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Exploring deliberative behavior in a non-deliberative setting1
Julia Jennstål, ([email protected]),
Uppsala University
Prepared for delivery at the ECPR, Reykjavik, August 25-27, 2011.
(Work in progress!)
In this paper I explore deliberative behavior as it occurs in non-deliberative settings. A “deliberative
behavioral repertoire”, extracted from the deliberative literature, is used to determine to what extent
the chief negotiators (Nelson Mandela and F.W de Klerk) during the South African peace negotiations,
1989-94, displayed deliberative conduct. The hypothesis is that deliberative conduct was the micro
mechanism at work during the negotiations, partly accounting for the successful outcome of the
negotiations.
The paper rests on two assumptions. First, deliberative behavior can appear anywhere, anytime,
hence, is not reliant upon certain institutional, social or cultural settings. Second, there are
“deliberative personality structures” that bring about deliberative behavior. The latter assumption is
dealt with in another paper, while the first will be explored here.
Deliberation is a very particular type of social behavior, measured by the participants’ adherence to
the principles of reasoned discussion (Bohman & Rehg, 1999; Chambers, 1996; Cooke, 2009;
Dietelhoff & Müller, 2005; Elster, 1998; Risse, 2000). Four key deliberative behavioral expectations
(that will be further elaborated below) can be extracted from the deliberative literature: reason giving,
inner moral reasoning, open-mindedness, and respect of others. Reason-giving encompass an
individuals logical and rhetorical skills. Inner moral reasoning means that our standpoints must be
grounded in personal, moral, convictions. Open-mindedness means to be open to persuasion and ready
to change opinion if convincing arguments are put forth. Respect of others is, finally, an attitudinal
disposition towards others that they are worthy of respect. Thus, reasoned discussion prescribes a
complex and rigid, behavioral repertoire, which all participants, ideally, should adhere to.
Concerning the second assumption noted above, the deliberative behavioral repertoire is in this
context hypothesized to be tightly intertwined with personality variables, primarily the Big Five
taxonomy. Given the, nowadays, well established existence of stable and validated personality traits
individuals are no longer considered “blank slates” open to fill with a desired content (e.g. Goldberg,
1990; McCrae & Terracciano, 2005; Mondak, 2010). Individuals possess a unique combination of 1 This paper is part of my dissertation project. In an earlier article I have explored deliberative behavior from a personality approach (using the Big Five model) arguing for the existence of a “deliberative personality”. This paper can be seen as a pilot study based on the findings in the prior study. In this paper I assess to what extent Nelson Mandela and de Klerk deliberated. The next step will be to explore if deliberative behavior used by Mandela and de Klerk during the negotiations can be related to and explained by personality variables.
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personality traits which distinguish them from each other. For example, this means that individuals are
likely to respond differently to learning situations and also behave differently (from each other) in
social situations. Viewed from a personality trait approach, the highly complex deliberative behavioral
repertoire can hardly be deemed a “universal competence” nor can individuals be expected to behave
according to it solely as the result of a deliberatively structured situation. From this perspective, it
becomes more relevant to make in-depth explorations of individual conduct to capture the interplay of
different deliberative behavior within single individuals, in order to determine the quality of
deliberation.
Deliberative behavior, as such, has been explored by, among others, Thomas Risse and Simone
Chambers in non-deliberative, political settings. Using two empirical illustrations, the socialization of
human rights norms into domestic practices and negotiations between east and west to end the cold
war, Risse demonstrates the effects of deliberative behavior (“arguing”) in a seemingly anarchic and
power ridden international setting (Risse, 1999, 2001). Even though certain institutional provisions
might be more conducive to deliberative practices it still comes down to the single individual to
actually behave in accordance with the principles of deliberation.
Chambers explores the idea of “deliberative rhetoric” which “allows us to think about promoting
deliberation in a context where face-to-face dialogue is the exception rather than rule and where a
small number of elites dominate political communication” (Chambers 2009:324). Chambers wants to
challenge the dominant perception that mass public is out of reach for deliberation by distinguishing
between deliberative and plebiscitary rhetoric. Politicians can create deliberative relationship with the
audience by the use of deliberative rhetoric even if the audience lacks instruments to immediately
respond to the speaker: “deliberative rhetoric makes people think, it makes people see things in new
ways, it conveys information and knowledge, and it makes people more reflective” (Chambers
2009:335). Chambers contribution is to show that deliberative rhetoric is not restricted to particular
settings and can occur anywhere, anytime in the public sphere. Chambers refines our understanding of
rhetoric by stating that it can be dialogical, even in asymmetric relationships. What is needed is a
politician willing to deliberate.
Instead of endorsing an institutional perspective, Chambers and Risse search the system after
deliberative behavior. They both reach the conclusion that there can be more or less deliberativeness in
the system depending on politicians conduct. From this standpoint deliberation originates within
individuals. However, neither pose the questions of who “choose” to deliberate and why.
This paper examines Nelson Mandela’s and F.W. de Klerk’s behavior during the South African
peace negotiations, 1989-94 in an effort to explain if it was deliberative behavior that was the “micro
mechanism” at play during the successful negotiation process.
Explanations of the South African success story when it comes to the non-violent transformation
from apartheid to a transition government have mostly concerned institutional choice analysis and
other strategic and rational actor perspectives (Sisk 1995; Strand 2000). The extraordinary leadership
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and foremost Mandela’s exceptional style and conduct have been noted by many yet these individual
level variables have seldom been treated as explanatory of the outcome.
South Africa is a tough case for the hypothesis of a deliberative behavior. The situation in South
Africa in the beginning of the 1990’s did not encourage openness and the seeking of understanding.
The protracted conflict had been fought along racial lines and strong group identification was
persistent. When the political leaders sat down to negotiate it was in a climate of political suspicion
and deep mistrust for the contender.
A DELIBERATIVE BEHAVIORAL REPERTOIRE Reasoned discussion can be viewed as a mean or an end, and can be measured in a multitude of
ways, but at the essence of it there is a belief in the merits of a deliberative mode of conduct
(Chambers, 1996; Bohman & Rehg, 1999; Elster, 1998; Cooke, 2009; Thomas Risse, 2000; Müller,
2004; Deitelhoff & Müller, 2005). Reasoned discussion prescribes a particular way of behaving and
this behavioral repertoire, sometimes referred to as a “deliberative character”, ultimately rely on the
existence of a universal competence, something which every individual can be fostered in to or taught
through social and cultural learning processes.
All humans are believed to have an innate general, pre-theoretical disposition, on which to draw on
in reasoned discussion, implying the following four behavioral expectations. Reason giving (1)
requires of a person to clearly state her preferences and be ready to explicate the reasons for why she is
holding them, thereby contributing to a critical discussion on the pros and cons of different
standpoints. Dryzek stresses that all actors involved must be “communicatively competent” meaning
that “all actors should be equally and fully capable of making and questioning arguments” (Dryzek,
1990). Reason-giving denote an activity in dialogue with opponents. Reply to or ask questions, deliver
critique or a declaration of intent prove, at least a minimal, acceptance of the contender and the
process. Justifications, apologizes, self-serving rhetoric and shaming strategies can all be argued to be
reason-giving activities, hence in line with deliberate conduct (e.g. Risse, 1999; 2000). What is critical
is the underlying belief that what I say matters. Shaming refer to efforts to prove dissonance between
the contender’s actions and principles. It is used both do degrade the contender’s reputation and
simultaneously get one self a better position. Individuals with high moral ambitions more easily get
caught in “argumentative self-entrapments”. They make references to principles and values in
speeches and thereby place obligations on themselves to comply with the same values. The more they
discuss the more entangled they get, which means that they become forced to adapt to the proclaimed
values in order not to loose leverage (Risse 1999:536-550). “Argumentative self-entrapments” is an
unintended consequence of reason-giving.
If reason giving means to publicly express and defend opinions in a clear and understandable
manner, inner moral reasoning (2) accounts for the substance and quality of the given reasons. Inner
reasoning means that participants must have reflected on the impartial as well as partial aspects of
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their ideas, wishes, and preferences, and whether their preferences are reasonable (Cohen, 1996). They
need a profound understanding that equality and fairness among participants is something inherently
good and to be governed by principles stating that all have the right to speak, all must be listened to,
and everyone’s statements should be given equal consideration.
