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PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE This article was downloaded by: [INFLIBNET India Order] On: 29 May 2009 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 909277329] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Women's Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713654228 Factoring Gender into Economic Development: Changing the Policies of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Pamela Blackmon a a Valparaiso University, Valparaiso Online Publication Date: 01 March 2009 To cite this Article Blackmon, Pamela(2009)'Factoring Gender into Economic Development: Changing the Policies of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank',Women's Studies,38:2,213 — 237 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/00497870802633343 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497870802633343 Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
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Page 1: Factoring Gender into Economic Development

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

This article was downloaded by: [INFLIBNET India Order]On: 29 May 2009Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 909277329]Publisher RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House,37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Women's StudiesPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713654228

Factoring Gender into Economic Development: Changing the Policies of theInternational Monetary Fund and the World BankPamela Blackmon a

a Valparaiso University, Valparaiso

Online Publication Date: 01 March 2009

To cite this Article Blackmon, Pamela(2009)'Factoring Gender into Economic Development: Changing the Policies of the InternationalMonetary Fund and the World Bank',Women's Studies,38:2,213 — 237

To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/00497870802633343

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497870802633343

Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf

This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial orsystematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply ordistribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.

The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contentswill be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug dosesshould be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss,actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directlyor indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

Page 2: Factoring Gender into Economic Development

Women’s Studies, 38:213–237, 2009Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0049-7878 print / 1547-7045 onlineDOI: 10.1080/00497870802633343

213

GWST0049-78781547-7045Women’s Studies, Vol. 38, No. 2, December 2008: pp. 1–27Women’s StudiesFACTORING GENDER INTO ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: CHANGING THE POLICIES OF THE INTERNATIONAL

MONETARY FUND AND THE WORLD BANK1

Factoring Gender into Economic DevelopmentPamela Blackmon PAMELA BLACKMON

Valparaiso University, Valparaiso

The impacts of gender issues on a country’s successful economicdevelopment have been widely recognized as an integral part ofthe development and policy initiatives at the United Nations(UN). This is evident by the focus on gender issues in health,education, and empowerment as part of the UN DevelopmentProgram’s Human Development Reports, and in gender equalityissues as part of the 2000 Millennium Development Goals fordeveloping countries. Clearly gender is an important componentof a broader and more integrated approach to successful eco-nomic development through poverty alleviating measures includ-ing a focus on women’s education and childhood development.Women’s movements were influential in these changes at the UNthrough their abilities to “secure recognition of their rights in theUN’s social institutions” (Goetz 34). Indeed, the various UN Con-ferences specifically designed to address the concerns of women(Mexico 1975; Copenhagen 1980; Nairobi 1985; Beijing 1995)are evidence of this influence as well as the growth of women’s rep-resentation in NGOs (Goetz 34–5; Bhagwati 38–9; Dorsey; Hunt).

How successful have women’s movements been at alsochanging the focus of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)and the World Bank to incorporate gender issues into theireconomic development frameworks? While the UN has acknowl-edged the importance of linking gender issues with successful

1Earlier versions of this article were presented at the annual meeting of the InternationalStudies Association, San Francisco, March 2008, and at the annual meeting of the MidwestPolitical Science Association, Chicago, April 2008. I would like to thank Clair Apodaca,Bethany Barratt, and Chad Rector for helpful comments and suggestions.

Address correspondence to Pamela Blackmon, Assistant Professor, Department ofPolitical Science, 1409 Chapel Drive, Huegli Hall, Valparaiso University, Valparaiso,IN 46383, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

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economic development in poor countries, it is also important toexamine whether the institutions that are most heavily involvedwith promoting policies of economic development and growthhave also recognized the importance of these relationships. Thisarticle will examine the degree to which the IMF and the WorldBank have incorporated gender development issues into theireconomic development programs for the Sub-Saharan Africancountries of Mauritania, Mozambique, Burkina Faso, Tanzania,and Uganda. The first part of the article outlines the theoreticalframeworks used to explain the importance of women’s roles ineconomic development and poverty alleviation, and providesexplanations as to why conventional economic theories are notable to capture these benefits. The second part of the article ana-lyzes the various strategies undertaken by women’s movementssuch as “Women’s Eyes on the World Bank” and the “AfricanWomen’s Economic Policy Network” (AWEPON) during the mid-1990s to change the policies of the World Bank and the IMF awayfrom the Structural Adjustment Programs of the 1980s. The nextsections describe how the case study countries have implementedthe Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers as the new programs devel-oped by the institutions, in addition to assessing whether thesePapers achieved the goals established by the two women’s move-ments. The final section concludes with analysis as to the overalleffectiveness of the two groups in changing the policies of theinstitutions to focus on gender issues in development.

