ORIGINAL PAPER

Examination of Young Adults’ Materialism in France and SouthAfrica Using Two Life-Course Theoretical Perspectives

Helen Inseng Duh • Sarah Benmoyal-Bouzaglo •

George P. Moschis • Lilia Smaoui

� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014

Abstract This study employed the human capital (in

terms of family resources) and socialization (in terms of

peer communication) life-course theoretical perspectives to

examine the effects of disruptive family events experienced

during adolescence on young adults’ materialism in France

and South Africa. The study found that South African

young adults were more materialistic than their French

counterparts. While family resources received during

adolescence did not have a significant impact on South

African young adults’ materialism, these resources did

significantly and positively affect French young adults’

materialism. The impact of peer communication about

consumption during adolescence on materialism at young

adulthood was positive and significant in both samples.

Implications of the study’s findings and directions for

further research are provided.

Keywords Materialism � Life-course � Family

disruptions � Peer communication � Family resources �Culture

Introduction

Consumer researchers commonly view materialism as an

individual trait, but findings show that nations differ in the

levels and drivers of materialism (Larsen et al. 1999;

Webster and Beatty 1997). Materialism, according to Ri-

chins and Dawson (1992, p. 307), is ‘‘the importance a

person places on possessions and their acquisition as a

desirable form of conduct to reach desired end states,

including success and happiness.’’ Larsen et al. (1999)

described a materialistic nation as one in which most

people value material possessions highly. Turkish con-

sumers, for example, were found to be more materialistic

than American and European consumers, because of their

cultural history that defines prosperity in terms of material

resources (Ger and Belk 1990). Considering that this was

not a sufficient explanation of the cross-cultural differences

in materialism, researchers have investigated other vari-

ables to explain cross-cultural differences in materialism,

such as a nation’s political ideology (i.e., free market vs.

socialism), religious beliefs and affiliations, the level and

content of advertising (Larsen et al. 1999), individualistic

versus collectivistic cultural values (Kitayama and Markus

1992), and socio-economic inequalities (Roth 1995).

If socio-economic inequalities predict a country’s level

of materialism, it is surprising to find that extant cross-

cultural studies on materialism have not included South

Africa, a country with one of the greatest socio-economic

inequalities in the world (Kotler and Armstrong 2010).

Steenkamp and Burgess (2002) contended that theories and

H. I. Duh (&)

School of Business and Finance, University of the Western Cape,

Bellville, P/bag X17, Cape Town 7535, South Africa

e-mail: duhhelen@yahoo.com

S. Benmoyal-Bouzaglo

Department of Information and Communication, Affiliated to

CEDAG-Gestion Rene Descartes University (IUT), Paris 5,

France

G. P. Moschis

Department of Marketing, Georgia State University Atlanta,

Atlanta, USA

G. P. Moschis

Mahidol University, Salaya, Thailand

L. Smaoui

Department of Marketing, University of Paris 13, IUT of Saint

Denis, Paris, France

123

J Fam Econ Iss

DOI 10.1007/s10834-014-9400-9

models should be validated in emerging consumer markets

(ECM) (80 % of consumers in the world reside in ECM)

such as South Africa. In addition to this concern, Moschis

(2007) noted the tendency of previous studies of materi-

alism that attempt to uncover individual differences within

a specific country at a given point in a person’s lifetime, in

isolation of childhood experiences, as a shortcoming in

consumer research. He therefore recommended that con-

sumption orientations, such as materialism, be studied as a

function of early-life or childhood experiences using the

life course approach.

The life course paradigm is an interdisciplinary and a

multi-theoretical framework that examines the effect of

childhood experiences on later-life behaviours in varied

settings, including the family and cultures. This approach

has been increasingly used in various fields of behavioural

and social science to examine the effects of childhood

family experiences on later-life consumption orientations

(Moschis 2007). The life course paradigm recognizes the

timing of a child’s experience of certain family conditions

and how socio-psychological processes that emanate from

these conditions serve as mechanisms in promoting the

development of consumption orientations later in life.

Two types of the childhood experiences suggested by

life course theorists to be driving materialism are family

resources (under the human capital life-course theories)

and peer communication about consumptions (under the

socialization life-course theories). Hill et al. (2001) viewed

the provision of inadequate family resources as one of the

most influential childhood processes that affects the

development of attitudes, values and behavioural tenden-

cies. According to Rindfleisch et al. (1997), family

resources (economic and emotional) are part of the main

factors that distinguish a well-off intact (two-parent) family

structure from a poorer disrupted (single-parent) family

structure. Further, Rich (1995) contended that peer group

influence is a strong and common driving force behind the

formation of young people’s attitudes and behaviour, in

part because biological factors make the youth particularly

vulnerable to peer influence (especially during adoles-

cence), regardless of culture.