Abstract principles such as “the force of the better argument” and tolerance of ambiguity (Dryzek,
1990, p. 15; Risse, 2000, p. 12) necessitates an inner process of moral reasoning to make sense to
individuals. Deliberative scholars stress tolerance of ambiguity meaning that no one of the participants
knows who will learn from whom, which, in practice, means that everyone should stick to the premise
that the better argument always prevail. All participants must comprehend that no matter how
exhaustive the debate has been, and no matter how justifiable the decision seems to be, the positions
and arguments can be challenged again at any time (Gutmann & Thompson, 1990; Risse, 2000). Both
these principles necessitate an abstract and rule-guided way of thinking to manage to see things from a
distance, in order to acknowledge and show respect to the multitude of attitudes and opinions in
discussions. Chambers (1996) mentions thought experiments as one type of inner reasoning when
individuals reflects on questions such as; would I have agreed to this norm in free and equal
discussion? What kinds of arguments could be brought for and against a certain norm? Thought
experiments undertaken in privacy are believed to assist the individual in later deliberative encounters
(see also Rawls, 1973).
Linklater has summarized Habermas’ “basic procedures” for deliberation which can be described as
an individual’s free choice derived from a process of inner moral reasoning: “First, they should enter
dialogue convinced that no-one can know who will learn from whom. Second, they should strive to
reach agreements which rely on the force of the better argument and which try to reduce overt and
subtle forms of power. Third, they should think from the standpoint of others and aim to agree on
universal principles which bind all together as moral equals” (Linklater, 2005). The process of inner
moral reasoning captures the individual’s conviction of and devotion to the foundational principles on
which the other behavioral requirements rest.
Open-mindedness (3) indicates a readiness to modify or abandon one´s preferences upon (relevant)
criticism. Those who stress the formation and transformation of preferences as vital to deliberation
require of participants to be open-minded (e.g. Karlsson, 2008). Open-mindedness means to be ready
to change one’s preferences if contradictory evidence is received that on reflection cannot be answered
(Eriksen 1997:228; Gutmann 1990:80). A person with an open mind deals with uncertainty in a
constructive way and manage to keep both good and bad aspects of a situation/person in mind without
getting anxious.
Finally, respect for others (4) is a foundational attitudinal disposition towards people in general, a
genuine belief in the authenticity and sincerity of other participants (Chambers, 1996; Elster, 1998;
Risse, 2000). This attitude also means to acknowledge an opponent’s demands and interests as morally
justifiable, “rather than a purely political, economic or other kind of non-moral view” (Gutmann
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1990:79). What other people say is considered to be important and relevant, and it is considered
meaningful to search for an understanding of them and their situation. In practice, respect implies a
readiness to engage in a discussion with the opponent, even though one may not accept their
standpoints as relevant or even valid.
A deliberator should embrace what Gutmann and Thompson describe as “the mutual justification as
implied by the principle of reciprocity” (Gutmann et al, 2002, p. 156). In this state of mind people
distances themselves from egocentric preferences, they truly listen and reflect on others preferences
and are affected by what they hear and learn. Risse stresses the nearby concept of empathy as a critical
feature of arguing (Risse 1999). Empathy means the ability to really listen to what other people say,
and thereby gain a profound, emotional or intellectual, understanding of the opponent’s situation,
behavior, and demands.
These four behaviors are implicitly required of participants. In this article, they are assumed and
treated as underlying, psychological stipulations of deliberation and all four of equal importance for
successful deliberation.
Some methodological points The empirical examination goes through critical events between 1989 and 1994 in order to capture
patterns of interaction between the two leaders, hence it follows the logic of “pattern tracing” (Kaarbo
& Beasley, 1999, pp. 386. If these patterns prove congruent with the deliberative repertoire (i.e. that
all four deliberative behaviors are evident within, as well as characteristic of, the process) the
hypothesis is strengthened.
The single, greatest impediment to peace during the transition was violence. Therefore the analysis
of de Klerk’s and Mandela’s interactions will primarily concentrate on how they dealt with and
responded to acts of violence and the security issue, and the related question of interim government.
This is two highly significant matters both from a theoretical and an empirical vantage point.
Prevailing theories often fall back on acts of violence to explain critical policy shifts and/or changes in
the balance of power between the negotiating actors. Therefore, questions of violence and security are
least likely to be dealt with in a deliberative manner. Thus, if a deliberative mode of conduct proves
dominant when dealing with violence and security issues, it is reasonable to assume that it also exerts
considerable influence in other types of discussions between the leaders.
The four behaviors will first be scrutinized as separated constructs and then related to each other in
order to see how they relate to each other and if they tend to appear simultaneously.
When it comes to the requirement of reason-giving, respect for others and open-mindedness these
behaviors can be directly inferred from the behavior while inner moral reasoning, however, requires
other sorts of sources that reach into the internal thought processes and reflections of the leaders. This
means that inner moral reasoning is dependent on the leaders’ ability and willingness (and reason) to
verbalize their thinking. The guiding assumption is that if an individual has a sophisticated and
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morally conscious thinking they will be motivated to express their thoughts to make clear that their
standpoint is justifiable and well-founded. An important source that hint at the leaders inner moral
thinking during the process are to be dated long afterwards, in memoirs etceteras.
The analysis will be structured along the following questions:
1. Reason-giving
Do they state their opinions in a straightforward way?
Do they give reasons for why they hold certain opinions?
Do they explain their behavior?
Do they respond to questions?
Overall: do they actively engage in a dialogue with the contender (or do they hide information
about their true preferences in a manipulative and strategic game in order to get advantages)?
2. Inner moral reasoning
Do they express/show concern about the principle of “tolerance of ambiguity”?
Do they express/show concern about the principle of “the never ending process of revisions”?
Do they express/show concern about the principle of “the force of the better argument”?
Do they seek points of convergence with the opponent?
Overall: do foundational moral convictions influence their thinking and saying, in public or
bilaterally, during the interactions (or do they act spontaneous and affectionate in relation to the
unfolding of the negotiations)?
3. Open-minded
Do they change/modify/abandon opinions in response to new information or if the situation
change?
Do they deal with complexities in a nuanced manner?
Do they incorporate other’s preferences into their own thinking?
Overall: Can they cope with being in a state of uncertainty without falling back on stereotypic and
simplified explanations or clinging on to long-held beliefs?
4. Respect of others
Do they acknowledge the legitimacy of the opponent?
Do they acknowledge the sincerity of the opponent’s demands, beliefs, and values?
Do they really attempt to understand the logic of the opponent’s statements and demands?
Do they reply to questions from the opponent?
Do they empathize with the other’s situations?
Overall: do they consider the opponent as an equal and, as such, an inevitable feature of the
negotiation process (or do they attempt to undermine or circumscribe the opponent by any means)?
Emphasis will be on instances when any of the four behaviors are evident. The absence of or
contradictory behavior will be commented on in a concluding discussion. Attention will be given to
the opponent’s description of the other as living up to any of these four behavioral requirements. For
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instance, if Mandela describes de Klerk as having an open-mind this will strengthen the hypothesis of
de Klerk as a deliberative person.
The material used originates from during the negotiation process. Daily news papers, transcripts of
journalistic interviews, press releases made by the ANC and the NP, as well as secondary sources, are
the primary sources of information.
