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    Konnkjke Br NV, Leden, DOI: 10.1163/221183412X628389

    Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 br.n/jrj

    Japanese Secularities and the Decline

    of Temple Buddhism

    John K. NelsonUnversty o San Francsco, San Francsco, USA

    [email protected]

    Abstract

    In many ways, Japan provdes a predctabe exampe o how hstorca, potca, economc,

    and cutura actors n the postwar and ate-modern perods nfluence the nteractvty o

    regous aiatons and secuar orces. And yet, to grasp the compexty o the stuaton aso

    requres a broader anaytca perspectve, one that can ncorporate secuarzng nfluences

    that are harder to denty because they are more gobay duse. Based on extended ied-

    work that has examned the boom and bust o contemporary Japanese tempe Buddhsm, I

    irst dscuss hstorca and potca egaces unque to Japan that have shaped oca secuar-

    tes. Addtonay, concepts o Japanese regosty and secuarty have been reerenced n

    controversa court cases that are reevant to the practce o regon n the pubc sphere.

    Fnay, the dscusson surveys orces that are domestc and amar as we as goba and

    nvasvenew normaton technooges, greater persona agency, hyper-consumersm,

    corporate and bureaucratc restructurng, and a growng toerance or dverstympactng

    tradtona tempe Buddhsm. Each one o these actors s sgnicant n understandng

    Japans secuartes. The purpose here s to see them as a mutuay-renorcng and nterac-

    tve web o reatons and consequences or the Japanese peope and the regous nsttu-

    tons n ther mdst.

    Keywords

    secuarty, secuarzaton, regosty, Shnt, Buddhst tempe, gobazaton

    Introduction

    Unt very recenty, a ne rom the move Casablanca coud be used to

    summarze the way many schoars and pocymakers approached the topc

    o secuarzaton n cutura contexts outsde the West. In the im, a oca

    poce captan (payed by Caude Rans) nstructs a subordnate to round

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    J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60

    up the usua suspects ater a murder has been commtted. Athough

    theres no crme to respond to n the academc study o secuarzaton (save

    or that o compacency), expanng how a socety negotates the separa-

    ton o regon and the state as we as ways o beng secuar has generay

    reed upon a predctabe number o agents. Frst are those modes o

    thought dentied as modern, ratona, and scentica wth orgns n

    the European enghtenment. For schoars workng on secuarzaton the-

    ory, ths trnty has been seen as nstrumenta or dstngushng regous

    and non-regous wordvews, the soca derentaton o regon, and the

    prvatzaton o regous practce and bee. Next, accompces to these

    prmary agents woud ncude nsttutona systems that have deveopeddue to the gradua wthdrawa o regous nfluences rom governmenta

    and corporate aars. An obvous neup woud ncude captasm (n both

    prncpe and practce), democraces based on consttutona aw, man-

    stream potca partes, scence and technoogy n both pubc and prvate

    sectors, mass normaton meda, academc educaton, medcazed heath

    systems and so on.

    However, as a number o authors have noted (Asad ; Jakobsen and

    Peegrn ; Casanova , ), there s consderabe sppage when

    Eurocentrc modes o secuarzaton are caed upon n non-Western soce-

    tes to assess the roe o regon n the pubc sphere. In some cases where

    European coonzaton has been ressted, as n Thaand and Japan, ater-

    natve and marked orms o regon proved to be a response to the domna-

    ton o Protestantsm (Jakobsen and Peegrn : ). These natons

    showed t was possbe to reate to European vaues shaped by the Enght-

    enment but not be encompassed by them. Whe both socetes adopted

    the trappngs o European monarches and paramentary orms o govern-

    ment, they promoted nove arrangements o regous bee and practce(a knd o state Buddhsm n Thaand and the nvented tradton o mpe-

    ra Shnt n Japan) that were dstncty ther own. For a number o other

    countres n Asa rom the s to , ssues o secuarzaton and secu-

    arty were voate pubc ssues exacerbated by deoogca conflct

    (Demerath : ). Chna, Mongoa, Korea, Indonesa, Bangadesh,

    and Inda a experenced major potca tensons and oten outrght con-

    flcts about the roe o regon n emergng soca and potca orders.

    Ths paper argues that conventona vews o secuarzaton and regos-ty are ony partay hepu n understandng the roe o regon n

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    J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60

    contemporary Japanese socety. Because we now understand that secuar-

    zaton takes on oca expressons and orms, the dscusson w hghght

    cutura norms and soca practces that have shaped Japanese socety, aw,

    and potcs n ways that have decsvey curtaed the roe o regon n the

    pubc sphere. In partcuar, hstorca and potca egaces couped wth a

    cuturay-specic orm o regosty w be addressed. The dscusson w

    aso survey orces that are smutaneousy amar (the usua suspects) and

    gobay nvasve, a o whch are shapng the reatonshp between con-

    temporary Japanese socety and ts regous nsttutons. My ocus w be

    on contemporary Buddhst tempes and prests where the eects o domes-

    tc and goba trends aectng regous aiaton are aready pronounced.

    Historical Contingencies Shaping Japanese Secularity

    Japanese eaders earned eary on that regon coud be nstrumentay use-

    u as we as openy dsruptve n tryng to mantan a stabe soca order.

    Frst ntroduced by ther counterparts n the Korean pennsua n the sxth

    century CE, eary Buddhsm n Japan was promoted as a wsh-uing

    jewe o great beneit to both ruers and ther subjects. By the eghth cen-tury, ater three hundred years o growng power and nfluence by Buddhst

    monks and ther tempes, the Impera Court mposed strct reguatons or

    ther ordnaton and conduct, and restrcted ther mobty to eave the

    monastery and crcuate n socety. Despte these rues, monks contnued

    to serve reguary as potca advsors and conidants due to ther teracy,

    educaton, and purported sks to summon sacred power rom bodhsatt-

    vas and buddhas. Others, such as the amous Gyk (-7), crcu-

    ated wdey among commoners where he and hs oowers not ony spread

    Buddhst teachngs but aso but tempes, cncs, rrgaton mprovements,

    and asssted the poor and outcaste n numerous ways.