With family resources and peer influence being poten-

tially strong drivers of attitudes, values and behaviours, this

study examines and compares the impact of family

resources and peer communication about consumption on

materialism of French and South African young adults

using the life course model. Gutter and Copur (2011)

considered young adulthood as a distinct life-cycle stage,

when people for the first time enter the job market, inde-

pendently manage money, obtain credit cards and may be

tempted to accumulate huge amount of debt. Materialists

tend to abuse credit cards and accumulate unmanageable

debt (Roberts et al. 2006). It is therefore important to study

factors driving materialism, especially among young

adults, so that appropriate preventive measures and policies

can be implemented.

France was selected for this study because unlike South

Africa, and according to Xanthaki (2000), the French have

one of the strongest judiciary-based children support grant

systems in Europe. The French civil code puts an obliga-

tion on parents to provide not only for the financial and

educational development of their children (including those

adopted and those born out of wedlock), but also for moral

support. In South Africa, in contrast, these legal parental

obligations are absent (Denis 2006).With this difference in

childhood parental support received, and the possibility

that children may tend to ask for consumption advice from

peers when they do not get parental attention (Moschis

1987), this study empirically tests and compares the impact

of family resources received and peer communication

about consumption experienced during adolescence on

materialism at young adulthood among the French and

South Africans.

French and South African Family Structures

France has a developed economy, while South Africa has a

developing or an emerging economy. Despite this differ-

ence in economic development levels, there is a surprising

parallelism in the evolution of marital behaviour: Marriage

rate is decreasing and divorce rates are increasing in both

countries. For example, the INSEE (Institut National de la

Statistique et des Etudes Economiques: National Institute

of the Statistic and Economic Studies) report of 2012

showed that the marriage rate in France fell from 265,404

marriages in 2008, to 236,826 marriages in 2011, a 10.8 %

drop. In South Africa for same period (2008–2011), the

number of marriages fell from 186,522 in 2008 to 167,264

in 2011, a 10.3 % drop (Statssa 2012).

By 1982, out-of-wedlock births had dramatically

increased in France, leading to a growing number of chil-

dren living in households headed by one parent (mostly

with mother) (Ledoux et al. 2002). A similar trend was

observed in South Africa where, by late 1970s and early

1980s, about 60 % of hospital births were to young

unmarried women, especially among the black population

(Denis 2006). Recent figures show that in France in 2005,

about 59 % of first-born births in France were to unmarried

parents (Moore 2006), while in South Africa, there were

about 42.8 % unmarried parents (consisting of 40 % sin-

gle-mothers and 2.8 % single-fathers) in 2008 (Monama

2011).

According to Moore (2006), the high rate of out-of-

wedlock births in France is not driven by teenage preg-

nancy or poverty, but it is driven by couples from all social

J Fam Econ Iss

123

and economic backgrounds who chose to become parents

without getting married. So while staying unmarried and

having children is a matter of choice in France, in South

Africa, Denis (2006) noted that it is mostly caused by

teenage pregnancy, unemployment, poverty and a high

bride-wealth (known as ilobolo in South Africa) a man

must pay to a bride’s parents before marrying their

daughter. Even in recent times, Casale and Posel (2010)

remarked that among the majority population (blacks) of

South Africa, ilobolo payment (11 cows or cash equivalent)

still remains a significant reason for lower marriage rates.

The women end up not having husbands, but decide to have

and raise children as single-mothers.

Research findings suggest that adolescents who grow up

in single-parent homes are more likely to receive less

parental attention and supervision because the single parent

faces higher work-to-family conflict, wherein they struggle

to juggle earning an income and taking care of a family

(Minnotte 2012). Adolescents raised in single-parent

homes tend to engage in excessive behaviours (Ledoux

et al. 2002); and they may view compensatory consump-

tion, such as the acquisition of material goods, as a means

of alleviating stress from a single-parent home (Moschis

2007; Burroughs and Rindfleisch 1997). Gudmunson and

Beutler (2012) found a negative relationship between

parental caring and conspicuous consumption among ado-

lescents. Gudmunson and Beutler (2012) claimed that

adolescents, who did not have adequate attention, appre-

ciation and close relationships with their parents, would

more likely develop conspicuous consumption attitudes in

an attempt to get attention and admiration from outsiders.

Single-parenthood caused by divorce depletes economic

and emotional resources available at home, causing finan-

cial and emotional hardship (Hill et al. 2001). Therefore,

hardship may affect young French adults differently,

compared to their South African counterparts, either

because of differences in family resources available to the

child (including economic resources such as food, clothing,

allowance, as well as emotional resources such as love,

attention and moral support), or due to possible differences

in the strength of peer group influence, or because of cul-

tural differences in the extent to which materialism serves

as coping strategies embraced by the young adults in the

two countries. In France for example, children raised in

single-parent homes more frequently receive sufficient

financial support and enjoy closer relationships with their

fathers (Xanthaki 2000), whereas in South Africa a good

number of South African children grow up to adulthood

without ever seeing or hearing from their fathers, even

when they were lucky to know who he was. High rate of

unemployment, HIV/AIDS and urban migration contribute

to broken child-father relationship in South Africa (Denis

2006).