SOUTH AFRICAN PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, 1989-94
Table 1. Chronology of key events during the negotiation process, 1989-94
Date Events
1989 September De Klerk’s inauguration speech as NP leader
1990 February Parliamentary speech by de Klerk
May ANC and NP sign the Groote schuur accord
June State of emergency lifted
July Violent outbreak in Sebokeng township
August ANC suspend armed activities
September Mandela accuses the Government of “a state-sponsored, hidden, third
force”
1991 February ANC and NP sign the D.F. Malan minute.
April ANC ultimatum: no talks if the violence does not decrease
May ANC withdrawal from talks
September National Peace Accord
December Codesa convenes and Mandela publicly attacks de Klerk
1992
Mars
May
White only referendum
Codesa deadlocks
June ANC and NP negotiations break down
June Mass action campaign announced by the ANC
June Inkatha affiliates kill ANC member in Boipatong
September Police shooting at demonstrators in Bisho
1993
1994
September
April
April
June
October
April
ANC and NP signs the Record of Understanding
Multi party talks – MPN
Chris Hani is assassinated
Breakthrough in ANC and NP talks
Nobel Peace Price to Mandela and de Klerk
National election
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Reason-giving Activity in dialogue could be seen as a baseline in deliberative encounters. To be characterized as a
deliberative style of reason-giving discussants are intended to have a dialogue with each other and not
only try to score political points by capturing the audience attention. The fundamental request is that
discussants confront each other with questions, clarifications, justifications, apologizes, threats,
accusations, blame or explorations of the reasons behind different standpoints. Participants’ main
concern should be to provide reasons in order persuade or influence the opponent. Reason-giving
requires a continuous dialogue, because situations change, requiring new positions and provision of
new reasons, hence the important part is the continuation of reason-giving during the whole process.
Turning to the initial phase of the negotiation process, there is ample evidence of both leaders’
willingness to outline the logic behind their positions.
In December 1989 when Mandela was still imprisoned he sent a letter to de Klerk with the title “To
create a climate of understanding”, in which he explained why he considered the Government’s
approach to the question of negotiations with the ANC, totally unacceptable (Mandela 1989). While
acknowledging the positive contributions undertaken by the Government to prepare the way for
negotiations, Mandela also underscored that more needed to be done.
Also de Klerk demonstrated, at an early stage, his readiness to participate in an exchange of reason-
giving. In September 1989, de Klerk held his inauguration speech in which he responded to Mandela’s
accusations that the Government violated certain norms of appropriate behavior. By stating that the
accusations in themselves were violations of norms for peaceful behavior de Klerk dismissed them as
unjustifiable. This is not an advanced argumentation but it is an indication of de Klerk’s incentive to
engage in a debate on righteous behavior. A few months later, de Klerk made his annual address at the
opening of Parliament where he announced the normalization of politics. In addition to declaring the
Government’s intentions he also delineated the most important facets that lead the Government to take
this decision (De Klerk 1990).i
Reason-giving in terms of accusations starts appear already in connection to their first signed
accord, the Groote Schuur Accord. Mandela accuses de Klerk of not complying with the Groote
Schuur accord when it came to the release of political prisoners, the lifting of the state of emergency
and the management of violence. De Klerk on his part accused Mandela of not fulfilling his part of the
D.F. Malan Minute in abandoning the armed struggle. This last accusation was to become a
reoccurring subject of discussion during the negotiations. Mandela often spelled out the reasons why
he could not carry out the Government’s demand on disbanding the armed struggle under the present
conditions [Mandela , 1990 #110](Mandela* 1990; Mandela* 1991).
At this stage of the process both contenders seem inclined to outline
the motives for their actions and to argue for their demands to be reasonable.
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When the Inkathagate scandal was revealed in 1991, Mandela blamed de Klerk for advancing his
administrations cause “over the corpses” of ANC affiliates (Laurence 1991).2
Following the attacks on ANC members by Inkatha affiliates in Sebokeng and Zonkiziziwe
Mandela requested a private meeting with de Klerk. In his memoirs, Mandela recalls,
And in 1993 de Klerk
was accused of not “even take the simplest precautions to curb violence, in his view their [black] lives
are cheap. When it comes to blacks, he is absolutely insensitive” (Mandela 1994).
When I saw him, I angrily asked for an explanation. ‘You were warned in advance’, I told him ‘and
yet did nothing. Why is that? Why is that there have been no arrests? Why have the police sat on their
hands? […] He had no reply to what I said. I asked de Klerk to furnish me with an explanation, and he
never did (Mandela 1994:579).
Mandela asks questions but is not content with de Klerk’s response. According to Mandela, every time
he confronted de Klerk with these sorts of questions the reply was that he should investigate and
respond on the matter something that never happened on the word of Mandela (Mandela 1994:579).3
Another frequent accusation by Mandela was that de Klerk was inconsistent in his words and deeds,
while paying lip service to a negotiated solution he was conducting a violent struggle (Johnson 1991).
In 1992 the Goldstone Commission, appointed by de Klerk’s government, proved one of the instigator
of violence to be a state sponsored, hidden third force (Sisk 1995:213). De Klerk stated his lack of
knowledge, while confronting the police and the National Intelligence Service to find out the truth
behind the charges of a third force but they all denied involvement. De Klerk had to decide whether or
not to trust his closest allies (Waldmeir 1997:183).
However, in a speech to parliament in January 1992, de Klerk defends the security forces from
Mandela’s indictments that they are to be blamed for the violence (Africa Contemporary Record*
1998).
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As long as de Klerk maintains that he did not knew about the third force it is difficult to accuse him
of inconsistent behavior. At least partly, Mandela’s belief could be explained by his limited
understanding of the resources available to State Presidents. A parallel could be made to the revelation
of the Operation Vula, which was a secret structure within the ANC prepared for armed struggle. The
revelation of its existence proved the ANC, despite their proclamations of the suspended armed
struggle, to still have a “double agenda” (or, what some have called an “insurance policy”), hence
2 Interesting to note is that despite Mandela’s harsh reaction to the revelation of the Inkathagate scandal he did not call for the resignation of de Klerk (Ebrahim 1998:80, Laurence 1991). This strengthen the argument that shaming is used to pressure the other into undertaking certain actions, while it is not intended to completely disrupt or undermine the process as a whole. 3De Klerk recalls Mandela’s questions and allegations and also that he promised to investigate and respond. However, in contrast to Mandela, de Klerk’s opinion seems to be that he did what he could to answer the questions and provide Mandela with information but that Mandela was never satisfied (De Klerk 1998:200) 4 Afterwards de Klerk has said that;”somebody must have been lying to us – or at the very least had not provided us with vital information” (De Klerk 1998:122). Shortly before the election 1994 additional information from the Goldstone Commission leaked to the press asserting that top police officers in the South African Police force had provided Inkatha with weapons and ammunition and furthermore been taking part in severe criminal behavior (Waldmeir 1997:183). In the memoirs he wrote that he “still do not know the full truth about all these charges, or who within the security forces authorized these gross violations of human rights” (De Klerk 1998).
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being guilty of the same conduct as the Government was accused of (Strand 2000:123). When
operation Vula was revealed Mandela denied that he should have known about its existence.
Apparently, Mandela seems to reason that as State President it must be easier to keep an eye on
colleagues due to the resources available. In his memoirs, de Klerk makes the following remark, It is ironic that Mandela originally knew nothing of this. He would later frequently accuse me of
having known about everything that happened in the security forces and of having a double agenda (De
Klerk 1998:199:201).
Regardless of de Klerk’s knowledge of the third force it is telling that they both continued arguing
during the whole crisis. In this context, the relevant question is not whether de Klerk really was
innocent or not but to what extent he attempted to explain and defend his actions in response to
Mandelas accusations. Waldmeir suggests de Klerk’s truthfulness by making clear that he was only
losing out from the violence. It undermined both his international reputation as a great politician and
his power position in the domestic negotiations.
At numerous occasions de Klerk publicly committed himself to democratic principles, which was a
theme Mandela utilized to put pressure on him. For example, on several occasions Mandela accused
de Klerk of being insensitive to the sufferings of the Blacks. In a press briefing from 1992 Mandela
made the comparison of how Jews were treated in Nazi Germany with the situation for the Blacks in
South Africa (Waugh 1992).
At Codesa, Mandela said in response to a speech by de Klerk in which he criticized Mandela, that, Although [de Klerk] wants these democratic changes, he has sometimes very little idea what
democracy means […] he is forgetting that he cannot speak like a representative of a Government which
has got legitimacy and which represents the majority of the population (Mandela* 1991).