    Severa regmes and ive and a ha centures ater, new regous move-

    ments and ther oowers openy ressted the power o mtary ruers ntent

    Ths paper was prepared orgnay or the Mutpe Secuartes Conerence hed

    at the Unversty o Lepzg, Germany. I woud ke to thank the conerence organzers and,

    n partcuar, Php Cart or provdng an opportunty to thnk about these ssues n thecontext o Asa and contemporary socetes wordwde.

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    J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60

    on centrazng and stabzng potca contro. Ater suppressng potca

    nsurrectons by regousy-nspred mtas (ikk-ikki) based on

    Jdo Shnsh Buddhsm n the md-5s, obteratng resstance

    to the enterng the capta by warror monks on Mt. He n 57, and endng

    Chrstan-nspred armed resstance at Shmabara n the southwest n 7,

    the mtary state consstenty montored the rapd expanson o a re-

    gous organzatons or the next 5 years. Ony certan expressons o

    regon n pubcvstng tempes and pgrmage n partcuarwere

    permtted and toerated.

    An excepton to ths genera trend began n the md-nneteenth century

    oowng a decsve revouton and bre cv war endng n . A aryconsstent theme emerged among Japans new eaders, one that was to

    reman at the heart o modernzng and coonzng eorts nto the twent-

    eth century: regous expanson (ncudng Chrstanty) woud be aowed,

    but a regous actvty woud reman subject to the emperors sacred

    authorty, now extended to the poces o the naton (and ts mtary).

    Because the state now dctated whch regous organzatons and actvtes

    were consdered to be n the best nterests o the naton, both cvc aw and

    educatona currcua justied a coerced partcpaton n state-sponsored

    regous aars as we as a potca deoogy that prveged Japans super-

    orty over a other Asan natons. Ths crtca juncture came at a moment

    when the structura condtons o socety and a growng emphass on nd-

    vduas-as-ctzens served as resources or systematc change wthn a

    hghy condensed hstorca perod (see Kuru 7: 55).

    In contemporary Japan as n Europe and North Amerca, secuarsm

    (sezoku) generay reers to an deoogca poston (backed by potca

    prncpes) that there shoud be a negotated separaton o regon rom

    the state. In Japan, the concept irst ganed tracton durng the rapd mod-ernzaton o the country n the ate nneteenth century. It was not unt

    Japans deeat n the Pacic War and the advent o a new consttuton

    I am reerrng here to three ceebrated exampes. The irst s Oda Nobunagas 57 attack

    on Tenda Buddhsms vast compex o tempes, brares, prayer has and resdences on

    Mt. He (near Kyoto) n whch over , monks, servants, concubnes, and retaners were

    ked. Next s Nobunaga and hs successor Hdeyoshs suppresson o the Shn Buddhst

    mtas and ther huge tempe n Osaka. Fnay, the Tokugawa regme had to que an

    uprsng o over , masteress samura and peasants at Shmabara, Kysh n .

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    wrtten argey by the Aed Occupaton that secuarsm became a soca

    and potca pocy o secuarzaton, ntended to curta government

    patronage o seect regous organzatons. In partcuar, the mpera cut

    and State Shnt were the most obvous cuprts hed responsbe or the

    wartme deoogy o sacrice and submsson. But Buddhsm and even

    manstream Chrstan denomnatons were aso nvoved. Ther reuctant

    adaptaton to a new knd o soca and potca system entaed the neces-

    sty o support or natona poces o mtary expanson, coonasm, and

    even war.

    As a resut o postwar consttutona aw, the secuarzaton (sezokuka

    ) o Japanese socetythat s, both the unctona derentatonand prvatzaton o regonpcked up momentum. The new consttu-

    ton guaranteed regous reedom to a ctzens or the irst tme n Japa-

    nese hstory and mposed strct gudenes that curtaed state sponsorshp

    o regous actvtes and organzatons. Artce states that, No regous

    organzaton sha receve any prveges rom the State nor exercse any

    potca authorty. No person sha be compeed to take part n any re-

    gous acts, ceebraton, rte or practce. The State and ts organs sha reran

    rom regous educaton or any other regous actvty (OBren : ).

    Despte the uncompromsng anguage, Artce dd not uneash an

    aggressve secuarzaton but rather a more passve type whch s a prag-

    matc potca prncpe that tres to mantan state neutraty toward var-

    ous regons (Kuru 7: 57). Due n part to ths oica atttude, the

    postwar perod saw a proeraton o growth and expanson among a wde

    varety o new regous organzatons, such as Ska Gakka or

    When aced wth modernzng and centrazng orces uneashed by a new regme that

    ended eudasm n the ate s, Japanese Buddhsts had tte choce but to adapt rapdyor ace persecuton and possbe extncton. Accordng to James Keteaar, Buddhsm had

    been judged by Japans new eaders as heretca . . . and as socay exteror to the naton and

    thus deservng censure (Keteaar : 7). As a resut, a cooperaton among Buddhst ead-

    ers resuted n a trans-sectaran cooperatve (Bukky Kakush Kyka) that

    heped to transorm Buddhsm nto a modern, cosmopotan, and socay eicacous nst-

    tuton by adaptng eements o Chrstanty and even soca Darwnsm (Keteaar : ). Some mght argue that the consttuton aowed reedom o regous aiaton.

    Whe true up to a pont, ctzens were nstructed n Artce that ther regous reedom

    was guaranteed, wthn mts not prejudca to peace and order, and not antagonstc to

    ther dutes as subjects whch ncuded uphodng the consttuton n whch the Emperor

    was named soveregn because o hs dvne ancestry, unbroken or ages eterna (Ito n.d.).

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    Rssh Kseka. Tradtona tempe Buddhsm kewse expanded

    sgnicanty nto the mortuary ndustry, as a boomng economy created

    more flexbe ncome to spend on eaborate uneras and graves, outward

    expressons o a amys rsng economc status. It was ony n 5 wth the

    attack on the Tokyo subway by the Aum Shnrky regous

    sect that the government once agan tghtened exstng reguatons (mpe-

    mented n 5) montorng the egtmacy, inances, and organzatona

    prncpes o a regous corporatons.