Theoretical Perspectives and Hypotheses Development

The life-course paradigm is a multi-theoretical model that

has been offered as an over-arching framework to explain a

variety of consumption phenomena, including materialism

(Moschis 2007). This paradigm was employed to study

young adult’s level of materialism in several Eastern and

Western countries, including the US (Baker et al. 2013),

Brazil (Baker et al. 2013), Australia (Weaver et al. 2011),

Japan (Moschis et al. 2011), France (Benmoyal-Bouzaglo

and Moschis 2010), Malaysia (Moschis et al. 2009), and

Thailand (Nguyen et al. 2009). Collectively, these studies

suggest that the life-course paradigm can be useful in

understanding the processes that link family disruptions to

the development of materialistic attitudes. Its framework is

thus suitable for studying cultural differences in the

mechanisms that link family disruptions to consumer

behaviour.

According to the life-course paradigm, development and

change in thoughts and actions can be explained by one or

more of the three main life course theoretical perspectives

(socialization, stress, and human capital), each entailing

different mechanisms (i.e., the processes of socialization,

stress and coping, and human capital growth/decline,

respectively) (Moschis 2007). The present study develops

and tests hypotheses derived from two of these perspectives

(socialization and human capital), which suggest the link

between childhood family experiences (viewed as events)

and the materialistic tendencies exhibited in young adult-

hood. The hypotheses derived from these two perspectives

and relevant previous research are presented in the model

shown in the Figure. Briefly, the model proposes that dis-

ruptive childhood family experiences affect young adults’

materialism directly and through the mechanisms of peer

communication and family resources.

The socialization life course perspective proposes that

patterns of thought and action are developed through the

process of socialization. The family and peers are viewed

as socialization agents (Moschis 1987, 2007). Disruptive

family events such as in divorce and marital discord limit

effective parenting (Amato and Sobolewski 2001; Hill

et al. 2001), which may include the teaching of rational, as

opposed to irrational, emotional and symbolic aspects of

consumption (Churchill and Moschis 1979). As the

importance of material possessions in building one’s self-

worth is less likely to be promoted in parents’ efforts to

socialize their children (Churchill and Moschis 1979;

Moschis 1987), intact families are expected to put less

emphasis on the importance of material goods.

Conversely, in disrupted family situations where one or

both parents have been absent, children’s socialization into

the desirable (rational) consumption values may be inade-

quate or less effective (Amato and Sobolewski 2001). As a

J Fam Econ Iss

123

result, children in disrupted homes may tend to believe in

the importance of material possessions for success and

social progress, which may result in the development of

materialistic attitudes. Considering that South African

young adults have experienced more childhood family

disruptions (Denis 2006), they may more likely become

materialistic from these family experiences.

H1: There is (a) a positive relationship between dis-

ruptive family events experienced during adolescence

and materialism at young adulthood; and (b) culture

impacts on the relationship between disruptive family

events experienced during adolescence and materi-

alism at young adulthood, so that such effects are

stronger among the South African than among the

French young adults.

Using the social control theory which is compatible

with the socialization life-course theoretical perspective,

Hill et al. (2001) suggested that adult supervision and

monitoring of children’s behaviour was an effective way

of socialising children with desirable social norms. The

disruption of a family due to events in parents’ life course

(e.g., divorce, parents increased time dedicated to out of

home careers) may reduce supervision of children’s

behaviour, alienate a child from the family and promote

the child’s gravitation towards non-familial peer groups

(Moschis 1987). It is therefore expected that children

reared in disrupted families will more frequently interact

with their peers than children raised in intact families.

This interaction may lead these children to rely more on

their peers than on their parents for information con-

cerning consumption norms. Socialization studies show

that young people learn the expressive aspects of con-

sumption (e.g., norms, values) that promote the impor-

tance of material possessions (Moschis 1987). Since peer

influence is seen as universal (Rich 1995), there may be

no cultural difference as to how peer communication

about consumption during adolescence affects materialism

in young adulthood.

H2: There is (a) a positive relationship between dis-

ruptive family events and peer communication about

consumption during adolescence; and (b) there is no

difference in how disruptive family events affect peer

communication about consumption between the

South African and French young adults.

H3: There is (a) a positive relationship between peer

communication about consumption during adoles-

cence and materialism at young adulthood; and

(b) there is no difference in how peer communication

about consumption during adolescence affects

materialism at young adulthood between the South

African and French young adults.

The human capital life-course perspective posits that

accumulation of human capital (such as resources, quali-

fications, skills, and knowledge) is a life-course process

that begins early in life. Life-course researchers attempt to

identify salient life events, roles and environmental settings

that act as sources of human capital growth or decline

(Frytak et al. 2003; Moschis 2007). In addition to social

systems such as social classes and cultures, the family is

also a source of human capital, which may include finan-

cial resources for children’s education and future wealth

creation (Frytak et al. 2003; Moschis 2007).

Rindfleisch et al. (1997) asserted that family resources

(both tangible and intangible) account for the biggest dis-

tinction between disrupted and intact families. Therefore,

children who experience family disruptions may be more

likely to receive inadequate family resources, i.e., reduced

tangible and intangible human capital, compared to those

raised in an intact (two-parent) family. Inadequate family

resources received may create a sense of deprivation in

terms of human capital, and a desire to compensate by

acquiring material possessions (Rindfleisch et al. 1997).