When Mandela addressed the OAU in April 1992 he said that de Klerk was ”determined to cling on to
power by any means necessary” and that de Klerk believes he “does not need to respect democratic
elections” (Africa Contemporary Record 1998). On a joint trip with de Klerk to the US in 1993,
Mandela made a public statement in which he said that de Klerk was “the leader of an illegitimate
government lacking credibility”. He also added that, “we don’t regard him as the president of South
Africa, but as a leader put there by only 15 percent of the population” (Fabricius 1993). De Klerk is
both accused of applying undemocratic means and that he, and his Government, is acting outside the
democratic realm.
Mandela used the Inkathatgate scandal to stress the relevance of the ANC’s longstanding demand
on an interim government (Ebrahim 1998:81). An interim government, he argued, was the only
mechanism that could bring back confidence in the process and revitalize negotiations. The pros and
cons with an interim government were discussed countless times and equal number of times Mandela
explained why he viewed an interim government as the only viable option for South Africa
(Laurence* 1991; Sparks* 1992).
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Both contenders highlight inconsistencies in each other’s argumentation. In response to the
Government refusal to initiate talks with the ANC before they make an; “honest commitment to
peace”, Mandela initiates a moral debate. On a normative level Mandela stated his acceptance of the
precondition. What he did not accept was the definition of the ANC’s armed struggle. Mandela’s
perception of it was as “a purely defensive measure”. ANC was not the aggressor and thus the
Government’s demand on the ANC to suspend the armed struggle was illegitimate. Mandela applied
the same kind of reasoning when criticizing the Government for its preconditions for talks. While
calling on other parties to participate in talks with open mind the Government had set up certain
criteria to determine who had the right to participate in talks (Mandela 1989). By this line of reason-
giving, Mandela could reject the Government’s demands as unjustifiable.
A similar reflection by de Klerk is made a few months later. Anticipating the Groote Schuur
meeting, police forces killed demonstrators in Sebokeng, which made Mandela immediately cancel all
the planned meetings with the Government. De Klerk interpreted this withdrawal from talks as a sign
of contradiction in the ANC’s policy. Why;”an organization, which claimed to be interested in peace,
refused to talk about that very issue”, could only be interpreted as contradicting behavior. De Klerk
stated that;”a continuing commitment to violence and peaceful negotiations were mutually exclusive”
(De Klerk 1998).
In the available material it seems as if Mandela more often started moral discussions but also that
de Klerk did respond to Mandela’s questions and demands. De Klerk did not merely dismiss the
questions but at least attempted to answer them. Searching for an explanation as to how Mandela and
de Klerk managed to retain a working relationship in the face of all the ruthless confrontations,
Waldmeir asserts that it was “because both knew the norms for appropriate behaviour” (Waldmeir
1997).
Given these, sometimes rampant, accusations between the leaders, it is especially interesting to
consider the exchange of memorandum that took place between them during the all time low in the
summer of 1992. Due to the escalating levels of violence, Mandela declared the “rolling mass action”
campaign in order to pressure the Government to take resolute action to tackle the violence. Shortly
afterwards a massacre took place in the township of Boipatong. In response the ANC decided to break
off all bilateral talks as well as the Codesa negotiations with the government (ANC, 1992). In an
interview with The Star Mandela justified the use of mass action as a continued struggle but with non-
violent, democratic means (Steyn 1992). Nevertheless, even if the formal meetings stalled it did not
stop Mandela and de Klerk from justifying and explaining what they perceived to be the main
obstacles to the negotiation process by exchanging written memorandums (Mandela 1992; Mandela*
1992; Mandela** 1992).5
5 The letters have been published in Ebrahim (1998)De Klerk’s reply is found in part two in Ebrahim (1998:545).
In these letters they sketched how they perceived the present situation, the
opponent’s demands and behavior as well as the logic of their own demands. Minister Roelf Meyer
said in response to the exchange of memoranda that it had had a positive influence on future
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discussions because it had outlined the relevant points of differences between the parties (Johnson*
1992). And this important development took shape during the “all-time-low” of the negotiations.
In sum
Reason-giving is evident from both leaders even though Mandela to a larger extent than de Klerk
relied on accusations and shaming strategies, in order to make de Klerk get caught in argumentative
self-entrapments, while de Klerk had to spend more time on defending and explaining his opinions and
actions. Some have interpreted these constant accusations as an evidence of lack of trust between the
leaders, hence that it had a destabilizing impact, threatening to derail the negotiations. Even though the
accusations posed huge obstacles to the process, my interpretation of it is that it did not affect the
leaders’ commitment to reach a settlement. The accusations were honestly experienced, sincerely
responded to, and even though they sometimes had a repetitive tendency they never disrupted the
process of reason-giving.
Reason-giving took place both in public and in bilateral meetings. When official talks stalled, they
switched over to provide reasons to each other in more informal channels. Not the least these written
memorandums from the mid-1992 proved their willingness to continuously explain, defend, and
challenge each other’s perceptions.6 If this had not been the case, one letter would have been
sufficient.7
Inner moral reasoning
To become a deliberator certain principles must be incorporated into one’s thinking, principles that
give moral guidance in everyday life. As a participant in a decision-making process, you should follow
the premise that no one of the participants know who will learn from whom, which means to accept
“the power of the better argument”. A question is never settled once and for all but can always be
challenged again if new arguments/evidences are put forth. The acceptance of this principle also
requires of the individual to have a “tolerance of ambiguity”. In a deliberative mind-set, individuals’
should also search “for significant points of convergence” between seemingly incompatible principles
and “in promoting these policies on which principles converge” (Gutmann 1990:80). This last point
signifies a firm commitment to reach an agreement, a commitment that necessitates a continuous
dialogue.
A relevant point of departure for the analysis seems to be the leaders’ own words to describe the
meaning of negotiations. De Klerk describes it not as a competition but an interaction in which,
“everybody’s political points of view will be tested against their realism, their workability and their
6 See for example Friedman (1993:158-) and Ebrahim (1998:135) 7 This reading is the opposite of Strand’s interpretation of the event “more than anything these letters between the two leaders tell of the mutual distrust between the two major parties at this stage” (Strand 2000).
13
fairness” (Dugard 1992). Mandela uses similar words to describe it as a “robust and honest exchange
of opinions and criticism are necessary for any society to be truly democratic” (Nyatsumba 1994).
At the first real breakthrough in official talks between the Government and the ANC, Mandela and
de Klerk stressed the importance of establishing both informal and formal channels of communication.
The communication channels would work as a security guarantee if either one of them “feel the other
side is breaching the agreement” (Breier 1990).
As mentioned above, during the all time low in the summer of 1992 when violence and allegations
marred the process, the leaders’ started to exchange memos’. Within a week after the massacre in
Boipatong, Mandela sent the first memorandum to de Klerk. The memorandums proved the leaders’
reason giving ability but the incident is also significant for it represent the both leaders’ principled
stance and commitment to reach a negotiated solution. The letters symbolizes the leaders’ shared
conviction that communication was inevitable to a successful resolution of conflicts.
The role of communication channels is once again underscored in Mandela’s closing address to the
ANC national conference in December 1990. As a reply to the criticism voiced by ANC delegates
against the confidential negotiations conducted between members of the ANC and the Government,
Mandela stated that this kind of criticism, …could only be made by those who do not understand the nature of negotiations and the practical
problems that face us on the ground. There would have been no talks about talks today, no future prospect
for negotiations, if there were no confidential negotiations between members of the ANC and the
government (Mandela*** 1990).
Not even the disclosure of the Inkathagate scandal changed the commitment to a constitution of talks
and open channels of communication, albeit, in Mandela’s view, it complicated matters further
(Laurence 1991; Star 1991). In an interview in December 1994, de Klerk said about his and Mandela’s
relationship that, There was always free access, where he took the initiative to phone me on a specific situation, about
an eruption of violence in place A or B, and where I would take the initiative to contact him on a specific
issue. On such matters, we never broke off talking to each other (CSIS 1994).
