton has a monopoy on re-
gous truths. As we saw earer, the Japanese state attempted to centraze
and monopoze contro over regous meanngs about the sacredness othe emperor and naton, but the project was reatvey short-ved and
ended dsastrousy.
The second goba trend shapng oca secuartes n unpredctabe ways
are new communcaton technooges. Regous teachngs, appeas, and
actvtes can now reach a goba audence on the word wde web, but they
must compete n a nosy orum o dverse approaches, as we as chaenges,
to regous bee and practce. Addtonay, the rse o dgta pubshng
and soca networkng has heped to de-centraze tradtona centers o
authorty and contro over normaton. Major denomnatons st have
doctrna authorty, o course, but the word has flattened so that any
person or organzaton wth rudmentary computer sks can make ther
regous and potca vews heard, and sometmes subvert manstream
agendas. Some Buddhst denomnatons n the Nchren tradton were
Whe some schoars nsst on usng the term postmodern to characterze ths new era,
we have not et modernty behnd as the preix post woud suggest. Just as Esenstadt
argues or mutpe moderntes (), there aso appear to be as many contnutes asthere are dsruptons between the earer perods o certanty and todays ncreasngy
gobazed word. James Beckord (: ) has ponted out that many o the astest-
growng and most dynamc areas o regon are those where cear doctrnes, conservatve
ethcs, tradton-centered estyes, and authortatve patterns o eadershp are domnant.
We must remember these conservatve movements shape ther doctrnes, deooges, and
nsttutons as a orm o resstance to the reatvsm o chershed truths requred when
vng n a mut-ethnc and purastc socety. We shoud not assume that nternet access to tempe servces magcay creates new
members and inanca sovency. Webstes and bogs such as Hgan Net (http://www.hgan
.net) are conscentous and un to read, but the ounder o the webste sad hs actualtempe
membershp has not ncreased as a resut. Severa other young prests I spoke wth n the
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 55
hestant to deveop webstes or ear o nter-denomnatona attacks rom
groups and ndvduas hoste to ther goas (see Bae et a. ).
Snce data, money, and communcatons now move more seamessy
and at speeds never beore magned, the thrd goba trend contrbutng to
secuarzaton n Japan s corporate restructurng and ts eect on oca
economes and communtes. Fnanca, manuacturng, servce-reated
(especay NPO and NGOs), and dstrbuton systems have a been aected.
Workers n Japan and esewhere have been ad o or seen ther postons
made nto jobs ied by temporary hres (furt), a trend exac-
erbated by a struggng economy and hgh unempoyment. Wth greater
cass dvsons and ess money n crcuaton, the dynamcs o an economctrend o ths magntude have a drect causa eect upon the inances o
smaer tempes natonwde. Innovaton wthn corporate spheres has
aso ed to drect competton wth tempe prests n provdng mortuary
servces, as seen n the gant chan-retaer Aeon deveopng severa catego-
res o unera servces and even graves (see Neson orthcomng).
The ast goba trend s perhaps the most consequenta or Buddhsm
and secuarty n Japan: the dea o a greater persona agency to determne
an ndvduas unque e course. Athough t s mportant to acknow-
edge that concepts o the se n Japan are ambvaent about nfluences
stemmng rom western modernty, t s modernty tse that provdes both
the ground and background or thnkng about the se n any cuture
(Morta : ). In both western socetes and Japan, the grp o cass,
gender, regon, and oca cuture has oosened and thus transormed the
conscousness o contemporary ndvduas nto an ongong strugge wth
the questons o who am I? and what do I want? Ths type o endess se-
examnaton s one o the deinng characterstcs o the modern perod
(Fujwara : ). Popuar cuture and a varety o meda (musc, vdeogamng, soca networkng, even books and magaznes) ncreasngy nflu-
ence the range o optons consdered vabe. Many tradtona denttes
once orented around amy, communty, and occupaton have wted n
greater metropotan area o Osaka, Kobe, and Kyoto sad they had tred but then dscontn-
ued on-ne counseng, prayers, or other vrtua tempe servces. The greatest success or
onne communty budng has been n sucde preventon counseng. See Jonathan Watts
chapter n Neson and Proh (orthcomng).
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5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
the seductve aure o opportuntes oered (as we as those thwarted or
dened) by a gobazng word.
When we assess the nteractvty between secuarzaton, the our goba
dynamcs just mentoned, and tempe Buddhsm n contemporary Japan,
we begn to see more ceary a number o causa reatonshps between
oca and goba trends. Thanks to a greater toerance or purasm and
dversty, and wth ncreased access to normaton, hgher educaton,
trave, and new deas generay, ndvduas have become empowered to
expore a range o regous possbtes, optng perhaps or the atest
trend n sprtuaty, or avodng regon atogether. Japans dscernng
consumers o regous and sprtua servces are now abe to seek whatthey, not ther parents or a tempe prest, consder to be optma beneits or
nvestments o ther tme and money. Ths tendencyaong wth demo-
graphc and occupatona shtshas destabzed the inanca aars o
many tempes, as parshoners eave or pass away and are not repaced,
eavng a more market-drven mode or choosng (or optng out o ) re-
gous servces.