While it is possible that inadequate tangible and intan-

gible family resources may lead to materialism, Rindfleisch

et al. (1997) also argued that divorced parents may com-

pete for their children’s affection with more than adequate

family resources (especially allowances and gifts) to the

point that the children grow up becoming materialistic.

This could be the case mostly in France, considering that

French parents may be richer than their South African

counterparts due to differences in the level of economic

development between the two countries.

H4: There is (a) a negative relationship between

disruptive family events and family resources (tan-

gible and intangible) received during adolescence;

and (b) culture impacts on the relationship between

disruptive family events and family resources (tan-

gible and intangible) received, so that such impact

will be negative in the South African sample and

positive in the French sample.

H5: (a) There is a negative relationship between family

resources (tangible and intangible) received during ado-

lescence and materialism at young adulthood; (b) culture

impacts on the relationship between family resources

(tangible and intangible) received during adolescence

and materialism at young adulthood, so that such impact

will be negative among the South African young adults

and positive among the French young adults.

J Fam Econ Iss

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Methodology

Samples

French and South African young adults who were enrolled

in undergraduate business courses were surveyed in class.

Young adults, according to Wooten (2006), are suited to

ideally remember the circumstances of their childhood and

can report these circumstances honestly. This combination

of accuracy and honesty is crucial, given our retrospective

study design. Kasser et al. (2002, p. 7) contended that

college students are ‘‘the backbone of much scientific

research in psychology.’’ Both surveys were self-adminis-

tered and the participants remained anonymous by not

writing their names on the questionnaire and returning the

completed questionnaires at a secure location. The ques-

tionnaire administered was adapted from previous studies

conducted in the US. For the French respondents, the

questionnaire was translated into French by one of the

authors, followed by a back-translation into the original

language by a bilingual Ph.D. student. Furthermore, a

bilingual English teacher checked the translated document

with the original version and confirmed its accuracy.

Two hundred and fifty-four fully-completed question-

naires were obtained from the French respondents. The

average age of the French sample was 21.98

(SD = 1.13 years), 50.8 % were females and 49.2 % were

males. Majority (84 %) of the French respondents were

Whites, whereas 16 % were Arab/North African, Germans

and Bretons. Those who reported they lived with both

biological parents before their eighteenth birthday were

68.3 % as opposed to 31.7 % who did not. In terms of

socio-economic status, 90.2 % respondents agreed they

grew up in financially well-off homes as opposed to 9.8 %

who grew up in poor homes.

For South Africa, 300 fully completed questionnaires

were used. The respondents had an average age of 22.36

(SD = 3.16), and 60 % were female. The ethnic classifi-

cation in South Africa was 3.4 % Whites, 34.1 % Blacks,

54.1 % Coloureds (mixed race who are offspring of

Malaysians, Indonesians, Indians, Dutch, and from East

and West Africans. They are neither Blacks nor Whites),

and 8.3 % Indians/Asians. This reflects the ethnic compo-

sition of the University of Western Cape–Cape Town

(more Coloured students) where data were collected. The

respondents who grew up with both biological parents

before their eighteenth birthday were 61 %, whereas 39 %

did not. Compared to 90.2 % French young adults who

grew up in financially well-off homes, 68.2 % South

African young adults had this privilege. The South African

young adults who grew up in poor financial homes were up

to 31.8 % as opposed to 9.8 % in France. The question-

naire used in South Africa was administered in English.

Measurement of Variables

We used the scales of previous life-course studies to con-

struct the measures of this study (see Appendix for the

scales). This was because the validity of the scales have

been previously tested and proven to be valid using factor

loadings and average extracted variance (Hair et al. 2010)

(see for e.g., Richins and Dawson 1992 validity testing of

the materialism scale). The scales have been also found to be

reliable among young adults across countries in different

parts of the globe (e.g., Benmoyal-Bouzaglo and Moschis

2010; Moschis et al. 2009, 2011, 2013; Rindfleisch et al.

1997; Nguyen et al. 2009; Weaver et al. 2011). We however

tested the internal consistency of the scales with our sam-

ples, especially as they had been used in France and not in

South Africa. For each construct, we obtained more than the

recommended .70 threshold level (Bagozzi and Yi 1988).

Overall, the reliability test results indicated that the mea-

sures possess good internal reliability (above .70). The

Cronbach alpha reliabilities of all the measures for both the

French and South African samples is provided below.

Disruptive childhood family events were measured with

six items similar to those used by Benmoyal-Bouzaglo and

Moschis (2009, 2010). These events relate to instances

respondents did not live with both their biological parents

because of arguments, physical abuse, disappearance of a

family member, and movement to a new residence etc.

before their eighteenth birthday, measured on a five-point

Likert scale. Since life events may occur independently

from each other, and there is little expectation that the

experience of one event increases the likelihood of another

(Thoits 1983), we did not expect composite measures of

disruptive family events to display internal validity or

consistency (Herbert and Cohen 1996; Kim et al. 2003).