Scholar William Zartman has noted that it was the “unconditional dialogue” that led to the successful
ending of the South African peace process [Zartman, 1995 #28]. But in addition to a mutual
commitment to continuous negotiations, there are indications of converging principles that both
Mandela and de Klerk seem to draw on in discussions and public statements.
Two common themes they kept returning to were the portrayal of them as “partners in peace”, and
the shared understanding that politics is all about morality. They stood united in their quest for a non-
violent solution that could be morally defended. These two converging principles could they revert
back to when events unfolded that threatened the process and these principles were frequently used as
reference points in discussions.
14
After the signing of the Groote Schuur Minute in May 1990, in which both sides made a
commitment to negotiations and to work for a resolution of the widespread violence, Mandela said
that, “both sides had gone into the discussions in the spirit that there should be no victors or losers,
‘South Africa is the victor’” (Breier 1990). Not even the harshest verbal confrontations made them less
inclined to be seen as partners in peace. The severe confrontation that took place between Mandela and
de Klerk at the first day of Codesa 1 can be seen as a critical test of their commitment to uphold the
idea of them as “partners in peace”. Directly after insensitive and callous statements made by both
leaders (even though Mandela’s speech was more, personal and ruthless compared to de Klerk’s) the
leaders made sure that the TV cameras captured them shaking hand (Waldmeir 1997). Both of them,
according to Mandela “took pains to show that no irreparable harm had been done. At the beginning of
the session, he and I publicly shook hands and said we would work together” (Mandela 1994).
The similar sentiment was present a year later when the leaders addressed the World Economic
Forum, and de Klerk said “we have the desire and the will to face the future together, and together we
will build a new South Africa” (Fabricius 1992).
Mandela has explicitly said that he did not like to co-operate with the NP or de Klerk but he had too
in order to bring about a political change in South Africa (Carlin 1993), which is a sign of the
principled stance of Mandela.
In the run up to election in 1994 de Klerk and Mandela met in a television debate, which initially
was dominated by attacks but ended with them holding hands and Mandela saying; I think we are a shining example to the entire world of people drawn from different racial groups who
have a common loyalty, a common love, to their common country […]. We are going to face the
problems of this country together (Waugh 1992).
When de Klerk resigned as State President he described the relationship between himself and Mandela
as “a symbol of the ability of South Africans from widely different backgrounds to co-operate in the
national interest” (Johnson* 1994).
As partners in peace, neither of them seemed interested in lingering in the past but committed to
resolving the present situation. De Klerk and Mandela stood united in search for a “negotiated
solution” (Ebrahim 1998:14; Friedman 1993:9; Spitz 2000:44). Remembering their second meeting de
Klerk asserts that he and Mandela, …realised that we both bore the ultimate responsibility for ensuring that there would be a negotiated
settlement and we were both committed to carrying out this responsibility (De Klerk 1998).
De Klerk underscored the imperative of conducting peaceful negotiations at various occasions (Africa
Contemporary Record** 1998; Dugard 1992). Even during the most strenuous times the leaders were
able to keep the value of a negotiated settlement in mind. At many occasions crisis were followed by
conciliatory statements; after Codesa I and II, the Chris Hani assassination and at the end of the TV-
debate in 1994. In each case the leaders were eager to prove that the basis of their commitment
15
remained unchanged regardless of the harsh words uttered during debates.8
Though we did not find a way out of the impasse, we agreed that the negotiations must not founder.
We decided that we would each speak the following day in a spirit of constructive compromise (Mandela
1994:594).
In relation to the murder of
Chris Hani the leaders publicly re-committed themselves to negotiations in order to avoid a national
crisis (Ebrahim 1998:153; Waugh 1993). In 1991 the Convention for a democratic South Africa
(Codesa I), which was the first multiparty negotiation forum, met for the first time. However it did not
take long until the process was faltering. Mandela has described his and de Klerk’s response as,
De Klerk shares this understanding of the Codesa process and writes in his memoirs that, Both he [Mandela] and I were determined to keep the negotiating process on course and to accentuate
the many positive achievements of the Codesa working groups. […] The next morning, both he and I,
made conciliatory closing statements to the conference and to the press. I said that although we had
started off on the wrong foot, we had managed, jointly, thanks to the wisdom and the commitment of the
leaders of all the delegations (De Klerk 1998:238).
Maybe it was a “vain attempt to trick the general populace”, as Waldmeir (1997:203) calls it, but
nevertheless it shows that Mandela and De Klerk could work together, that they were mutually
determined to accomplish a negotiated agreement. In light of the above, a reasonable conclusion is that
the leaders had a joint preference for a negotiated solution around which they could stand united when
facing obstacles.
Irrespective of each other the leaders stressed the importance of ”consolidation” of antagonists, in
contrast to “traditional party politics”, “victories”, and “competition” (De Klerk 1993.05.25; De Klerk
1995.04.24.; Johnson 1993; Seery 1991). Mandela and de Klerk took strong action in order to bring
negotiations back on track after crisis situations (Ebrahim 1998:40). The process in total has been
described as a “stop-start nature of negotiations” (Ebrahim 1998:40). For instance, when the Codesa
process broke down the parties believed “that damage was temporary, that engagement would resume
soon” (Friedman 1994:9). In hindsight, de Klerk has said that, “even the Codesa break up was not
necessarily bad because it proved that only negotiation could bring a solution” (De Klerk 1994.11.23).
The massacres in Boipatong and Bisho spurred the parties to reach an agreement (i.e. the Record of
Understanding). Besides the stalling of the Codesa process and the Bisho and Boipatong massacres,
the murder of Chris Hani and the revelation of the Inkathagate scandal also led the parties to speed up
the negotiation process.9
8 Needless to say, references to shared values do not necessarily reflect the reality. It can simply be rhetoric to strengthen the own cause but, still, they do work as argumentative self-entrapments.
Ups and downs were expected by the leaders and viewed as a natural part of
9 Guelke (1999:62) argues that the Chris Hani assassination accelerated the negotiations and made the parties sooner rather than later agree on a date for the holding of elections. The ANC kept a low-profile during the Inkathagate scandal, which some observers have interpreted as a strategy to get the move on negotiations to the ANC’s advantage (Johnson* 1991).
16
negotiations and did not derail or threaten the peace process as a whole.10
If “partners in peace” was there joint venture, partly a result of their commitment to a negotiated
solution, their personal agendas also converged in critical aspects. Both aspired to a moral identity and
were well aware of the other’s aspirations. Mandela’s years in prison coupled with his forgiving
mentality and de Klerk as the one who released Mandela and dismantled the apartheid system both
entered negotiations with a reputation of being guided by high moral standards. Experiences of racial
politics and its institutionalization through the Apartheid system surely contributed to making politics
a question of morality.
In hindsight, de Klerk has
said about the negotiations between himself and Mandela that, “we would both frequently have to rise
above our personal antipathy to resolve deadlocks and keep the negotiations on course” (De Klerk
1998:222).
Initially this “moral high ground” was used as a common platform, from where de Klerk and
Mandela could stand united proclaiming their visions of a new South Africa. Although over time, this
moral platform turned into a bitter moral struggle.
A statement by de Klerk in mid 1990, referring to the ANC’s unilateral suspension of the armed
struggle, is a good illustration of the moral struggle. De Klerk understood this move by Mandela as an
attempt to seize “the moral high ground”. The reason de Klerk could understand the move was because
the NP “had done much the same thing when, two months earlier, we had unilaterally decided to lift
the state of emergency” (De Klerk 1998:186). From de Klerk’s perspective both the ANC and the NP
activities were motivated by seizing the moral high ground. Another example is Mandela’s frequent
accusations that de Klerk did not do enough to stop the violence and de Klerk’s response. De Klerk
stressed the activities he had undertaken to curb the violence and furthermore he tried to draw
attention to Mandela’s real intentions behind his attacks. In the memoirs, de Klerk writes that he ones
told Mandela that, I had not attacked him publicly for his blatant disregard of his undertakings in terms of the D.F. Malan
Accord. Unlike him, I had refrained from scoring political points by publicly accusing him personally of
being a killer. […] I told him that his public attacks on me had become more outrageous by the day (De
Klerk 1998:216).