One o the most dramatc domestc chaenges to Buddhsm that sur-
aced contnuay n my ntervews wth prests around centra Japan s
what severa termed ther weak reatonshp wth parshoners. Loss o
memberhousehods s the snge major orce aectng the uture o tempe
Buddhsm smpy because ewer contrbutons, together wth ewer uneras
and memora servces, mpacts a tempes inanca stabty. The oss o
parshoners s usuay attrbuted to domestc actors aready mentoned
(demographcs, changed economc crcumstances, shrnkng ames, and
the nerta o Buddhst nsttutons to keep pace wth soca change), yet
they reman nteractve wth goba economc and cutura trends nfluencng
the prvatzaton and decne o regous aiatons. A number o prestswhose tempe membershp was shrnkng sad they rarey knew the specic
Ths newy deveoped sense o ndvduasm s not to be conflated wth mere persona
choce, whch s a characterstc o consumers n a crowded marketpace nfluenced by
advertsng, status, and product avaabty. The trend to commody regon s, o course,
nfluenced by persona choce but t s part o a arger, more compex process at work.
Persona regosty s now negotated drecty wth consumer cuture and natona dentty,
wthout a necessary connecton to overty or tradtona regous nsttutons (Schwekeret a. : 7).
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J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 57
reason why a amy ended up eavng ther tempe. They generay dd not
make any oow-up nqures because they wanted to respect the coniden-
taty and prvacy o the amy, and because they eared any questonng
woud be nterpreted n a negatve way and, crcuated, urther damage
ther bottom ne.
When I asked prests o modest means (whch transates as havng ewer
than member househods at ther tempe) n both rura and urban areas
how they mght try to add new parshoners, many nterpreted the queston
to mpy proseytzng (fuky)somethng they et they coud not do
because o the ngerng repercussons o the Aum Shnrky ncdent n
5, when poson sarn gas was reeased nto the Tokyo subway system.Athough sxteen years have passed snce the subway attacks, regous
eaders and nsttutons n Japan st ace a genera suspcon that remans
hgh among the genera pubc and manstream meda. A mut-year survey
rom 5- among unversty students natonwde ndcated more than
ha ound regon suspcous, wth neary % hodng negatve opnons
about regon n genera (Inoue 7).5 A number o prests I spoke wth
sad they et ke they coud not advertse tempe servces or actvtes
because they dd not want to adopt tactcs used by new regons and excu-
sve sects, nor dd they ee exstng tempe members woud ook avoraby
on ths type o actvty. Even though ther tempes inanca vabty was at
rsk, severa normants ndcated they needed to ind other sources o
ncome not nked to the waverng condtons o tempe membershp or
servces. Most typcay, they become empoyees o a oca government
or ind a poston as a u or part-tme teacher.
Conclusion
Lke goba warmng, the emergng orces that are destabzng Japanese
tempe Buddhsm and thus dmnshng urther the roe o regous nsttu-
tons n the pubc sphere reman easy to dsmss by many edery Buddhst
eaders, wth panu consequences or ther denomnatons st a decade
5 Perhaps some o these atttudes can be attrbuted to the atermath o the 5
Aum ncdent as conveyed by the mass meda and dscussed endessy on tak and newsbroadcasts.
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5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60
or more n the uture. But as we have seen, the number o tempes cosng
or mergng contnues to rse n a major denomnatons (see Reader n ths
ssue), whe generatons both young and od shy away rom ong-term
commtments to tempe servces or uneras and memoras. Tempes st
dependent or ncome on rtua servces and the sae o graveyard pots
reca a smar, rather tenacous dependency on oss ues, both wth a
shrnkng tme horzon or how ong ths reance can be sustaned.
I ordnary Buddhst tempes n Japan are to survve we nto the twenty-
irst century, ther ate rests wth ndvdua prests chartng a course
towards more socay reevant, nnovatve, and actvst orms o ther trad-
tons. For oca regous eaders especay, dicut and contentous dec-sons have to be made by ndvduas argey unamar wth trends o
ncreasng purasm, new normaton technooges, corporate restructur-
ng, and greater persona agency among a more mobe popuaton. A o
these actors create an expandng cmate o secuarty n Japan or trad-
tona regous aiatons. Wthout a sustaned eort to understand the
dynamcs at work on regous nsttutons n Japan, the next two decades
w orce Buddhst prests nto a much-too-cose encounter wth the unda-
menta truth o mpermanence.
Japans secuartes chaenge conventona understandngs about the
hstorca and ega roe o regon n the pubc sphere as we as the very
nature o regosty, and thus extend understandng about the orces aect-
ng the reatonshp between regon and socety generay. The egacy o
Japanese natonasm st suraces n court rungs about regous reedom
and government patronagerungs that subvert the postwar consttu-
tons separaton cause but whch have not yet been transated nto a cear
vctory or oyasts advocatng an mpera deoogy. Whe the courts have
ssued rungs about what consttutes secuar and regous behavor, pubcopnon pos have kewse advanced vews on these topcs. Ths paper has
shown that assessng ndvdua atttudes about bee and regous prac-
tce as a way to gauge the overa condton o regon n socety (and, by
deaut, the strength o secuarzng orces) s ess useu than observng
cosey what s actuay happenng to exstng regous nsttutons, espe-
cay Buddhst tempes that have been around or three or more centures.
Wthout ths broad perspectve, any anayss o regon and the pubc
sphere remans burdened wth deas, paradgms, and concepts better sutedor a prevous hstorca perod and a very derent knd o socety.
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