Peer communication about consumption was measured

with Moschis and Moore (1979, 1982) scale. The scale

consists of eight items measuring the frequency to which

respondents turned to friends for buying and shopping

advice between the ages of 12 and 18 on a five-point Likert

scale of 1 (never) and 5 (very often). The scale produced a

Cronbach alpha reliability coefficient of .845 for the French

sample and .811 for the South African sample.

We employed the same scale used by Rindfleisch et al.

(1997) to measure family resources received. This scale

consists of two dimensions: material (tangible) resources

such food, clothing, and pocket money; and emotional

(intangible) resources such as emotional support and love,

time and attention. The second dimension also includes the

provision of human capital resources, both explicitly (life

skills and instruction) and implicitly (e.g., role modelling

and guidance) (see Appendix). This variable was measured

in terms of the degree to which the young adults had

received such family resources before their eighteenth

J Fam Econ Iss

123

birthday, using a five-point Likert scale. The eight item

summated measure produced a Cronbach alpha reliability

coefficient of .914 for the French sample and .892 for the

South African sample.

We used the modified version of Richins and Dawson’s

(1992) materialism scale developed by Wong et al. (2003).

The modified version posed Richins and Dawson’s mate-

rialism statements as interrogative questions with the aim

of enhancing the reliability of the scale. For example, Ri-

chins and Dawson’s item, ‘‘I like a lot of luxury in my life’’

was modified to read, ‘‘how do you feel about having a lot

of luxury in your life?’’ This later interrogative form of the

item sounds less imposing on the respondents and they had

the response option between 1 (do not enjoy) and 5 (really

enjoy). For this study, six items referring to material pos-

sessions as a signal of people’s career successes were

deleted from Wong et al. (2003) 15-items scale, because

they did not relate to students who were yet to begin their

careers. The final materialism scale produced an acceptable

Cronbach alpha reliability coefficient for the South African

sample (a = .805), as well as for the French sample

(a = .830).

Analyses

Before testing our hypotheses, we computed descriptive

statistics for our variables (Table 1). We then computed a

test of mean difference to determine whether there was a

difference in materialism between the French and South

African young adults (Table 2). Next, we used structural

equations modelling with Amos 5.0 to test the five

hypotheses. This method was used because some variables

were both dependent and independent variables (i.e., peer

communication about consumption and family resources

received) (Hair et al. 1998). Multi-group analyses were

performed to test whether results in South Africa and

France were significantly different.

The overall goodness-of-fit statistics for the measurement

model for the South African sample were acceptable: v2/

df = 1.812; Tucker–Lewis index = .909; comparative fit

index = .921; and root mean square error of approxima-

tion = .052. We also obtained a good fit for the measurement

model for the French sample: v2/df = 1.694; Tucker–Lewis

index = .922; comparative fit index = .932; and root mean

square error of approximation = .052. For both countries,

the structural model fits were equally good: v2/df = 2.203;

Tucker–Lewis index = .931; comparative fit index = .940;

and root mean square error of approximation = .047.

Results

The results of hypothesis testing are shown in Tables 3 and

4. Specifically, Table 3 shows the results for the hypothe-

sized relationships between the four main variables in the

model, while Table 4 shows the results of the multi-group

analysis concerning the hypotheses about cultural differ-

ences in the relationships between the model’s four main

variables (Fig. 1).

Hypothesis 1a posited a positive relationship between

disruptive family events experienced during adolescence

and materialism at young adulthood. Even though a posi-

tive relationship was obtained in the South African sample,

it was not statistically significant (b = .097, ns). A nega-

tive and also non-significant coefficient was obtained in the

French sample (b = -.082, ns). Thus, H1a was not sup-

ported. There was however a significant difference (even

though a marginal one, D v2 = 3.149, p \ .10) in how

disruptive family events experienced during adolescence

affected materialism at young adulthood between South

Africa (slightly stronger and positive) and France (slightly

weaker and negative). Hypothesis 1b was therefore

supported.

Hypothesis 2a proposed a positive relationship between

disruptive family events experienced during adolescence

and peer communication about consumption. The regres-

sion coefficients obtained were: b = -.051(ns) and

b = .069 (ns) for South Africa and France, respectively.

Thus, Hypothesis 2a was not supported for either country.

However, Hypothesis 2b, which posited the absence of

cultural (country) difference with respect to how disruptive

family events experienced during adolescence affect

peer communication about consumption was supported

(D v2 = 1.359, ns).