“Scoring political points” by accusations is obviously not something reputable. Evidently, in this case
de Klerk tries to bring light on, what he deemed to be, Mandela’s real (immoral) tactics. When de
Klerk recalls the television debate in 1994, his impression is that Mandela initially was quite
aggressive and that he “did not hesitate to launch personal attacks on me” while de Klerk himself
”preferred to stick to the issue”. Towards the end of the debate, de Klerk felt that he had scored most
points, but then, he was taken by surprise when Mandela was leaning across and grabbing him by the
hand. De Klerk interpreted Mandela’s initiative to grab him by the hand at the end of the debate as a 10 Previous research about the South African negotiations has even shown that certain crisis have led too real progress in the negotiations (Ebrahim 1998:28, Spitz 2000:79).
17
clear sign of Mandela’s strategic thinking and not as other observers explained it as a gesture of
reconciliation. De Klerk writes that “this single gesture of apparent goodwill probably counted for as
much as all my reasoned replies”. De Klerk refers to it as “apparent goodwill” in an attempt to unravel
the hidden agenda. De Klerk goes on, “it was a masterful stroke and I mentally tipped my hat to the
strategic planning ability of Mandela and his advisers” (De Klerk 1998:331). What appears to be a
conciliatory move from Mandela’s part is from de Klerk’s perspective interpreted as nothing else than
a smart trick.
In sum
Partly, they both understood the rules of the game and that they were competitors when it came to
winning the public. Hence, the game could be ugly, which was ok, as long as both of them played it
fair. Simultaneously they shared the understanding of them as “partners in peace”, they were
dependent on each other and there were no alternative than to uphold a continuous dialogue,
attempting to reach a shared standpoint.
A principled commitment that both leaders, irrespective of each other, brought with them into the
negotiations was to find a negotiated solution no matter what. The only route to do this was by a
dedication to continuous dialogue until the objective was completed. By this dedication they could
firmly meet the challenges that lay ahead.
Partners in peace, negotiated solution, and the understanding of the importance of morality in
politics were points of convergence between the leaders, which they themselves stressed throughout
the negotiation process.
Open-mindedness
Uncertainty and complexity are instinctive features of decision making processes. Deliberation
requires of participants not to fall back on simplistic and rigid standpoints but to confront complex
issues with an open frame of mind. Open-mindedness refers to deliberators’ ability to reach beyond a
black-and-white thinking and to consider nuances. Every situation/person/incident can be approached
and understood in a myriad of ways, and it requires of a deliberator to consider more than one frame.
Political leaders walk a tightrope between satisfying the expectations from the own constituency,
while at the same time trying to build a reliable working relationship with his opponent.
Something both leaders’ did was to pay close attention to if public speeches was intended as an
input to the negotiation process or if they were attempts to communicate with the own constituency.
There are many examples of this context sensitivity. De Klerk’s call for an all-white referendum in
March 1992 is one example of when Mandela was opposed to the action per se but reluctantly
accepted it because he understood that de Klerk’s needed to confirm his position as a leader (Ebrahim
1998; Meyer 1994.11.15). Apparently, Mandela understood the white-only poll not as a statement
18
against the non-white population but as an attempt by de Klerk to get his constituency on the
negotiation track (Waldmeir 1997). In 1992 de Klerk made a similar concession when he accepted the
rolling mass action campaign even though he was totally against it. De Klerk could have condemned
Mandela for the actions, which he deemed to be counter-productive to negotiations, but he made very
clear that he accepted them as legitimate democratic means (Grange 1992). According to Richard
Spitz, many believed mass action to have the same unifying effect on the ANC leadership with its
constituency as the all-white referendum had legitimised the Government’s negotiation policy (Spitz
2000:28).
Mandela did express understanding for why de Klerk did not take strong action against the
violence. According to Waldmeir, in 1991 Mandela ”was still willing to grant that de Klerk’s inability
to stop the violence stemmed from his ‘problems with his own constituency” (Waldmeir 1997:187).
Moreover, in an interview in 1993, Mandela says that there are strong hawks in the Government and
de Klerk has problems getting full support for the reforms. From Mandela’s vantage point, de Klerk
was trapped between the demands by the ANC and the wish to keep his party (and constituency)
together (Carlin 1993).
Mandela’s strong personal conviction of the need of a speedy settlement of the conflict was verified
in his reaction to the murder of the ANC leader Chris Hani in April 1993. Hani was assassinated by a
right-wing extremist, assisted by a member of the Conservative Party, but instead of translating the
murder into racial terms – whites on blacks – Mandela went on air pleading, “to all South Africans to
stand together against those who, from any quarter, wish to destroy what Chris Hani gave his life for –
the freedom of all of us” (Star 1993). If Mandela had not urged blacks and whites alike to keep calm
and if he had been unable to separate the White population, including de Klerk, from the actions
undertaken by a single, white extremist, the attack could have disrupted the peace process. Researcher
Richard Spitz has concluded that even though the murder threatened to derail the whole peace process,
the ANC’s and NP’s instead used the incidence constructively to speed up the negotiation process
(Spitz 2000:37).
They were equally concerned about white fears of black domination. Throughout the negotiation
process, Mandela made frequent references to the situation of the White population. In his memoirs he
wrote that the Whites were “in need of liberation just as surely as the oppressed” (Mandela 1994:617).
In interviews, public speeches, and ANC conferences he touches upon the fears of the White
population, which he accept as real – even though he believes them to be groundless and irrational
(Johnson 1994; Johnson** 1991; MacLennan 1991; Mandela 1994.07.01; Sparks* 1992; van der
Merwe 1990). De Klerk (together with other NP members) has made similar utterances of the need to
address White fears and liberate the White population from the moral dilemma caused by the
Apartheid legislation (Africa Contemporary Record*** 1998; De Klerk 1994.11.23; Meyer*
1994.11.16). Instances were de Klerk has expressed understanding for the historic and present
19
situations of the Black people are rarer. Only indirectly by admitting the shortcomings of the
Apartheid policies he acknowledges the sufferings of the Black population.
By making statements talking on behalf of the whole nation, black or white, Mandela managed to
differentiate between the people and the problem. In 1992 Mandela stated that the people in the
townships no longer considered the Government their enemy but “you and me, people who drive a car
and have a house” (Steyn 1992)
In the South African negotiations the question on what caused the apartheid system and who was to
be blamed for it were basically non-issues (even though de Klerk spends a great part of his memoirs to
explain the ideology behind the apartheid system). Mandela does not refer to de Klerk, or the whites,
as the perpetrators or those responsible for past injustices. Mandela’s unwillingness to hold the white
people accountable for the suffering of the blacks sees no limits. At the core of it is Mandela’s
perception is that it is not the people but the system which should be blamed. Mandela did not feel
anger against whites as a group but was committed to judge each person individually (Sparks 1990).
Responding to Waldmeir’s question on why he had undertaken the reform process, de Klerk said,
“Well, I think as we went along, all of us realised that we’d have to take greater risks than we had
originally planned” (Waldmeir 1997:233).
A question vital to de Klerk was the inclusion of group rights into the final agreement. South
Africa’s new institution must recognize rights knitted to group belonging and not solely individual
rights. Group rights was vital in de Klerk’s vision for the future still, already in 1989 de Klerk
expressed that he was not inflexible but willing to negotiate the issue (MacLennan 1989).
It seems that there was no major plan guiding de Klerk’s actions. Rather, a step-by-step process in
which each step brought him to a completely new and unforeseen situation from which he had to
reconsider earlier standpoints. Certain statements by de Klerk indicate that he viewed
negotiations/interaction processes as part of a “learning curve” and as an “evolutionary process” (De
Klerk 1994.11.23; De Klerk 1994.06.23). This indicates that he did not see negotiations as a simple
cost-benefit calculation but a process in which participants change as an effect of the interaction.
Mandela has made a similar remark regarding the work in the Government of National Unity, “we
may start from different angels, […] but at the end of that debate, we speak with one voice. That is
what is happening in the Government of National Unity” (Mandela 1994.07.01).