Economic Development and Gender

There are two theoretical frameworks that this article will use inorder to explain the relationships between gender and economicdevelopment: a Marxist feminist perspective and literature thatspecifically addresses how improving the health, education andearning potential of women also leads to greater economic devel-opment. The Marxist feminist perspective seeks to explain howgender differences contribute to capital accumulation by differ-entiating between activities in the private and public spheres oflabor (Rowbotham; Barrett). The framework presumes a sexualdivision of labor in which men work in the public arena performingtasks which are paid, while women are engaged in unpaid laborsuch as childbearing and household work which takes place in

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the private sphere (in the home). Women then contribute tocapitalism through work that is unpaid but necessary so that a“supportive home life” is provided for men to have relief “fromthe alienating experiences of work” (Clark 225; Zaretsky).

There are many important points that the Marxist feministapproach lends to an explanation of why women’s roles in eco-nomic development have been marginalized, or better yet,ignored. First, the categorization of public (paid) labor vs. private(unpaid) labor contributes to an understanding as to why workperformed in the household, done generally by women, is seen asunproductive: because it is not paid. In a capitalist based societylabor that is seen as valued is paid; if labor is not paid then it maynot be seen as valued, but more importantly, it is outside of theprice mechanism and therefore its contribution cannot be mea-sured (Bhagwati 79).2 Therefore, classic liberal economic theo-ries have presumed a very low value associated with women’slabor (Elson; Folbre). This is important in understanding economicdevelopment strategies as Anne Marie Goetz notes,

The fact that gender relations ascribe female labour to domestic tasksmeans that this female labour is immobilized in activities which are notresponsive to market signals. Thus price signals, so key to neoliberal eco-nomic planning, will not necessarily change the way a household allocatesits labour. The non-attribution of economic value or cost to householdwork leads planners mistakenly to assume that women’s time has a zeroopportunity cost . . . (36)

Since the IMF and the World Bank operate under the economictheory of classic liberalism (also referred to as neo-liberaleconomics) in which the market is viewed as the most efficient atallocating resources, contributions outside of this economicframework could not be recognized. Indeed, one of the primaryproblems with the Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) usedduring the late 1970s and 1980s was that they recommended thatstates implement these neoliberal policies which resulted in negative

2Work that is performed on a volunteer basis is generally seen as valued, even thoughit is not paid. Similarly, there are separate economic theories to explain monetarydonations to non-profit organizations since these decisions also fall outside of the pricemechanism and economic theories of supply and demand. For further explanation, see,Walter W. Powell, The Nonprofit Sector. New Haven: Yale UP, 1989.

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impacts on women more than on men. This was especially thecase when states reduced expenditures for social services inhealth and education which had the effect of forcing women tofind ways to make up for these shortages. Programs followedunder the SAPs resulted in many problems because they failed tofactor in the role of women in economic activities (Buvinic andLycette).

During the latter part of the 1980s it became clear that coun-tries that had followed SAPS were also seeing increases in poverty,a situation attributed to, among other things, cuts in social expen-ditures (Stewart). The importance of women’s roles in economicdevelopment began to increase when studies showed thatimprovements in alleviating poverty were related to improvingthe economic and educational positions of women. The findingsof these studies became even more relevant when the number ofhouseholds headed by women also began to increase in develop-ing countries in the 1980s. There are three broad areas in whichimproving women’s roles in development contribute to alleviatingpoverty. First, increasing women’s education results in lower pop-ulation growth because women then have other options to partic-ipate in higher skilled occupations apart from having manychildren and being confined to home based labor activities (TheWorld Bank in Action: Stories of Development 4, 25; Sachs 36–7).Second, and related to the former, many studies have shown thatincreasing women’s income results in improvements in the nutritionof children (Apodaca; Behrman and Wolfe; Leslie). This is alsorelated to the fact that women make different financial decisionsthan men regarding how income is spent. Resources that arecontrolled by women are more likely to be spent on family foodexpenditures than are resources controlled by men (Buvinic andLycette).

However, barriers to increasing women’s income include thefact that they are severely limited in their access to credit, in addi-tion to restrictions on their participation in educational programsand employment opportunities. Micro-credit programs, espe-cially that of the Grameen Bank, in which small amounts ofmoney are loaned directly to the poor (and predominately towomen), have been successful in improving the lives of the poor.The founder of the Grameen Bank, Muhammad Yunnus explainsthe importance of involving women in development programs:

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If the goals of economic development include improving the generalstandard of living, reducing poverty, creating dignified employmentopportunities, and reducing inequality, then it is natural to work throughwomen. Not only do women constitute the majority of the poor, theunderemployed, and the economically and socially disadvantaged, butthey more readily and successfully improve the welfare of both childrenand men. (72–3)