    Japans Secularities

    Ths bre athough cursory hstory brngs us to the irst o Japans mutpe

    secuartes. Beore dscussng these exampes, t seems prudent to estab-

    sh some carty about the use o terms. In the s and eary 7s,

    secuarzaton was thought to be a unversa process shared by a modern-

    zng socetes. As scence, reason, and market economes grew n nfluence,

    the abty o regon to permeate soca e wth expanatory causes and

    transcendent purposes dmnshed proportonay. Whe ths trend has

    been pronounced n some socetes ke Europe and North Amerca, scho-ars now emphasze the dverse and compex nature o secuar expressons

    n socety, whch are aways contngent n how they orm and are man-

    taned through soca, potca, and ega structures. As we puraze

    secuarzaton and secuarsm we must denty what modes are aready

    n pace n derent oca and natona coniguratons ( Jakobsen and

    Peegrn : 5).

    Any anayss o the reatonshp between the pubc roe o regon and

    secuar socety shoud be senstve to the oowng three eatures. Frst,

    secuarty s cuturay specic to the hstorca and potca condtons o a

    partcuar socety and s thus shaped decsvey by ocaty and regon.

    Second, thnkng o secuarty as ocay determned (though certany not

    soated rom arger networks o normaton and power) heps to accom-

    modate wde varatons n how regon s conceved n the irst pace, a

    partcuary mportant ssue or understandng the Japanese stuaton.5

    5 Too oten n studes o secuarzaton, regon appears as a receved, unambguous,

    and unprobematzed category, and or the most part s treated as synonymous wth certan

    types o bee (Seth : 7). Anyone studyng or observng regous actvty n Japan

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    Fnay, secuartes wthn a socety respond to and are reconigured by

    changng crcumstances brought about through pubc controverses,

    debates n the meda or n educatona settngs, and ega cases.

    To keep the oowng dscusson wthn manageabe mts, I w survey

    three exampes specic to Japan that represent some o the eatures o sec-

    uarty just descrbed. The irst case s the ngerng shadow o empre and

    the Pacic War. Ths egacy contnues to obscure the separaton o state

    and regon, evdenced n rungs rom Japans hgh and supreme courts.

    The second exampe s a unquey conigured sense o regosty n Japan

    that suraces requenty n schoary terature va opnon surveys. Whe

    ndvdua bee and opnons are mportant n assessng regon n anysocety, we w see how overemphaszng these aspects gnore soca cond-

    tons and cutura trends aectng exstng nsttutons and regous aia-

    tons. My ast exampe w show how a convergence o unprecedented

    goba orces are acceeratng the dmnuton o regon n the pubc sphere

    and are contrbutng to the decne and possbe demse o numerous Bud-

    dhst tempes. Taken together, these three stuatonsthe egacy o the

    Pacic war, dverse regosty, and newy ntrusve soca trendsndcate

    that conventona understandngs o secuarty and regous practce

    shoud be reramed n a daectca oscaton n whch each s contngent

    on and responsve to the other (Demerath : ).

    Multiple Secularities via State and Empire

    The concept o secuarsm n the West orgnated as a response to the ways

    n whch poweru and argey autonomous regous organzatons (such as

    the Vatcan or Church o Engand) had become ntegrated wth the potca

    and ega poces o monarches. Accordng to Ian Ward, secuarsm s

    anayzed most rutuy as a discourse of displacement that ixes ctzens

    reasonabe anxetes . . . on regon, constructed as an anomaous and

    unstabe object n the secuar ied o pubc e (Ward : ). In Japan,

    however, durng the natons rapd modernzaton rom to 5, re-

    gon as a vta part o secuar pubc e was not consdered unstabe. It

    qucky reazes that usng bee rather than practce as a measure o regosty s hghy

    probematc.

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    was the state, and not a domnant regous organzaton (as n Europe),

    that approprated regous egtmacy or tse whe at the same tme pro-

    motng the soveregnty o the Emperor and a dogma o sacred hertage or

    the naton-state. Japans irst consttuton ater the euda perod, promu-

    gated n , estabshed a potca system centered on concepts Western-

    ers usuay thnk o as contradctory: a sacred monarchy wth rea coercve

    power, and a representatve democracy that was amost entrey secuar

    (Skya : ).

    State poces to enhance mpera power va regous nsttutons and

    rtuassuch as State Shnt (kokka shint) and Yasukun Shrne

    (Yasukuni jinja, the controversa shrne at the heart o the StateShnt system), the niinamesai mpera harvest estva, or pacy-

    ng the sprts o the mtary deadreached ther apex n 5. Wth Japans

    deeat, the separaton o regon and the state came about not through

    popuar demand but va the Aed Occupaton. To the common person,

    ther irst experence wth secuarzaton was ess as a pocy restrctng

    regon and more as one o a dzzyng custer o changes nked to Japans

    deeat and subsequent democratzaton. Japans postwar rebudng s a

    prme exampe o rapd modernzaton and ndustrazaton takng pace

    wthout a systematc pocy o aggressve secuarzaton emnatng the

    nsttutons responsbe or wartme deooges. The perod can aso be

    characterzed as a tme o venture regous actvty where t became pr-

    vatzed and derentated, one subsystem among many n a socety beng

    restructured (Shobara : ).

    Due n part to consttutona guarantees o reedom o regon, some o

    the pre-war and wartme potca and regous aances promotng mpe-

    ra rue and a sacred naton-state have perssted ong nto the postwar per-

    od. From the s to , a number o groups and ndvduas haveattempted to subvert and renterpret the postwar consttutons separaton

    cause. There s a weath o exampes where common ctzens have sued

    state agences and regous organzatons over ther patronage and avort-

    sm o partcuar regous expressons nked to natonasm. Wth cases

    rangng rom taxpayer-unded groundbreakng rtuas (jichinsai,

    see ig. ) and war memoras, to the states enshrnement o a soder ked

    See Mark Muns exceent anayss, How Yasukun Shrne Survved the Occupaton:

    A Crtca Examnaton o Popuar Cams (Muns ).

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    n an accdent (over the opposton o hs Chrstan we), to oica vsts by

    the natons prme mnster (and members o hs cabnet) to Yasukun

    Shrne, each court rung has been sgnicant n artcuatng the roe o re-

    gon n the pubc sphere.