In 1993 Mandela got the frequently asked question how he could accept the Nobel peace prize
together with de Klerk, against whom he had delivered such devastating critique, Mandela answered
that; “although I would not take back my criticism, I could say that he had made a genuine and
indispensable contribution to the peace process” (Mandela 1994).
A continuing discussion, that put a lot of strain on the leaders’ relationship, was the strength and
leverage vested in the Presidential position. When it came to the appalling levels of violence – which
more than once threatened to derail the whole peace process – from Mandela’s vantage point it was
impossible to understand; “how a head of state, who had all the apparatus of governance, could not do
20
something openly and meaningfully to stop the violence” (Ramaphosa 1995.01.19). Mandela knew
that “men at the highest level of the police and the security forces were aiding the third forces”
therefore the only reasonable conclusion was that de Klerk was insensitive to the sufferings of the
black population (Mandela 1994; Mandela* 1991). This might indicate that Mandela had a flawed
understanding of the position as State President. His exasperation over the blacks’ situation perhaps
distorted his normally realistic understanding of what expectations and demands are reasonable to
place on political leaders. The South African researcher Steven Friedman has said that the ANC’s
judgement of the strength of the Government was unrealistic and it was only towards the end of 1992
when they started to realise that they could not force the Government to a quick settlement (Friedman
1993:175). Perhaps did Mandela reach a similar insight when it came to de Klerk’s capacity to
function as State President. After all, Mandela was a political leader but he had never acted State
President. In 1994, during an interview with Waldmeir, De Klerk explained his understanding of
Mandela’s accusations, I felt at times that he was not sufficiently understanding of the complexity of the situation, that he did
not give significant recognition of the numerous steps I have taken to ensure that the security forces
should not be involved in any way whatsoever, that he was unreasonable in requiring action on the basis
of unsubstantiated evidence (Waldmeir 1997).
In sum
They displayed different kinds of open-mindedness. Primarily, Mandela displayed complexity in
thinking, while de Klerk proved ready to change opinion when confronted with persuading (shaming)
arguments.
Respect for others
Respect for the opponent during negotiations, as is at stake here, can be inferred by scrutinizing how
the leaders’ allude to the other side – as a terrorist, partner, or simply competitor. Do they accept the
legitimacy of the opponent? It can also be inferred by examining to what extent participants’ listen to
and show empathy with the opponent. Do they make a real attempt to understand the position of the
opponent? Do they think the opponent’s motives and objectives are sincere (i.e. they do think the other
has moral concerns and not simply guided by political, economical, or self-interest)? Do they respond
to questions? In addition to observable measures, respect has a subjective component only to be
properly assessed by the opponent.
When de Klerk gave his historic speech to Parliament in February 1990, Richard Maponya, a Black
businessman, who visited Mandela in prison, told the media,
21
[Mandela] was very impressed by de Klerk; he thought he was honest because, even though he had
just recently been elected, he had already made positive and meaningful moves. He did say, though, that
de Klerk should press on and continue to make positive moves because if he stopped, like his
predecessors did, we would be back at square one (Africa Contemporary Record 1992)
At their first face-to-face encounter, both leaders irrespective of each other reached the conclusion that
it would be possible for them to do business with each other (De Klerk 1998:158; Mandela 1994:545).
Remembering their first face-to-face meeting, Mandela stated; “from the first, I noticed that Mr. De
Klerk listened to what I had to say. This was a novel experience […] Mr de Klerk seemed to be
making a real attempt to listen and understand” (Mandela 1994). After the meeting Mandela informed
his colleagues in Lusaka that de Klerk was “a man we could do business with” (Waldmeir 1997:148).
De Klerk has made similar remarks about their initial meetings. In relation to their second meeting, de
Klerk recalls how he and Mandela; “established a reasonable rapport with one another. We accepted
one another’s integrity – but in the full knowledge that we were opponents with divergent goals” (De
Klerk 1998:169).
In public de Klerk granted Mandela formal legitimacy already at the time of his 2nd February speech
in Parliament by saying that Mandela could make a constructive contribution to finding a peaceful
solution to the problems South Africa was facing (Dugard 1992:139). When Mandela gave his first
public address in 27 years, he praised de Klerk as “a man of integrity” (Fabricius 1990).
A few months after their initial encounters the two contenders met at Groote Schuur to hold talk
about talks. The Groote Schuur Minute included provisions of the lifting of the state of emergency and
a reconsideration of the ANC’s armed struggle. At the end of the talks, Mandela and de Klerk made a
joint public appearance in television, in which Mandela stressed the government’s integrity and that he
did not have “the slightest doubt that the State President means what he says” (Waldmeir 1997:162).
Even though both of them were well aware of the many disagreements between them, by making a
joint appearance they accepted each other as valid partners.
In an interview when asked about why continue negotiate with, what Mandela himself has referred
to as “a discredited and illegitimate” Government, he replied, “whether I like him or not, the reality of
our situation is that I have to work with him. And of course, when you negotiate you have to accept
the integrity of another man” (Carlin 1993). Respect for the opponent was crucial to Mandela, and he
managed to uphold the same spirit during the whole negotiation process, in his first public address
after the release; in response to de Klerk’s speech at the opening of parliament in 1991; in response to
de Klerk’s attack on the ANC at the first session of Codesa; in response to de Klerk’s management of
the Inkathagate scandal; and in the TV debate in 1994, Mandela accentuated de Klerk’s positive
contribution to the process (Ebrahim 1998:81; Fabricius 1990; Johnson** 1994; Mandela* 1991;
Seery 1991).
The rather well known verbal exchange that took place between Mandela and de Klerk at the first
day of the Codesa 1 can be seen as a critical test of the level of respect between the leaders. Codesa,
22
the first multiparty negotiation forum, met for the first time in December 1991. De Klerk had asked
the ANC to accept him to be the last speaker of the day. In his concluding speech he delivered severe
critique against the ANC (Ebrahim 1998) 93-106. He accused them of violating the Pretoria Minute
and the D.F. Malan Accord by maintaining a private army, thereby they had not abandoned the armed
struggle and he also questioned the ANC’s right to participate in the future constitution-making organ
(Ebrahim 1998).
The attack came as a complete surprise to Mandela who lost his temper and did not let the session
conclude until he had launched a ferocious counterattack on de Klerk. By saying that De Klerk was;
“the head of an illegitimate, discredited, minority regime” and therefore he was “not fit to be a head of
government”, tremendous harm was done to the personal rapport between them (Mandela* 1991).
Mandela withdrew his initial acceptance of de Klerk as a legitimate contender, which indicates a lack
of respect.
However, from de Klerk’s perspective, this counterattack was an unwarranted outburst by Mandela
directed at him as a person (De Klerk 1998:222). Afterwards, in an interview with Waldmeir, de Klerk
has explained/excused the attack by referring to a note sent to Mandela in advance but which
apparently never reached him, It was a damaging episode, and it was based on, at the least a grave misunderstanding […] because he
was not properly informed. Because I sent him a message […] that unless we agreed on certain aspects, I
would have to take a very strong stance, and it is clear to me that he was not expecting this. Apparently,
therefore, he did not get the message (De Klerk 1994.11.23).
De Klerk suggests that Mandela would have accepted the attack if he only had been warned in
advance. A possible interpretation is that de Klerk assumed a leadership understanding to be present
between them. Thus, de Klerk’s concluding speech was foremost an attempt to show his own people
that he was not being intimidated by the ANC and Mandela. If Mandela only had been forewarned, as
planned, he would have understood and respected de Klerk’s statement and hence not reacted as
strongly.
At the end of the negotiation process, both leaders expressed deep appreciation of the other’s
contribution to the negotiation process; de Klerk it in his concession speech and Mandela in his
inauguration speech as President (Johnson 1994; Mandela 1994).11
In de Klerk’s biography he describes the fundamental nature of his and Mandela’s relationship, We
were – and are – political opponents. Although we respected each other, three was little warmth in our
relationship. I could not forget his bitter and unfounded attacks on me, and he could not shake off his
deep suspicions concerning my role and intentions. (de Klerk, 1998)
11 The NP negotitors’ Roelf Meyer, Gerrit Viljoen and the ANC negotiator Cyril Ramaphosa have all expressed similar remarks of the integrity, reasonableness and respect of their negotiating partners, which indicate that this atmosphere of acceptance stretched beyond the relationship of Mandela and de Klerk (Meyer 1995.02.10; Ramaphosa 1995.01.19; Viljoen 1994.10.20).