Non-Governmental Organizations and Women’s Groups

Women’s Eyes on the Bank and African Women’s Economic Policy Network

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have increased mark-edly since the end of the Cold War and are having a greaterdegree of influence over international politics, includingattempts to shape the policies of states, and by extension, inter-governmental organizations (Salamon; Bennett and Oliver 282–3).Jessica Matthews finds that international NGOs have beensuccessful in pushing for action on global issues and thatwomen’s groups and human rights groups often “link up” withmore powerful groups in the U.S. and Europe since they are oftenbetter funded and more powerful (54). This is also the situationwith the two women’s groups analyzed in this article. The U.S. chap-ter of Women’s Eyes on the Bank (there is also a Latin Americanchapter in Mexico) was headquartered out of the Oxfam AmericaWashington, D.C. office (Women’s Eyes on the World Bank—U.S.). Oxfam America and the Development GAP helped to orga-nize and host the first meeting of eleven representatives ofAfrican women’s organizations that were focusing on gender andeconomic policy in October 1993; this meeting was the beginningof the African Women’s Economic Policy Network (AWEPON)(AWEPON 1996).

NGOs have also been more influential in the UnitedNations than in the IMF and the World Bank since underArticle 71 of the UN Charter they were granted “consultativestatus” with the Economic and Social Council (Willetts 31).NGOs do not have similar mandates under the Articles ofAgreement of the financial institutions. The UN is an impor-tant avenue for NGOs to be able influence states and to beinvolved in a political process that accords them no formal

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rights since it is a state-based organization. While women’sgroups and NGOs had previously been active within the UN topush for women’s economic rights, the 1995 UN World Confer-ence on Women in Beijing would be an arena for these groups“to bring concerns about the impact of SAPs to the interna-tional stage and advocate for change on a global level”(Williams 236).

Women’s Eyes on the Bank

The NGO Economic Caucasus was established with the assistanceof Oxfam America at the Beijing Conference. This EconomicCaucasus became a forum for action for women to demand thatthe World Bank take specific actions to increase the role ofwomen in the Bank’s economic policy making. Members of thisCaucasus then launched the “Women’s Eyes on the Bank”(WEOB) campaign to monitor the Bank’s progress in achievingthe objectives outlined in the “Beijing Platform for Action” whichincluded

• Efforts designed to involve grassroots women as full partners inthe economic policy-making of the Bank

• Mechanisms to institutionalize a gender perspective in Bankpolicies and programs

• Increases in Bank investments designed to improve women’saccess to and control over productive assets and services, includinghealth care, education, financial services, and land

• Increases in the number and diversity of women in seniorpositions at the Bank (qtd. in Williams 237)

James Wolfensohn had just become president of the WorldBank in 1995, and his “enthusiastic participation in the confer-ence” was noted in addition to his “pledge to engage in dialoguewith women’s groups to implement the petition’s demands”(Williams 236–7). Wolfensohn’s role in this process should not beoverlooked. First, he was the first Bank president to attend such aconference, although his immediate predecessor Lewis Prestonwas also committed to poverty reduction through changes at theBank (Cleary 87). Second, in October 1996, Wolfensohn gave aspeech during the Annual Meetings of the IMF and the World

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Bank in which he explained that an important aspect of povertyreduction would need to include “girls’ education and earlychildhood development” (Voice for the World’s Poor: Selected Speechesand Writings of World Bank President James D. Wolfensohn, 1995–200551). Third, Wolfensohn established an External Gender Consul-tative Group (EGCG) following Beijing that was designed tostrengthen Bank and NGO cooperation. The EGCG is comprisedof representatives from fourteen NGOs that meet annually withBank officials (Women’s Eyes on the World Bank—U.S. 9–10).

The purpose of WEOB was to monitor the Bank’s progress inachieving the objectives set out in the Beijing Platform.3 The U.S.chapter served as the main area for monitoring due to its proxim-ity to the Bank’s headquarters (Williams 237).4 However, in the1997 post-Beijing assessment of the Bank composed by WEOBthere were substantial criticisms of the Bank’s progress in incor-porating gender with economic development. For example, thispublication criticized the Bank for only interacting with membersof the EGCG during the annual meetings, and when EGCGmembers attempted to engage Bank staff in other settings therewas not support from the Bank’s gender staff (Women’s Eyes onthe World Bank—U.S. 9–10). An additional criticism focusedon the fact that the Bank still needed to “mainstream” genderinto the Bank’s programs and policies meaning that these issues

3There are no similar groups that focus solely on the IMF. Researchers have noted thatsocial movements in general have had very little impact on the Fund, and that they general-ly focus their attention on the Bank. Reasons for this include the neo-liberal economicframework of the IMF, which often leads to an inability (or dislike) in dealing directly withsocial movements. Therefore, most groups and research on them, focus on the Bank with avery different type of culture, with the understanding that the Bank and the Fund do worktogether on economic development programs. For additional information see, Jan AartScholte, “In the Foothills: Relations Between the IMF and Civil Society.” Non-State Actors andAuthority in the Global System. Eds. R. Higgott and A. Beiler. London: Routledge, 1992; JanAart Scholte, “The International Monetary Fund and Social Movements.” Contesting GlobalGovernance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements. Eds. Robert O’Brien,Anne Marie Goetz, Jan A. Scholte and Marc Williams. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000;Edith Kuiper and Drucilla Barker, Feminist Economics and the World Bank. London: Routledge,2006; Pamela Blackmon, “Rethinking Poverty through the Eyes of the International MonetaryFund and the World Bank.” International Studies Review 10.2 (2008):179–202.