Table 1 Descriptive statistics

Variables South

Africa

France

Mean SD Mean SD

Disruptive family events 3.24 1.62 1.87 .75

Peer communication about consumption 3.12 .69 3.14 .78

Family resources received 3.99 .80 4.02 .89

Materialism 3.39 .71 2.92 .73

Table 2 Test of mean differences for materialism

Levene’s

test for

equality of

variances

t Test for equality of means

F Sig. t Sig. (2-tailed) Mean difference

Materialism .679 .410 3.856 p \ .001*** .26514

*** p \ .001—South African young adults are more materialistic

than French consumers

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123

Table 3 Standardized regression coefficients of the structural model for both countries

Independent variables Dependent variables Regression

coefficients

p values Regression

coefficients

p values

South Africa France

Disruptive family events Materialism H1(a) .097 .206 -.082 .121

Disruptive family events Peer communication H2(a) -.051 .426 .069 .305

Peer communication Materialism H3(a) .327 p \ .001*** .375 p \ .001***

Disruptive family events Family resources received H4(a) -.160 .010* .063 .340

Family resources received Materialism H5(a) -.101 .112 .186 .013*

* p \ .05, *** p \ .001

Table 4 Multi-group analysis

South Africa France Constraint model Model without

constraint

v2 (p value)

Paths b (p) t b (p) t v2 ddl v2 ddl

Materialism \— Disruptive

family events H1(b)

097 (.121) 1.553 -.082 (.213) -1.245 935.08 531 938.22 532 3.149 (.076)�

Peer Communication \—

Disruptive family events H2(b)

-.048 (.455) -.747 .064 (.343) .948 936.87 531 938.22 532 1.359 (.244)

Materialism \— Peer

communication H3(b)

.317 (.001)*** 4.060 .398 (.001)*** 4.857 937.51 531 938.22 532 .719 (.396)

Family resources \—Disruptive

family events H4(b)

-.160 (.010)* -2.560 .062 (.344) .946 934.69 531 938.22 532 3.532 (.060)�

Materialism \— Family

resources H5(b)

-.104 (.111) -1.552 .186 (.013)* 2.495 929.19 531 938.22 532 9.032 (.003)**

� p \ .10, * p \ .05, ** p \ .01, *** p \ .001

Familyresources

Materialism

Peer communication

H1a

H2a H3a

H4a H5a

Culture’s comparison: France versus South Africa

H1b, H2b, H3b, H4b, H5b

Disruptive childhood Family

experiences

Fig. 1 Conceptual model of the

life-course study of materialism,

adapted from Moschis’ (2007,

p. 297) model in the Journal of

the Academy of Marketing

Science

J Fam Econ Iss

123

For Hypothesis 3a, it was expected that subjects’

exposure to peer communication about consumption during

their adolescence will positively affect materialism in

young adulthood. The standardized regression coefficients

between the two variables were strongly significant for

both the South African and French samples (b = .327,

p \ .001 and b = .375, p \ .001, respectively), providing

full support for Hypothesis 3a. Hypothesis 3b was also

supported because, as expected, there was no significant

difference in the sample of the two countries (D v2 = .719,

ns).

Hypothesis 4a posited a negative relationship between

disruptive family events and family resources received

during adolescence. This hypothesis was supported for the

South African (b = -.160, p \ .010), but not for the

French young adults (b = .063, ns).There was a significant

difference (even though a marginal one, D v2 = 3.532,

p \ .10) in how disruptive family events affected family

resources received between South Africa (negative and

significant) and France (positive and not significant).

Hypothesis 4b was therefore supported.

Hypothesis 5a proposed a negative relationship between

family resources received during adolescence and materi-

alism at young adulthood. Hypothesis 5b posited a cultural

difference in this relationship, such that it is negative in the

South African sample and positive in the French sample.

Hypothesis 5a results showed that even though the rela-

tionship was negative among the South African sample, it

was not statistically significant (b = -.101, ns). Among

the French young adults, the relationship was positive and

significant (b = .186, p \ .05). Thus, Hypothesis 5b was

supported because, as expected, there was a significant

difference in how family resources received during ado-

lescence affect materialism at young adulthood between

the South African and French respondents (D v2 = 9.032,

p = \ .01). This result reveals that the French young

adults are more likely to report materialistic tendencies

when adequate family resources are received during

adolescence.

Discussion

Using samples of French and South African young adults,

this study tested the premise that childhood disruptive

family events affect the onset of materialistic attitudes,

both directly as well as through the mechanisms provided

by the human capital and socialization life-course per-

spectives. A major objective was to assess the potential

cultural differences and similarities in how family resour-

ces received and peer communication about consumption

during adolescence may affect the development of mate-

rialistic attitudes.

In line with other studies conducted outside the US (e.g.,

Nguyen et al. 2009; Moschis et al. 2009), this study’s

results did not provide support for the direct relationship

between disruptive family events experienced during ado-

lescence and later-in-life materialism revealed in US

studies (e.g., Rindfleisch et al. 1997; Roberts et al. 2006).

This could be due to different measures of family disrup-

tions used for these studies. The scale used for the mea-

surement of family disruption by previous researchers in

the US (Rindfleisch et al. 1997; Roberts et al. 2006) was a

single item, while most non-US studies have used a mod-

ified six items scale.