    In the groundbreakng ceremony case, the Nagoya Hgh Court rued n

    7 that an event n the cty o Tsu conducted by ordaned Shnt

    prests n ront o an atar dedcated to a specic dety o the and upon

    whch was to be constructed a muncpa gymnasumwas reay not re-

    gous but was a tradtona okway and thus a secuar (sezokuteki)actvty. When the case was appeaed to the Supreme Court, t rued n 77

    Figure 1. Shnt prest beore a groundbreakng ceremony (jichinsai) atar (photo

    courtesy o Hachman Shrne, Yokohama, Japan).

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    that the rtua was not a okway but was st a secuar actvty, notng that

    because o Japans unque regous hstory, t was mpossbe to separate

    what was regous rom what was consdered secuar. The rung acknow-

    edged that Shnt prests were nvoved, but snce they dd not preach or

    proseytze, they were consdered to have not engaged n a regous actvty

    (see OBren ; Hardacre ).

    Foowng the courts ogc, Japans Shnt shrnes natonwde coud thus

    be consdered as secuar rather than regous nsttutons n whch peope

    partcpate vountary.7 A possbe resut o ths rung (and one ong desred

    by neo-natonasts) woud be a government sponsored centrazaton o

    and patronage or shrne Shnt, ncudng Yasukun Shrne and otherregona naton-protectng shrnes. However, dsagreement over the

    nature o shrnes as regous or secuar between the natons Shnt

    prests and ther centra pocy board (Jnja Honch, Assocaton

    o Shnt Shrnes) n Tokyo eectvey hamstrung any ntatve that mght

    have advanced shrnes as secuar nsttutons.

    Athough the natons Shnt prests dsagreed over the possbe out-

    comes o ths rung, conservatve and natonastc potcans wthn the

    Lbera Democratc Party saw an opportunty and acted upon t. The

    Supreme Court rung was a crtca juncture where crcumstances and

    hghy motvated actors concded to produce a seres o potca moves, a

    desgned to ether enhance or restore the potca and sacred power o the

    emperor. (Ths s probabynotwhat Max Weber had n mnd when dscuss-

    ng the reenchantment o the word). A b had aready been ntroduced

    n to reestabsh Yasukun Shrne as nonregous oundaton. Grand

    ceremones ceebratng emperor Hrohtos ity years on the throne were

    hed n 7, pad or wth edera unds over the objectons o opposton

    orces both wthn and outsde the government. In 77, the prewar anthem,Kimigayo (whch extos mpera rue astng orever and says noth-

    ng about the actua naton o Japan), was renstated or oica occasons

    (athough not passed nto aw unt ). In 7, the government was

    compct n the enshrnement o ourteen convcted cass-A war crmnas

    at Yasukun Shrne, whe the oowng year the naton reverted oicay to

    7 Esabetta Porcus work on neghborhood organzatons n Kyoto (ths ssue) ndcates

    that a egay-sanctoned organzaton, the chnaikai, exerts coercve pressure onresdents to contrbute inancay to Shnt estvas.

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    countng years accordng to the regn o an emperor. In , a government

    commttee o awmakers and ega experts concuded that oica vsts to

    Yasukun Shrne coud be consdered consttutona based n part on the

    77 Supreme Court rung n the groundbreakng ceremony case. The very

    next year, then prme mnster Nakasone Yasuhro made an

    oica vst to Yasukun, settng o a irestorm o controversy rom Asan

    natons once occuped by Japanese mpera orces. The commttee

    report may have aso provded Kozum Junchr , Japans

    prme mnster rom -, a ega ramework or justyng the ive

    oica and hghy controversa vsts he made to Yasukun.

    Multiple Secularities and Japanese Religiosity

    Snce the regosty o the Japanese peope has been a key actor n both the

    Hgh and Supreme Courts rungs, t s worth nvestgatng urther how ths

    egacy pays nto debates about secuarty. The courts ogc o how an aver-

    age Japanese person woud regard a groundbreakng ceremony cted both

    a wdespread regous nderence as we a purastc regous con-

    scousness contrbutng to ths unque sense o the secuar (OBren :). Schoars o secuarzaton n the West mght assume these descrptons

    appy to the postwar perod o regous reedom and rapd modernzaton.

    They reer, however, to a centures-od genera tendency n Japan or nd-

    vduas to seek sprtua and regous beneits (riyaku) rom a varety

    o tradtons, dependng on the settng, crcumstances, and tmng o a per-

    sons need. Awareness o and oyaty to the doctrne o a partcuar regous

    tradton has been the excepton rather than the norm n Japan, except dur-

    ng that perod o ate nneteenth and eary twenteth century mpera rue

    when the State actvey promoted and enorced deooges about the sacred

    quaty o the emperor.

    For many schoars, the dea o regon as a dscrete category o bee

    and ndvdua practce outsde Europe predates the modern perod and s

    ted to goba eects o coonazaton (Myajma ). Snce arrvng n

    Japan rom Europe n the nneteenth century, the concept o regon

    Both Weber and Foucaut have noted that the a-encompassng nature o Chrstanty

    meant t dd not need to be enorced n any hghy-reguated manner or even practced n a

    day way beore the Reormaton (Jakobsen and Peegrn : 5).

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    (shkyor the teachngs [ky] o a sect [sh]) has been cosey

    connected wth potca power, organzed regons, and regous doctrne.

    Ono Makoto remnds us that, n the case o Japan, what one cas

    regon pror to the perod o modernzaton depends amost entrey on

    the hstorca perod n whch the term s to appy (Ono : ). For exam-

    pe, pror to the Mej revouton endng n , regous aiaton as a

    Buddhst was a soca necessty, decreed by the Tokugawa shogunate as a

    way to contro regous actvty and montor bees (such as Chrstanty)

    deemed subversve to the state. Today, by contrast, regous bee n Japan

    as n many western countres s a soca contngency wth secuar socety

    as the norm (Gordon : 5). The concept o contemporary regonremans coored by soca stgmas derved rom regous nsttutons asso-

    catons wth potca power, money-makng, excessve recrutment strate-

    ges, or even voent or expotatve practces. As a resut, the average

    Japanese tends to vew regon n a pejoratve sense, thus ormng an hs-

    torca bond wth Europeans who envsoned a pubc sphere ree o the

    entangements o regous nsttutons and ther power.