4The Latin America and Caribbean chapter is still active. Individuals that had workedon the WEOB U.S. campaign in Washington were also employed at other NGOs, and in1999 when these individuals left their NGO jobs, the work based out of the U.S. officestopped. Additionally, the coordinator of WEOB, Lydia Williams, left Oxfam in 2000 for ajob elsewhere (Long 51).

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would have to “be considered in all of the institution’s research,policy development, lending, and evaluation activities” (Women’sEyes on the World Bank—U.S. 7).

African Women’s Economic Policy Network (AWEPON)

The representatives of African women’s organizations that wouldeventually be know as AWEPON was formed earlier than theBeijing Conference (in 1994) and was developed to specificallycritique the SAPs as they had been applied to Sub-Saharan Africa(Goetz 38). AWEPON members did attend the NGO EconomicCaucus at Beijing and while acknowledging that it was importantfor women’s organizations “worldwide” and the Bank to discussways for women to participate in all aspects of Bank policy, thereport noted that “the positions of the African Women’s NGOsmust be considered in order to establish region-specific responses”to the crises in Sub-Saharan Africa (AWEPON 50). AWEPONsreport titled, “Women Standing up to Adjustment in Africa” detailshow SAPs have negatively impacted women in Sub-Saharan Africa,as well as recommendations for how the IMF and the World Bankshould re-evaluate these policies (AWEPON).

The SAPs formulated by the World Bank and IMF weredesigned to restrain the spending of countries as well as torestructure their economies to be more in line with market-oriented policies. Frances Stewart’s extensive review of these poli-cies noted that policies for Africa included:

trade policies (import liberalization)industry, energy and agricultural policies (reforming and deregulatingthe price system)reforms of the financial sectorrationalization of government and administration, public enterprisereforms (with emphasis on privatization) andsocial policy reforms (Stewart 9).

There has been extensive research documenting how these poli-cies resulted in worsening the poverty situation for countries inAfrica as well as in Latin America. However, this article is focusedon how these policies contributed to increases in poverty due to afailure to incorporate a gendered analysis of economic development.

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This article argues that increases in poverty were due in part tothe inability of neo-liberal economic framework to factor inwomen’s contributions to the economy. As a result, when womenthen had to “make up” for losses in areas that had been factoredin; other areas that they had been responsible for suffered. Thefollowing sections from the AWEPON report explain how theSAPs directly affected women as well as explaining how measuresof poverty increased under the policies.

• Currency devaluation: (1) The inflationary effects of devaluationimpact women’s purchasing power of essential goods in thefood and health sectors; women in one region in Senegalreported having to make decisions about reducing the proportionof the household budget allocated for food as well as foregoingexpenditures related to health care, schooling or householdrepair (AWEPON 8–9).

(2) Devaluation is designed to increase agricultural exportshowever it is usually in the sectors controlled by men, such as inthe sale of livestock (AWEPON 8–9). Female farmers are pre-dominately involved in agricultural production for export, butthe price of imported inputs rises dramatically under devaluationand these farmers often cannot afford the higher prices for theinputs (Lele; Whitehead).

• User fees: Designed to reduce excess consumption as well as pro-vide additional revenue for the state; used in the water, healthand education sectors. Problems with user fees include the factthat the fees collected were small and ineffective at generatingrevenue; revenues were directed to the Ministries of Finance andwere used for fiscal policy purposes, and did not contribute tohealth policy. While the programs were designed to exempt thepoor from fees, they were ineffective at doing so (Stewart 72–3).User fees for health care facilities resulted in reduced access formen and women to those facilities; the rising costs of childbirthhad resulted in women giving birth at home leading to increas-ing rates of infant and maternal mortality; user fees for educationdisproportionately affect females as seen by increasing gapsbetween the education levels of boys and girls (AWEPON 21–4).Often when decisions are made about which children to con-tinue to send to school, boys are sent instead of girls.