With respect to the impact of peer communication about

consumption during adolescence on materialistic attitudes

expressed in young adulthood, there was strong support for

a positive relationship in both the South African and

French samples. This hypothesis has also received strong

support in China (Chan and Zhang 2007), Thailand (Ngu-

yen et al. 2009), and Malaysia (Moschis et al. 2009). This

result is consistent with the explanation provided by the

group socialization theory of development. The theory

suggested that personalities are highly impacted by intra

and intergroup processes during adolescence (Rich 1995).

According to Rich (1995), peer group’s impact on values

and attitudes is universal, in part because the adolescent

brain is susceptible to peer influence, a notion in line with

recent neuroscience research (Baker et al. 2013). Mokgosa

and Mohube (2007) asserted that adolescents generally get

information about the environment and learn how to cope

with aversive feelings produced by life events (such as

disruptive family events) from peers. Peer groups also push

adolescents to comply with peer expectations and prefer-

ences to achieve rewards and avoid punishment. In this

context, material possessions glorified in such social set-

tings, either as coping responses or desirable actions, are

positively reinforced. Over time, they may become norms

and life goals for happiness and social progress, leading to

the development of materialistic values (Moschis 1987).

Unlike the study by Rindfleisch et al. (1997) which

found a negative relationship between family resources

received during adolescence and materialism at young

adulthood, the present study found that family resources

received during adolescence had a significant positive

effect on materialistic values among the French young

adults. This result was the strongest significant difference

between the French and South African young adults

obtained in the multi-group analyses. Using a smaller

sample of French students, Baker et al. (2013) also found a

positive relationship between family resources received

during adolescence and materialism at young adulthood in

France.

The present study’s result concerning the French young

adults also revealed that a positive (instead of the expected

J Fam Econ Iss

123

negative) relationship (even though not significant)

emerged between disruptive family events and family

resources. These are indications that the French young

adults may be benefiting both tangibly and intangibly when

the family is disrupted. As Rindfleisch et al. (1997) sug-

gested, this can be the case for some children raised in

divorced homes. Even though these authors were referring

to the provision of only tangible resources such as exces-

sive gifts from parents to compete for their children’s

affection, it is possible that in France, excessive gifts as

well as much attention may be given to children raised in

disrupted families to remove the guilt of not being a regular

parent or to comply with the French civil code that obliges

parents to provide both material and emotional support for

all of their children (including the adopted and out-of-

wedlock children).The provision of gifts to get a child’s

affection and replace an absent parent, according to

Rindfleisch et al. (1997, p. 313), could continue until ‘‘it

leads a child to equate material goods with feeling loved

and wanted and thus provide for an early socialization

toward greater materialism.’’ In developing countries like

South Africa, lower income may limit this tendency.

Implications and Areas of Further Research

Before discussing the implications of this study’s findings

for policy and practice, some limitations should be men-

tioned. First, the major limitation of this study is that it

used cross-sectional data and retrospective analysis to

assess how prior events influence a consumption outcome

later in life. Although care was taken to minimize the

problems associated with retrospective measures by asking

for a simple recall of whether or not the event occurred

(instead of asking the respondent to estimate the perceived

influence of events that occurred years ago), this remains a

limitation of the current study. Additionally, the use of a

sample of university students across two countries means

that none of the samples were likely representative of all

young adults in the respective nation. However, the use of

university students in both countries provided a degree of

sample equivalence along the level of education (Sirgy

et al. 1998). In consideration of the limitations, the readers

should exercise caution in interpreting this study’s findings

and their implications.

The study limitations notwithstanding, the findings

presented here have implications for theory development

and practice, and suggest directions for further research.

The test of the human capital and socialization life-course

perspectives on materialism has received partial support

among the French and South African young adults in this

study. This reinforces the need to test consumer behaviour

models developed in the US in other cultural contexts, as

suggested by Burgess (2005) and Steenkamp and Burgess

(2002). Cross-cultural tests are needed to validate theories

and to advance knowledge about consumer diversity and

human responses to situations across cultures (McCrae

2000).

Comparative studies conducted in countries like South

Africa, where there are huge socio-economic inequalities

and substantial within-country cultural diversities, can put

the validity of models and theories into a difficult and

desirable test (Steenkamp and Burgess 2002). For example,

it is questionable how South African young adults cope

with the outcomes of childhood family disruptions, if

materialism is not one of their coping strategies. Could

their coping strategy from family disruptions be the

extended family structure (single parents living with other

adult relatives who share economic and emotional resour-

ces and can assist in parenting children), which is common

in South Africa (Bertrand et al. 2003), or could it be the

spirit of Ubuntu whereby people are open to others, feel

interconnected to neighbours and share love and compas-

sion (Nussbaum 2003)? With Ubuntu expressions in South

Africa like ‘‘Umuntu, ngummuntu ngabantu,’’ meaning it is

through others that one attains self-worth (Nussbaum 2003,

p. 21), further research is needed to measure Ubuntu and to

examine its moderating role on the relationship between

disruptive family events and materialism.

Materialism is commonly regarded as part of the dark

side of consumer behaviour (Burroughs and Rindfleisch

2002) and often viewed as unfavourable; both from the

individual and societal points of view (Rindfleisch et al.