    Schoars reyng on surveys or reevant data about the regous bees o

    the Japanese peope run a hgh rsk o overstatng the roe o regon n

    contemporary socety. Mchae Roemer has ooked at Japanese regosty

    as reported n eght, mut-year surveys ncudng the Asan Barometer, the

    Japanese Genera Soca Surveys, and the Word Vaues Survey. He states

    that regosty s used n these surveys as a broad term to encompass a

    number o rtes, bees, opnons, and atttudes, and s not excusvey ted

    to organzed regons (Roemer orthcomng). Athough the Agency or

    Cutura Aars has or decades been cted by journasts or normaton

    reated to regous aiaton, and many schoars have ponted out the

    nflated nature o these statstcs, Roemer argues convncngy that theAgencys data s nether accurate, reabe, nor credbe. There s no verica-

    ton or membershp numbers reported by regous organzatons, nor s

    there a snge deinton o what consttutes membershp n one o these

    groups. Somewhat comcay, the Agency reports mon beevers o

    Shnt, 7 mon or Buddhsm, mon or Chrstanty, and over m-

    on or everythng ese, totang 7 mon beevers n a naton whose

    popuaton s sted by the Word Bank as totang around 7.5 mon

    (Agency o Cutura Aars ).In contrast, the Japanese Genera Soca Survey ( JGSS) s unque n the

    sense that, aongsde amar questons about bee and practce, t asks

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    whether ndvduas have a persona or househod regous aiaton as

    we as the reasons or these aiatons. Those who reported a persona

    regon ndcated they joned or the purpose o ganng some sort o ben-

    eit, such as psychoogca we-beng. A househod regon s more o a cus-

    tom or obgaton and s carred out or the beneit o ones ancestors and

    amy hertage. Assocaton wth ths type o regous practce s key to

    be ess vountary than a regon one chooses to jon.

    Out o the JGSS poo o ,7 respondents drawn rom a strategc, mut-

    stage probabty sampe o a 7 preectures admnstered n 5, ony

    ,7 (.5%) answered that they have a regon n whch theypersonally

    beeve. In other words, the JGSS inds that ess than % o the Japanesepopuaton denties personay wth a regon. A oow-up queston n

    the JGSS survey nqured about a respondents devoton to a regon, and

    ony .5% o the respondents mantaned that they were devoted (nesshin

    ), % sad they were somewhat devoted, .5% sad they were not

    devoted, and the remanng 7% camed no aiaton at a (data adapted

    rom Roemer orthcomng).

    A typca opnon survey assesses regosty based amost entrey on

    ndvdua bees and practces, an emphass smar to those ound n

    many pos orgnatng n the West (such as the Word Vaues Survey, con-

    sdered to be the standard or arge surveys, or the Goba Barometer

    Survey). Questons deveoped or Western respondents are ncorporated n

    many surveys n Japan and Asa n order to have comparatvey vad data

    sets. Askng about regous bees, perodc but not reguar partcpaton

    at regous nsttutons (wth no menton o membershp or reguar patron-

    age/vstaton), or opnons about the characterstcs o regon n a socety

    n whch such tendences have never been the norm thus msrepresent the

    regosty o most Japanese.For exampe, the wdey-cted NHK Broadcastng Corporatons sur-

    vey, conducted once every ive years wth , respondents, s a typca

    exampe o questons ocusng on ndvdua bee and opnon, wth no

    For exampe, the Asan Barometer Survey requres a country teams ( rom East Asa

    and 5 rom south Asan countres) to compy wth the research protocos whch Goba

    Barometer network has deveoped, tested, and proved practca or conductng comparatvesurvey research on pubc atttudes. Ther survey sampes are based on , respondents.

    http://www.asanbarometer.org/newengsh/ntroducton (accessed November ).

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    5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60

    questons on ong-term regous aiatons. Smary, a 7 survey

    on ndvdua regosty bases ts indngs on regous behavor, bee

    n detes, sous, and rencarnaton, genera regous bees and atttudes,

    and the respondents opnon on the characterstcs o regon. Not a

    snge queston to respondents deas wth nsttutons, organzatons,

    e-cyce rtuas and ceremones, or membershp n a regous tradton.

    Thus, the author concudes wth conidence that hs data supports an argu-

    ment demonstratng the vtaty o regon n Japan and that secuarzaton

    s not occurrng n a way detrmenta to estabshed regous tradtons

    (Manabe 7: 7).

    Whe there are many ways to nterpret survey resuts, Oddbjorn Knut-sen () argues that the most reabe measure o secuarzaton n a soc-

    ety s the percentage o the popuaton who answer the queston concernng

    regous aiaton wth none. Accordng to the Asan Barometer survey

    o 5-, amost 7% o a Japanese report no regous aiaton,

    yet 5.5% beeve n an unseen sprt word (Reed 7). These igures are

    very cose to the JGSS survey whch reports that o the roughy % o the

    popuaton airmng some persona connecton wth an organzed re-

    gous tradton, about % are Buddhst and ess than % are aiated

    wth ether Shnt (.%), New Regons (.5%), or Chrstanty (.%)

    (Tanoka et a. 5).

    I we can agree that secuarzaton n a socety means the dmnshed

    capacty o regous doctrne and eaders to nfluence soca and potca

    nsttutons, and that the ensung ega and soca nsttutons o socety

    graduay encode the prvatzaton o regous bee and practce, then the

    above statstcs about regous aiaton are evdence that Japan has one

    o the words most secuar socetes. Jos Casanova, one o the eadng the-

    orsts on secuarzaton and secuarty, beeves that we have to ook beyondthe patterns o modernty to assess whether or not a socety w deveop a

    predomnanty secuar orentaton to nsttutons and genera wordvew.

    Otherwse, how can one expan the extremes o two Chrstan-nfluenced

    The NHK survey covers a wde range o topcs but has ony two questons on regosty

    out o a tota o ity questons. http://www.nhk.or.jp/bunken/summary/yoron/soca/

    pd/.pd (accessed November ). See aso Ian Readers dscusson o the Yomiuri

    andAsahinewspaper surveys (n ths ssue).