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In November 1994 meetings were held in Dakar duringwhich women from 15 African countries representing over 3,000various women’s organizations attended an NGO forum and aworkshop on “Women and Economic Policy” (AWEPON 33). Thefocus of the workshop was to discuss the effects of economic poli-cies on women as well as to provide an arena where the womencould analyze the economic situation for themselves because,“there (was) a lack of input into economic policy from women,who are the ones most affected by SAPs” (AWEPON 33). Recom-mendations and strategies developed at the workshop that wereincluded in the Beijing Platform for Action submitted during theBeijing Conference included:

• Pressure for debt cancellation*, and using those funds to investin women’s production systems, especially for small farmers andentrepreneurs using microcredit

• Grassroots research in which women were directly involved indefining problems and formulating solutions in conjunctionwith researchers and other NGO representatives

• Develop new ways to increase the power of the G–77 to be ableto influence decisions in trade and finance*

(*these were the most common recommendations mentioned aswell as participants stating that they were the most critical)(AWEPON 45–6).

Women’s Eyes on the Bank and AWEPON were both heavilyinvolved in the Beijing Conference and in developing the Platformfor Action to try to change the structural adjustment policies of theWorld Bank and the IMF. The following section will examinewhether the policies of the institutions have changed to addressthe specific areas of gendered impacts on development that thegroups emphasized.

The PRSPs and Poverty Alleviating Measures

The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative begun in1996 was designed to reduce the debt of poor countries throughdebt relief thereby allowing countries to be able to spend lessmoney servicing their debt and more money on social expenditures.Many NGOs (including Oxfam and the Jubilee 2000 movement)

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had campaigned for many years for debt relief for the poorestcountries arguing that these countries would never be able toalleviate poverty as long as they had to repay the financial institu-tions as well as other lenders (Williams; Busby). The EnhancedHIPC Initiative (E-HIPC) developed in 1999 continued the focuson debt relief but would now require countries themselves toprepare and implement Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers as acondition for debt relief under the HIPC (The Poverty ReductionStrategy Initiative: An Independent Evaluation of the World Bank’sSupport Through 2003). These papers would be fundamentally dif-ferent than the previous policies of the institutions because theywould be “country-owned” not written by Bank or Fund staff butwould more heavily rely on the members of the government ineach country in addition to other stakeholders such as civil societygroups and NGOs (The Poverty Reduction Strategy Initiative: AnIndependent Evaluation of the World Bank’s Support Through 2003 3–5;Blackmon).

Since the PRSPs are designed to be country owned they donot have specific requirements as to how they will use debt forgivenesstoward specific poverty alleviating measures. An early paperproduced by the IMF and the International Development Associ-ation (IDA) (the Bank group that would be responsible for theE-HIPC) suggested ways in which countries could best trackspending designed to reduce poverty, as well as some of thegeneral poverty reducing measures that PRSPs had included thusfar. However, these decisions, including the process of trackinggovernment spending on poverty issues, would be the soleresponsibility of the country as explained in a publicationauthored by IMF and IDA staff:

Each HIPC is expected to design, execute, and monitor its poverty-reductionstrategy and related public expenditure program, with the support of theWorld Bank, IMF, and other creditors and donors. Such country owner-ship, critical for implementation of good policies and for promotingaccountability and good governance, is built into the process of draftingPoverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) (Tracking of Poverty-ReducingSpending in Heavily Indebted Poor Countries 5).

Proposals as to how countries should do this included developingsystems in order to track overall spending on poverty-relatedprograms primarily through the use of public expenditure

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management systems (Tracking of Poverty-Reducing Spending inHeavily Indebted Poor Countries 3). Tracking only HIPC funding wasinadvisable since these types of funds often do not show addi-tional spending on poverty programs, and it would be difficult formany countries to set up and manage separate accounts for thesefunds, in addition to creating problems by making budgets lessflexible (Tracking of Poverty-Reducing Spending in Heavily IndebtedPoor Countries 6–8). While poverty reducing programs would bespecific to each country, the paper does note that in general,main features of country strategies have included:

• Enhancing access of the poor to primary education, withemphasis on reducing gender and regional disparities.

• Enhancing assess to primary and preventive health care ser-vices and

• Emphasizing infrastructure programs in the areas of water,roads, electricity and telecommunications (Tracking of Poverty-Reducing Spending in Heavily Indebted Poor Countries 9).

On the face of it, it seems that the E-HIPC with the addition ofthe PRSPs has addressed at least two concerns of WEOB andAWEPON: the inclusion of debt relief for the poorest countries,and possibly the introduction of a gendered perspective in Bankprograms and policies. However, the PRSPs have effectivelyshifted the responsibilities for the PRSPs onto the countriesthemselves; they are no longer part of the responsibility of theBank, or the IMF, for that matter. In order to qualify for debtrelief through the E-HIPC countries were required to maintain atrack record of three years under a reform and adjustmentprogram supported by the IMF and World Bank. This wasexplained as being necessary in order to determine that thecountries would use the resources from debt relief effectively(Andrews et al. 5). Once the countries met these criteria and aslong as they continue to make progress under their PRSPs, thereare no additional benchmarks to be met that would put the con-tinuation of debt relief in jeopardy.