23
According to de Klerk the leaders were convinced about the opponent’s sincerity regarding the
negotiations (De Klerk 1994.11.23; De Klerk 1993.05.25). De Klerk has also explicitly stated that he
believes Mandela to be committed to “peaceful solution” (Fabricius 1989; Fabricius 1990).
In sum
The leaders’ did accept each other as valid negotiation partners. Public statements are plentiful in
which the leaders’ reiterate the importance of the other. However, during the process their personal
relationship deteriorated. They lost confidence in the others personal intentions and motives. The
respect continued throughout the process but only on a political, official level.
WAS IT DELIBERATION? Treating deliberation as an individual level phenomenon, unrelated to institutional and social
variables, perhaps some would argue is not deliberation at all. From this perspective, the analysis
above misses the point. A procedural definition of deliberation, for instance, does not necessarily
include any provisions of participants’ conduct but rely on procedure to guarantee fairness and
equality.
A tricky question with the behavioral perspective is to determine how much of each behavior is
needed in order to qualify as deliberation. In the above analysis every action, in line with any of the
four behavioral categories, has been recorded. However, there is no established threshold for each
category, that is, the required frequency (in place) and continuity (over time) for it to qualify as
deliberation. Neither if some behaviors are more valuable than others. In regard to the latter, it is
possible that the lack of reason-giving might be a greater obstacle than if there is a lack of inner moral
reasoning. When it comes to the question of thresholds it is possible that, for example, reason-giving
necessitate both a high frequency in each encounter, while the continuation is not as decisive (there
might be a decrease of reason-giving towards the end of discussions).
Leaving these limitations aside, the analysis proves the existence and influence of all four
behaviors. The peace process could be thought of as an extended debate on the validity of different
arguments. Both sides were equally eager to respond to demands and statements made by the
contender and to rationally and morally defend their own positions. They were both deeply engaged in
the dialogue. Even though they had different roles – Mandela asked questions and de Klerk responded
– they were both committed to remain within the process which meant that there were no other way
than to uphold the dialogue. The continuous dialogue rested on the leaders’ moral understanding of the
nature of negotiations. Also the fact that they early on in the process had gained a profound mutual
understanding of their commonalities; they were partners in peace and hence united in a struggle for a
negotiated settlement with moral connotations.
24
Mandela excelled in reason-giving and seemed to be guided by moral considerations. There are also
reoccurring feature of respectfulness from Mandela’s side. Especially during or after crisis situations
he made public statements stressing his belief in de Klerk’s sincerity, legitimacy, and vital
contribution to the process. Yet, it is well-known that Mandela lost confidence in de Klerk during the
process, especially Mandela for de Klerk due to his “ignorance” concerning violence directed at
blacks. The fact that Mandela managed to uphold a public, official respect for de Klerk despite his
feelings of antipathy towards him, proves Mandela’s principled stance in politics. He was committed
to the long-term goals. Short-term interest and personal feelings were not to gain influence over the
negotiations.
De Klerk’s deliberative strengths seem a bit different from Mandela’s. Open-mindedness was a
critical feature of his but not primarily in terms of cognitive complexity. De Klerk proved willing to
change opinion during the process. The sheer fact that de Klerk withstood all ruthless accusations from
Mandela indicates his moral stance towards the negotiations. He did not let these personal attacks
divert him from the longer goal of reaching a negotiated solution. He accepted them and also
responded to them which proved his readiness to provide reasons for his behavior. A possible
conclusion is that these accusations actually impacted on de Klerk, he became entangled in
argumentative self-entrapments, and as a result he changed his mind in certain vital issues.
The interactions to a large extent circled around questions of identity and morality. Even if Mandela
showed a great amount of empathetic understanding for de Klerk and the White population at large,
the principal strategies at both sides were shaming. The reason for this seems to have been that both of
them aspired for a ‘moral’ identity, which gave rise to controversies about who was the most righteous
leader. De Klerk’s attempts to shame Mandela are rather harmless in light of how Mandela used the
shared moral understanding to put pressure on de Klerk. Basically all Mandela’s accusations directed
at de Klerk either of being the instigator of violence or of not doing enough to end it can be viewed as
strategies of shaming. Mandela understood the vital importance morality and righteousness played to
de Klerk’s self-image and he cleverly used it to influence de Klerk’s actions. Mandela’s very
categorical stance on de Klerk’s responsibility for the violence could be interpreted as a lack of
openness. However due to the many evidences on Mandela’s ability to have a balanced thinking a
more appropriate interpretation is that it was Mandela’s true conviction. It was not a smart rhetorical
trick to blame de Klerk but a sincere attempt to get the topic on the agenda.
De Klerk’s talk about “search for justice” made him vulnerable to moral criticism. A plausible
explanation for why he kept returning to the question of justice could be that it was so closely knitted
to de Klerk’s self-image. De Klerk considered himself to be a moral person,12
12 This self-image is congruent with Roelf Meyer’s understanding of de Klerk as a person “who stood up for his convictions in the direction of justice, blind justice, and I think his inner belief in that also told him that we have to put things right on the basis of justice” (Meyer).
guided by a search for
justice, which made it vitally important for him to come up with moral explanations in defence of the
25
apartheid system. Apartheid was not an evil conspiracy but an attempt by the white leadership to
establish a fair system. Perhaps he could not stand the thought that some might condemn him because
of the apartheid system, which he had been born into and profited from for the major part of his life.
From Mandela’s position, as a black leader outside the system, it was far easier to make persuading
moral judgements, thus he had the opportunity to exert a considerable influence over de Klerk’s
actions. At least partly it is possible to explain de Klerk’s acceptance of majority rule, individually
based rights, and interim government as an effect of argumentative self-entrapments due to his
commitment to justice and equal treatment.
In many ways de Klerk initiated a moral struggle, while Mandela exploited it. In the moral struggle,
de Klerk was bound to lose much moral leverage and once initiated he could not escape its
consequences. If he had not continued the struggle he would have been bereaved of his whole identity.
De Klerk made personal sacrifices for the accomplishment of a “deliberatively” negotiated peace.
To secure a negotiated settlement in an atmosphere of trust and respect across racial lines he raised
above personal feelings and antipathy towards Mandela. He felt indignant and bitter years afterwards
and eager to unravel the myth of Mandel (Waldmeir 1997:196). De Klerk’s eagerness to disclose
Mandela’s true motives follows logically on their internal fight about the moral supremacy.13
CONCLUSIONS
I
interpret it as de Klerk, by conviction, followed through with the peace process in a mode of respect
and openness but this principled way of behaving had considerable personal costs. Perhaps is this
indicative of a potential problem with deliberative proceedings. Over time, people might rethink their
experiences of the deliberative encounter and reinterpret it as they were forced into agreement.
The underlying assumption has been that even an entirely procedural understanding of deliberation
implicitly relies on a firm “behavioral repertoire”. What is more this repertoire encompasses a wide
range of behavior, all necessary to display, in a delicate mixture, in order to qualify as a true
“deliberator”. The analysis of Mandela and de Klerk indicate that their excellence in negotiations
might stem from their deliberative style of conduct and thereby be an example of “true deliberators” in
a non-deliberative setting. It indicates the relevance to go further in the suggested direction and give
more attention to personality variables at work in deliberation.
13 However it is interesting to note Mandela’s explanation of his behaviour in the TV-studio. Mandela writes in his memoirs, “as the debate was nearing an end, I felt I had been to harsh with the man who would be my partner in a government of national unity” (Mandela 1994). According to Mandela he put himself in de Klerk’s shoes and realised that if someone had spoken to him in the same way, he would have difficulties maintaining a working relationship with that person. Therefore, he was more or less forced to make a conciliatory move.
26
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