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    socetes ke the Unted States (whch s modern but st resoutey re-

    gous) and Europe (modern but hghy secuar)?

    For Casanova, the key eature shapng the degree o secuarty wthn a

    socety s whether ts ctzens have some hstorca conscousness that they

    are progressng rom an unhappy past (where regon contrbuted to

    oppressve systems o contro) towards a sophstcated and berated uture

    (where regon s securey bracketed by aws that guarantee reedom o

    choce as a key eature o a democratc government). Casanova argues

    that a secuarst hstorca . . . conscousness expans when and where

    processes o modernzaton are accompaned by radca secuarzaton

    (Casanova : 7).Athough ths perspectve s reatvey new and untested, t woud seem

    to appy to Japan n ways smar to Europe. Wth consttutona guarantees

    that regon and the state shoud be separated, and that the rghts o ct-

    zens ncude the reedom o (as we as rom) regon, Japans postwar drve

    to recover rom past mssteps pont towards a smar type o secuarza-

    ton, evdenced by extremey ow eves o ndvdua regous aiaton.

    Multiple Secularities, Globalization, and Japanese Temple Buddhism

    The vsbe evdence o the eects o secuartes upon tempe Buddhsm n

    Japan s becomng ncreasngy obvous. Except or prestgous Buddhst

    tempes (supported by revenue derved rom toursm) and head tempes o

    a denomnaton (supported by membershp ees rom aiated branch

    tempes across the naton), regona rura and urban neghborhood tempes

    strugge to cope wth a dwndng number o parshoners due to a ang

    brthrate and an agng popuaton. These are sgnicant domestc causes

    or the decne o Buddhsm natonwde but there are others as we (to be

    dscussed n the next secton) whch mpact the overa dynamc o re-

    gous aiaton n Japanese socety n sgnicant ways.

    Regous nsttutons o a szes and n both rura and urban ocatons,

    many orgnatng n the euda perod (or beore) and survvors o the war

    and postwar perods, now have to adapt to a socety nfluenced by a tran-

    snatona economc order, as we as the consequences o tryng to domes-

    tcate that order (ayos, temporary workers, outsourcng, and so on). Loca

    condtons such as decnng brthrates are st crtcay mportant or re-gous aiaton but ocaty tse s constanty normed, nterered wth,

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    5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60

    and shaped by regona or goba orces (Appadura : ). The s n

    partcuar marked the begnnng o an age o ree markets, speed stock trad-

    ng, nstantaneous data transer, junk bonds, and so ona eatures that

    acceerated the economc dmensons o what has come to be caed go-

    bazaton. For many Japanese, gobazaton as a orce orgnates outsde

    Japan, actng ke another verson o the kurofune or back shps o

    Commodore Perry that, n 5, began pressurng Japanese socety to make

    undamenta changes n how t operates (Iyotan : ). One schoar

    noted that the current verson o gobazaton has greaty compcated the

    study o regon n Japan because t has ntroduced new notons o sprtu-

    aty, new cut aiatons reachng beyond natona borders, and broad-ened the reach o oca regous eaders (and opportunsts) ar beyond ther

    tradtona mtatons (Sakura et a. : ).

    Wth over 7, tempes and , Buddhst prests natonwde,

    Japanese tempe Buddhsmor those Buddhst denomnatons n exst-

    ence snce at east the sxteenth centuryhas been a sgnicant soca and

    regous presence or the past 5 years. As domestc and goba orces

    aect the vabty o these tempes and the vehoods o ther prests, there

    are ew gudenes to oow wthn Japans tradtona Buddhst denomna-

    tons n deang wth these soca and economc compextes. Loca prests

    may reerence the doctrnes, herarches, and regous networks o ther

    denomnatons, but ther nsttutona autonomy means they w succeed

    or a argey on ther own ntatves apped to the soca context wthn

    whch ther tempe s embedded.

    Sakura Yoshhde examned data n the 5 Comprehensve

    Research Report o Regous Actvtes or the St Zen denomna-

    ton. He notes that tempes earnng ess than one mon yen annuay

    (or U.S. $,) account or 5% o a tempes n the denomnaton. Look-ng at the breakdown o revenue or a majorty o St Zen tempes, 5%

    conssts o ncome derved prmary rom uneras and memora servces,

    wth a meager % as donatons rom member househods. Sakura notes

    anecdotay that a tempe wth annua revenue o ive mon yen or ess

    (U.S. $5,) cannot provde a decent vng or a prest and hs amy, due

    n arge part to the expense requred to mantan the tempe and vng

    quarters. He cas prests at ths eve the workng poor (Sakura ). As

    a resut, many prests must assume postons n other tempes that may aso

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    not be abe to aord a u-tme resdent prest, or seek work as a teacher or

    empoyee o a muncpa government.

    In the recent past, schoars mght have caed orth a predctabe set o

    secuarzng orces to expan the probems acng tempes: demographc

    shts rom rura to urban settngs, hgher educaton, ndvduazaton and

    consumer cuture, ncreased ratonazaton, ega restrctons on regon,

    and so on. Whe these actors are st mportant, we must ncude

    other dynamcs aectng the vabty o regous nsttutons we are to

    puraze secuarty and ground t n specic settngs. Many o these

    nfluences are harder to denty because they are more cuturay and go-

    bay dused. Loca actors contrbutng to a cuturay specic type osecuarty must thereore be contextuazed wthn arger rameworks hav-

    ng breadth and unpredctabty. Our anayss cannot over-prvege the

    oca as a correcton to the tradtona narratves o secuarzaton theory

    because, by dong so, we mss key nterdependences that thcken the pot

    about the dmnshng roe o regon n the pubc sphere.