For example, in the appendix of the most recent paper thatassessed HIPCs progress in tracking poverty-reducing spendingthere is a table representing grades for all E-HIPC countries in2001 and 2004 as to whether they completed certain benchmarks

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involving their public expenditure management programs (theprograms recommended to track poverty related spending)(Update on the Assessments and Implementation of Action Plans toStrengthen Capacity of HIPCs to Track Poverty-Reducing Public Spending26). However, no country received lower than a “C” on any of thesixteen indicators. Indeed, Guinea Bissau’s performance was notassessed in 2001 but for 2004 the country completed no bench-marks, and received a grade of “C” on 15 indicators, with a gradeof a “B” on one indicator; yet there was no discussion of withholdingfuture debt relief for the country. This is indeed very differentthan the structural adjustment programs in which future loanswere denied when benchmarks were not met; and maybe this is apositive change for programs designed by the institutions.However, it does not allow for an easy comparison as to whethercountries have adopted more of a gendered focus in their povertyalleviating programs. Although, the aforementioned paper didfind that HIPC countries had increased spending on poverty-reducing programs. Specifically, that this spending had increasedas a share of total government expenditure by 2.3 percentagepoints between 1999 and 2002 (Update on the Assessments and Imple-mentation of Action Plans to Strengthen Capacity of HIPCs to TrackPoverty-Reducing Public Spending 23).

The following section will review the PRSPs of the five Sub-Saharan African countries (Mauritania, Mozambique, BurkinaFaso, Tanzania, and Uganda) that were the earliest to qualify forthe E-HIPC to determine if the country prepared documentshave incorporated these gendered approaches. Then, indicatorsfor progress in improving girl’s access to education, reducingunder-five mortality rates and health expenditure per capita willalso be reviewed. The under-five mortality rate captures genderdiscrimination better than the infant mortality rate due to thelack of nutrition and medical interventions that often result fromgender discrimination (United Nations Development Group(UNDP) 33).

PRSPs and Gender

In Burkina Faso’s most recent full PRSP there were many sectionsdetailing determinants of poverty by administrative region, agro-climatic region, socio-economic group, and by gender (Burkina

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Faso 13–27). In fact, in the section detailing the analysis of pov-erty by gender, the limited access and participation by women wasnoted as impacting women’s level of poverty as well as the povertyof the general population, “due to the decisive role played bywomen in production, healthcare, hygiene, nutrition and educa-tion of children. There is thus an urgent need to speed up thetask of boosting the literacy rate of women” (Burkina Faso 22).This type of analysis may represent a better understanding of thedimensions of poverty and the recognition that improving theeducation of women is an important step toward poverty reductioninitiatives.

Mauritania’s 2003 Progress Report listed programs that wereimplemented in 2002 to target poverty in urban as well as ruralareas, and explained that programs to target poverty wereneeded in the “periphery of urban areas and the major povertypockets in rural areas (which would) directly (contribute) to thereduction of poverty and inequality” (Islamic Republic of Mauri-tania 7 (Box 2)). While this is an important recognition of theneed to target programs in specific areas in order to reduce over-all poverty and inequality, there was no mention of gender inthese poverty programs. The governmental authorities also pro-posed that a “new phase” of commitment to implementing poli-cies under the PRSP would be motivated by two recent andimportant developments: the change to a new democratic gov-ernment in August 2005; and the start of oil production in thecountry in February 2006 (Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper ActionPlan 2006–2010 10–13). Unfortunately, while the change to ademocratic government would likely have a positive impact onwomen, increased oil production may actually harm women’seconomic development potential.5

Mozambique’s first PRSP (referred to as PARPA, the Portu-guese acronym for PRSP) covering the years 2001–2005 assertedthat a central goal of the government was a substantial reductionin poverty, and in improving opportunities available to the poor(Republic of Mozambique 1). Specifically, the report declared

5Research by Michael L. Ross on the relationships between countries with large oilreserves and women finds that economic growth based on oil production in a countrydecreases the political influence of women by limiting their abilities to work in the export-oriented manufacturing sector. Michael L. Ross. “Oil, Islam and Women.” American PoliticalScience Review 102.1 (2008):107–123.

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that the objective was to reduce the poverty level from 70 percentin 1997 to less than 60 percent by 2005 and less than 50 percentby the end of 2010 (Republic of Mozambique 1). Data availablefor the country’s poverty head count ratio show a substantialdecrease in the percentage of the population living below thepoverty line, from 69 percent in 1996/97 to 54 percent in 2002/03;a further reduction than the government’s stated objective(Republic of Mozambique 7). Compulsory fees for primaryschool were also eliminated, which likely contributed to theincrease in primary school enrollment (Poverty Reduction StrategyPaper—Progress Report Joint Staff Advisory Note, Republic of Mozambique7). This is an important step taken by the government to addressthe inefficiencies of user fees that were part of many structuraladjustment programs.