1997). For example, materialistic people were found to

abuse credit cards, deplete their savings, accumulate

unmanageable debt, and were depressed and dissatisfied in

life (Roberts et al. 2006). These outcomes are believed to

have negative effects on a person’s general well-being

(Burroughs and Rindfleisch 2002). In this context, public

education and policy should focus on factors responsible

for the development of materialistic values in early life, as

such values once developed tend to persist well into

adulthood (Moschis 1987). Therefore, educational cam-

paigns directed at youths and their families, in both

developed and developing countries, should de-emphasize

the importance of material possessions as means of

showing love, social progress, and well-being.

The French civil code presently puts an obligation on

parents to provide for the economic and emotional support

of their children (including those adopted and those born

out of wedlock). We suggest that the provision of economic

or tangible resources should be backed by the provision of

adequate emotional or intangible resources. This sugges-

tion stems from Rindfleisch et al.’s (1997, p. 321) obser-

vation that ‘‘it is the diminution of interpersonal resources

such as love and affection, rather than the economic

J Fam Econ Iss

123

resources that links family disruption and materialism.’’

Further research would be needed that uses separate mea-

sures of tangible and intangible resources to uncover the

effects of providing tangible and intangible resources to

youths in disrupted homes on the development of materi-

alistic values in diverse cultural settings.

Finally, given the strong influence of peer communica-

tion about consumption during adolescence on materialism

at young adulthood uncovered in this and other cross-cul-

tural studies, there appears to be a need for educational

programmes in schools to deter youths from social com-

parisons and reliance on material possessions as vehicles to

happiness and social progress in life. The starting point

here can be an investigation into the precise factors driving

youths’ gravitation towards peer communication about

consumption, since we did not find disruptive family events

as one of the drivers.

Acknowledgments The corresponding author thanks the Vlir-Uos

University Development Cooperation in Belgium for their funding for

a short research stay at KU—Leuven, during which a substantial part

of this paper was written.

Appendix: Measures

Disruptive childhood family events

Please circle the appropriate number (1 = never and

5 = very often), if you experienced the following events

before your 18th birthday:

(1) Did not live in the same home as both of your bio-

logical parents.

(2) Frequent time periods in which one or both parents

were absent.

(3) Loss or separation from a family member or loved

one.

(4) Arguments between parents or other family

members.

(5) Frequent moves to a new place of residence.

(6) Physical abuse by parents or close family members.

Family resources

Please circle one number to show the degree to which the

following family resources were adequate or inadequate

(1 = inadequate support, and 5 = exceptional support)

before your 18th birthday.

(1) Spending money

(2) Food

(3) Clothing

(4) Time and attention

(5) Discipline

(6) Life skills and instruction

(7) Emotional support and love

(8) Role modelling and guidance

Peer communication about consumption

How often did the following happen between the ages of 12

and 18? Please circle one number (1 = never and 5 = very

often):

(1) You ask your friends for advice about buying things.

(2) You and your friends talk about buying things.

(3) You and your friends talk about things you saw or

heard advertised.

(4) You wonder what your friends would think when

you were buying things for yourself.

(5) Your friends ask you for advice about buying things.

(6) Your friends tell you what things you should or

should not buy.

(7) You go shopping with your friends.

(8) You try to impress your friends.

Materialism

Regarding your attitude toward material possessions,

please circle one number to show your degree of accep-

tance. For question 1 for example, you choose from

(1 = need more, and 5 = have all I need) and for question

2 you choose from (1 = do not enjoy, and 5 = greatly

enjoy).

(1) Do you feel that you have all the things you really

need to enjoy life?

(2) How do you feel about having a lot of luxury in your

life?

(3) How do you feel about acquiring material posses-

sions as an achievement in life?

(4) Would your life be any better if you owned certain

things that you don’t have?

(5) How do you feel about people who own expensive

homes, cars, and clothes?

(6) How much pleasure do you get from buying things?

(7) How do you feel about things you own?

(8) How do you feel about owning things that impress

people?

(9) How do you approach your life in terms of your life

possessions (i.e., buying and owning things)?

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Helen Inseng Duh She is holder of Doctor of Commerce from Nelson

Mandela Metropolitan University, Port Elizabeth—South Africa, and

is lecturer of marketing and management. Her research interest is

consumer behaviour and brand management.

Sarah Benmoyal-Bouzaglo She holds a Ph.D. from University of

Paris Dauphine, and is an Assistant Professor of Marketing at Paris

Descartes University. Her main research area is consumer behaviour.

George P. Moschis His Ph.D. is from University of Wisconsin-

Madison. He is the Alfred Bernhardt Research Professor of marketing

and the founding director of the Centre for Mature Consumer Studies.

He has been studying the lifestyles and habits of different generations

in US and other countries for more than 30 years.

Lilia Smaoui She has a Ph.D. from University of Paris Dauphine -

France, and is Assistant Professor of marketing at Paris 13 University.

Her main research areas are window displays and consumer

behaviour.

J Fam Econ Iss

123