    Ater extended ntervews wth orty-ive Buddhst prests rom a major

    denomnatons, as we as numerous conversatons wth ndvduas repre-

    sentng a wde spectrum o regous aiaton (or ack o t), the oowng

    our dynamcs now seem obvous to me or ther mpact on Japanese soc-

    ety, the regous tradtons embedded theren, and ndvdua regosty:

    a greater toerance or purasm, radcay new communcaton technoo-

    ges, the restructurng o corporate and decson-makng processes, and

    a greater persona agency to chart ones e course. Each one o these

    dynamcs s sgnicant and coud be dscussed at ength or ther mpact

    on Japanese socety. My purpose s here s to see them as a mutuay ren-

    orcng and nteractve web o reatons and consequences both or the

    Japanese peope and the secuar and regous nsttutons n ther mdst.The reasons behnd a greater soca and potca toerance or purasm

    and dversty are compex, encompassng aout rom the ong projects o

    mutpe moderntes, two word wars, coona agendas, the Cod War, and

    ncreased mmgraton (to name ony a ew mportant nfluences). There s

    See, or exampe, the 7 speca ssue o the Japanese Journal of Religious Studies

    devoted to secuarzaton and modernty where a these themes appear.

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    aso, o course, the purastc hertage o Japanese regosty rom the Edo

    perod (and beore), durng whch tme Japans popuace saw Buddhst

    tempes and kami-orented shrnes as compementary. Returnng to the

    contemporary moment, however, n ths perod o ate modernty Chares

    Tayor (among others) beeves we have ended up wth hstorcay

    unprecedented networks o new practces and nsttutona orms (Tayor

    : ). Both purasm and dversty are essenta to the democratc

    prncpes o human rghts and reedom o regon, where (try as they

    mght) no snge regous or potca organzaton has a monopoy on re-

    gous truths. As we saw earer, the Japanese state attempted to centraze

    and monopoze contro over regous meanngs about the sacredness othe emperor and naton, but the project was reatvey short-ved and

    ended dsastrousy.

    The second goba trend shapng oca secuartes n unpredctabe ways

    are new communcaton technooges. Regous teachngs, appeas, and

    actvtes can now reach a goba audence on the word wde web, but they

    must compete n a nosy orum o dverse approaches, as we as chaenges,

    to regous bee and practce. Addtonay, the rse o dgta pubshng

    and soca networkng has heped to de-centraze tradtona centers o

    authorty and contro over normaton. Major denomnatons st have

    doctrna authorty, o course, but the word has flattened so that any

    person or organzaton wth rudmentary computer sks can make ther

    regous and potca vews heard, and sometmes subvert manstream

    agendas. Some Buddhst denomnatons n the Nchren tradton were

    Whe some schoars nsst on usng the term postmodern to characterze ths new era,

    we have not et modernty behnd as the preix post woud suggest. Just as Esenstadt

    argues or mutpe moderntes (), there aso appear to be as many contnutes asthere are dsruptons between the earer perods o certanty and todays ncreasngy

    gobazed word. James Beckord (: ) has ponted out that many o the astest-

    growng and most dynamc areas o regon are those where cear doctrnes, conservatve

    ethcs, tradton-centered estyes, and authortatve patterns o eadershp are domnant.

    We must remember these conservatve movements shape ther doctrnes, deooges, and

    nsttutons as a orm o resstance to the reatvsm o chershed truths requred when

    vng n a mut-ethnc and purastc socety. We shoud not assume that nternet access to tempe servces magcay creates new

    members and inanca sovency. Webstes and bogs such as Hgan Net (http://www.hgan

    .net) are conscentous and un to read, but the ounder o the webste sad hs actualtempe

    membershp has not ncreased as a resut. Severa other young prests I spoke wth n the

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    J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 55

    hestant to deveop webstes or ear o nter-denomnatona attacks rom

    groups and ndvduas hoste to ther goas (see Bae et a. ).

    Snce data, money, and communcatons now move more seamessy

    and at speeds never beore magned, the thrd goba trend contrbutng to

    secuarzaton n Japan s corporate restructurng and ts eect on oca

    economes and communtes. Fnanca, manuacturng, servce-reated

    (especay NPO and NGOs), and dstrbuton systems have a been aected.

    Workers n Japan and esewhere have been ad o or seen ther postons

    made nto jobs ied by temporary hres (furt), a trend exac-

    erbated by a struggng economy and hgh unempoyment. Wth greater

    cass dvsons and ess money n crcuaton, the dynamcs o an economctrend o ths magntude have a drect causa eect upon the inances o

    smaer tempes natonwde. Innovaton wthn corporate spheres has

    aso ed to drect competton wth tempe prests n provdng mortuary

    servces, as seen n the gant chan-retaer Aeon deveopng severa catego-

    res o unera servces and even graves (see Neson orthcomng).

    The ast goba trend s perhaps the most consequenta or Buddhsm

    and secuarty n Japan: the dea o a greater persona agency to determne

    an ndvduas unque e course. Athough t s mportant to acknow-

    edge that concepts o the se n Japan are ambvaent about nfluences

    stemmng rom western modernty, t s modernty tse that provdes both

    the ground and background or thnkng about the se n any cuture

    (Morta : ). In both western socetes and Japan, the grp o cass,

    gender, regon, and oca cuture has oosened and thus transormed the

    conscousness o contemporary ndvduas nto an ongong strugge wth

    the questons o who am I? and what do I want? Ths type o endess se-

    examnaton s one o the deinng characterstcs o the modern perod

    (Fujwara : ). Popuar cuture and a varety o meda (musc, vdeogamng, soca networkng, even books and magaznes) ncreasngy nflu-

    ence the range o optons consdered vabe. Many tradtona denttes

    once orented around amy, communty, and occupaton have wted n

    greater metropotan area o Osaka, Kobe, and Kyoto sad they had tred but then dscontn-

    ued on-ne counseng, prayers, or other vrtua tempe servces. The greatest success or

    onne communty budng has been n sucde preventon counseng. See Jonathan Watts

    chapter n Neson and Proh (orthcomng).

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    the seductve aure o opportuntes oered (as we as those thwarted or

    dened) by a gobazng word.

    When we assess the nteractvty between secuarzaton, the our goba

    dynamcs just mentoned, and tempe Buddhsm n contemporary Japan,

    we begn to see more ceary a number o causa reatonshps between

    oca and goba trends. Thanks to a greater toerance or purasm and

    dversty, and wth ncreased access to normaton, hgher educaton,

    trave, and new deas generay, ndvduas have become empowered to

    expore a range o regous possbtes, optng perhaps or the atest

    trend n sprtuaty, or avodng regon atogether. Japans dscernng

    consumers o regous and sprtua servces are now abe to seek whatthey, not ther parents or a tempe prest, consder to be optma beneits or

    nvestments o ther tme and money. Ths tendencyaong wth demo-

    graphc and occupatona shtshas destabzed the inanca aars o

    many tempes, as parshoners eave or pass away and are not repaced,

    eavng a more market-drven mode or choosng (or optng out o ) re-

    gous servces.