Mozambique’s most recent PARPA (PARPA II) covering2006–2009 provided a more quantitative analysis of indicators ofpoverty. For example, there was a table illustrating trends in boththe poverty gap and the poverty head count indices includingassessments of differences nationwide, between the urban andrural areas, and differences between provinces. In addition todecreases in the level of poverty nationwide, estimates alsoshowed decreases in the poverty headcount index in both therural (from 71.3 percent in 1996/97 to 51.5 in 2002–/03) and theurban areas (from 62.0 to 51.5 percent for the same year ranges)(Republic of Mozambique 12 (Table 2)). However, there was nodiscussion of the role of gender in decreasing poverty andwhether the reductions in poverty were correlated with greatereconomic opportunities for women.

Tanzania’s second PRSP 2005/06–2009/10, dated June2005, provides similar data to that of Mozambique’s PARPA II inthat there is evidence of a broader understanding of poverty aswell as details about specific actions that need to be implementedin order to alleviate greater incidences of poverty in the ruralareas. Information is first provided on the percentage of the ruralpopulation living below the poverty line (38.6) and the percentageof the urban population living below the poverty line (25.8) (TheUnited Republic of Tanzania 5). Then, the report identified arural-urban divide evident in indicators including income pov-erty, but also in human capabilities, and survival and nutrition.Furthermore the report noted that:

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Disparities are explained by the pattern in the distribution of population,endowment in natural resources, climactic conditions, as well as in thedistribution of infrastructure, such as transport, schools and health facilities.(The United Republic of Tanzania 5)

In the same section addressing poverty (three pages further) thereport details “the need to improve the economic prospects ofthe productive sectors and social services” through improvingphysical infrastructure in rural areas including roads and tele-communications systems (The United Republic of Tanzania 8).This last component was also listed as one of the main featuresthat countries have generally included as part of their PRSPs(Update on the Assessments and Implementation of Action Plansto Strengthen Capacity of HIPCs to Track Poverty-Reducing PublicSpending 9).

Uganda’s first PRSP (referred to as the Poverty EradicationAction Plan (PEAP)) published in March 2000, and built upongovernmental policy initiatives begun in 1997 (Government ofUganda). Actions taken that were noted to have improved qualityof life issues for the poor included the implementation of a policyfor free access to primary education for four children in eachfamily (Government of Uganda 17). Uganda’s most recent PRSPpublished in 2004 begins by noting the trend in increases inpoverty from previous declines during the 1990s. The problem ofgender inequality as affecting poverty and economic growthfigured prominently in this PRSP. First, data were presented intables illustrating the fact that women-headed households wereless poor in 1999 and 2003 than they were in 1992. Although thedivorced and widowed female-headed households did show slightincreases in poverty from 1999 to 2003 they were still lower thanthe category levels for 1992 (Government of Uganda 19).

Second, differences between women’s wages and men’swages were noted to be a problem as well as the finding thatwomen were increasingly “overburdened” due to work in the eco-nomic sector as well as work on domestic activities. This sectionon “Gender inequalities” concludes by pointing out that whilemale-headed households in the country spend more of theirexpenditures on alcohol, women-headed households spend moreon school fees. Unfortunately, there was no available data as towhether women-headed households had been increasing. However,

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the fact that the government had documented this information,as opposed to academic researchers, should lead to policies toprovide greater economic opportunities for women.

The Effectiveness of Women’s Eyes on the Bank and AWEPON

The effectiveness of the women’s groups to change policies at theIMF and the World Bank will be assessed in two ways. First, dataon improving girl’s access to primary and secondary education, aswell as data on the under-five mortality rates from each countrywill be compared. Both women’s groups emphasized the neces-sity and positive results from educating girls, which was alsocovered in the review of the literature on gender and economicdevelopment. Data on the under-five mortality rates from eachcountry will also be compared to determine whether this indica-tor has improved while the countries were re-directing their debtpayments to poverty alleviating measures. Each country’s healthexpenditure outlays will also be presented to determine if moremoney was actually being spent on health expenditure as envi-sioned by the PRSPs. This indicator is being used since a mecha-nism to track the effectiveness of this part of the PRSPs is not inplace. The second way that the effectiveness of the groups will beassessed is by determining whether there have been policychanges at the institutions based on the recommendations pro-vided in the Beijing Platform for Action submitted at the BeijingConference.