    One o the most dramatc domestc chaenges to Buddhsm that sur-

    aced contnuay n my ntervews wth prests around centra Japan s

    what severa termed ther weak reatonshp wth parshoners. Loss o

    memberhousehods s the snge major orce aectng the uture o tempe

    Buddhsm smpy because ewer contrbutons, together wth ewer uneras

    and memora servces, mpacts a tempes inanca stabty. The oss o

    parshoners s usuay attrbuted to domestc actors aready mentoned

    (demographcs, changed economc crcumstances, shrnkng ames, and

    the nerta o Buddhst nsttutons to keep pace wth soca change), yet

    they reman nteractve wth goba economc and cutura trends nfluencng

    the prvatzaton and decne o regous aiatons. A number o prestswhose tempe membershp was shrnkng sad they rarey knew the specic

    Ths newy deveoped sense o ndvduasm s not to be conflated wth mere persona

    choce, whch s a characterstc o consumers n a crowded marketpace nfluenced by

    advertsng, status, and product avaabty. The trend to commody regon s, o course,

    nfluenced by persona choce but t s part o a arger, more compex process at work.

    Persona regosty s now negotated drecty wth consumer cuture and natona dentty,

    wthout a necessary connecton to overty or tradtona regous nsttutons (Schwekeret a. : 7).

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    reason why a amy ended up eavng ther tempe. They generay dd not

    make any oow-up nqures because they wanted to respect the coniden-

    taty and prvacy o the amy, and because they eared any questonng

    woud be nterpreted n a negatve way and, crcuated, urther damage

    ther bottom ne.

    When I asked prests o modest means (whch transates as havng ewer

    than member househods at ther tempe) n both rura and urban areas

    how they mght try to add new parshoners, many nterpreted the queston

    to mpy proseytzng (fuky)somethng they et they coud not do

    because o the ngerng repercussons o the Aum Shnrky ncdent n

    5, when poson sarn gas was reeased nto the Tokyo subway system.Athough sxteen years have passed snce the subway attacks, regous

    eaders and nsttutons n Japan st ace a genera suspcon that remans

    hgh among the genera pubc and manstream meda. A mut-year survey

    rom 5- among unversty students natonwde ndcated more than

    ha ound regon suspcous, wth neary % hodng negatve opnons

    about regon n genera (Inoue 7).5 A number o prests I spoke wth

    sad they et ke they coud not advertse tempe servces or actvtes

    because they dd not want to adopt tactcs used by new regons and excu-

    sve sects, nor dd they ee exstng tempe members woud ook avoraby

    on ths type o actvty. Even though ther tempes inanca vabty was at

    rsk, severa normants ndcated they needed to ind other sources o

    ncome not nked to the waverng condtons o tempe membershp or

    servces. Most typcay, they become empoyees o a oca government

    or ind a poston as a u or part-tme teacher.

    Conclusion

    Lke goba warmng, the emergng orces that are destabzng Japanese

    tempe Buddhsm and thus dmnshng urther the roe o regous nsttu-

    tons n the pubc sphere reman easy to dsmss by many edery Buddhst

    eaders, wth panu consequences or ther denomnatons st a decade

    5 Perhaps some o these atttudes can be attrbuted to the atermath o the 5

    Aum ncdent as conveyed by the mass meda and dscussed endessy on tak and newsbroadcasts.

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    5 J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60

    or more n the uture. But as we have seen, the number o tempes cosng

    or mergng contnues to rse n a major denomnatons (see Reader n ths

    ssue), whe generatons both young and od shy away rom ong-term

    commtments to tempe servces or uneras and memoras. Tempes st

    dependent or ncome on rtua servces and the sae o graveyard pots

    reca a smar, rather tenacous dependency on oss ues, both wth a

    shrnkng tme horzon or how ong ths reance can be sustaned.

    I ordnary Buddhst tempes n Japan are to survve we nto the twenty-

    irst century, ther ate rests wth ndvdua prests chartng a course

    towards more socay reevant, nnovatve, and actvst orms o ther trad-

    tons. For oca regous eaders especay, dicut and contentous dec-sons have to be made by ndvduas argey unamar wth trends o

    ncreasng purasm, new normaton technooges, corporate restructur-

    ng, and greater persona agency among a more mobe popuaton. A o

    these actors create an expandng cmate o secuarty n Japan or trad-

    tona regous aiatons. Wthout a sustaned eort to understand the

    dynamcs at work on regous nsttutons n Japan, the next two decades

    w orce Buddhst prests nto a much-too-cose encounter wth the unda-

    menta truth o mpermanence.

    Japans secuartes chaenge conventona understandngs about the

    hstorca and ega roe o regon n the pubc sphere as we as the very

    nature o regosty, and thus extend understandng about the orces aect-

    ng the reatonshp between regon and socety generay. The egacy o

    Japanese natonasm st suraces n court rungs about regous reedom

    and government patronagerungs that subvert the postwar consttu-

    tons separaton cause but whch have not yet been transated nto a cear

    vctory or oyasts advocatng an mpera deoogy. Whe the courts have

    ssued rungs about what consttutes secuar and regous behavor, pubcopnon pos have kewse advanced vews on these topcs. Ths paper has

    shown that assessng ndvdua atttudes about bee and regous prac-

    tce as a way to gauge the overa condton o regon n socety (and, by

    deaut, the strength o secuarzng orces) s ess useu than observng

    cosey what s actuay happenng to exstng regous nsttutons, espe-

    cay Buddhst tempes that have been around or three or more centures.

    Wthout ths broad perspectve, any anayss o regon and the pubc

    sphere remans burdened wth deas, paradgms, and concepts better sutedor a prevous hstorca perod and a very derent knd o socety.

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    J. K. Nelson / Journal of Religion in Japan 1 (2012) 37-60 5

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