The country PRSPs showed mixed results as to whether thepolicies under the E-HIPC with the PRSPs produced documentsthat “institutionalized a gender perspective in Bank policies”(qtd. in Williams 237). The PRSPs of Burkina Faso and Ugandaclearly addressed gendered issues in economic development andaddressed the relationships between gender and poverty. It islikely that these PRSPs addressed these issues as a result of greaterparticipation and inclusion of NGOs and civil society groups.While the PRSPs were designed to include these groups as part oftheir framework, these groups have also expressed concern thatthey have been the most marginalized when it comes to decisionmaking about the types of policies to implement (Long 52). Thedata on the ratio of boys to girls in primary and secondary educa-tion indicate that most of the countries have seen improvements

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(from 2000 to 2005) in the percentages of boys to girls in primaryand secondary education (see Table 1).

However, it is disappointing that only Mauritania andUganda have percentages that are higher than the average forSub-Saharan Africa (SSA), since all five of these countries havebeen involved with the PRSP process the longest.6 The data on theunder-five mortality rates in contrast, shows marked improvementin this indicator for poverty reduction compared to the averagesfor SSA, for all countries except Burkina Faso (see Table 2).

Additionally, Mauritania, Mozambique and Tanzania showedsubstantial decreases from 1999 to 2005 in this indicator. Sincethis indicator “better captures the effect of gender discriminationthan infant mortality (since) nutrition and medical interventions

6I did not include Tanzania since data was only available for one year.

TABLE 1 Ratio of Boys to Girls in Primary and Secondary Education (in Percent),for Selected HIPC Countries 2000–2005*

Country 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

Burkina Faso 70 71 72 74 76 78Mauritania 90 90 92 94 96 98Mozambique 75 77 79 . . . 82 83Tanzania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95Uganda 93 95 97 97 98 98Sub-Saharan Africa . . . . . . . . . 84 83 86

Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators Database. *Data were not availableprior to 2000.

TABLE 2 Under-five Mortality Rate (per 1000 Live Births), for Selected HIPCCountries, 1999–2005

Country 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005

Burkina Faso 199 198 197 207 207 192 191Mauritania 183 183 183 183 183 125 125Mozambique 203 200 197 197 158 152 145Tanzania 141 165 165 165 165 126 122Uganda 131 127 124 141 140 138 136Sub-Saharan Africa 172 174 172 178 179 174 172

Sources: UNDP Human Development Reports, 2001–2007/2008.

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are more important after age one” the decreases in the countriesappear to represent a more positive trend toward decreasinggender disparities and, more likely, increases in spending onhealth expenditures (UNDG 33). Indeed, all five of the SSAcountries increased their health expenditures per capita from1998 to 2004 (the latest available data) (see Table 3).

Even though the countries had erratic progress, withincreases in some years followed by decreases, this measure seemsto indicate that countries are following the framework of thePRSPs to increase funding to poverty alleviating measures includingincreases in health expenditure.

The HIPC Initiative, which was designed to provide debtrelief for the poorest countries, and the E-HIPC, which combineddebt relief with a requirement that countries complete PRSPs,addressed one of the primary concerns outlined by AWEPON inits contribution to the Beijing Platform for Action. Pressuringthe institutions for debt cancellation had also been pursued bylarge well-funded NGOs such as Oxfam and Jubilee 2000 (Busby).The second component of AWEPON’s mandate was that thosefunds be used for “women’s production systems” and this was notachieved. Both WEOB and AWEPON wanted grassroots womeninvolved in helping to formulate Bank policies and programs.Possibly, it was envisioned that this would occur with the PRSPssince they were designed to involve civil society and grass rootsorganizations in policy formation.

However, the participation of women in the design of pol-icies at the institutions (more specifically the Bank) was not

TABLE 3 Health Expenditure Per capita (PPP US$), for Selected HIPC Countries1998–2004

Country 1998 2000* 2001 2002 2003 2004

Burkina Faso 9 37 27 38 68 77Mauritania 19 52 45 54 59 43Mozambique 8 30 47 50 45 42Tanzania 8 27 26 31 29 29Uganda 18 38 57 77 75 135

Data not available for Sub-Saharan Africa.*Data not available in PPP US$ for 1999.Sources: UNDP Human Development Reports, 2002–2007/2008.

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achieved because the formation of the PRSPs and the empha-sis by the institutions that they be “country owned and driven”effectively ended most of the institutions’ control over them.Ironically, it was the powerful NGOs that pushed for thesecountry owned policies in the belief that greater attentionwould be paid to poverty alleviation if the countries were incharge of their development strategies instead of the institu-tions (Stiglitz 50). The problem (or future challenge) is thento persuade the governments of these countries to incorporatea gendered analysis of economic development into their poli-cies to reduce poverty. Finally, one of WEOB’s contributions tothe Beijing Platform was that the Bank “increase the numberand diversity of women in senior positions in the Bank” (qtd.in Williams 237). According to WEOB’s Post-Beijing Assess-ment, the Bank did improve its percentage of womenemployed at its management and senior levels, and the assess-ment requested that by 1997 35 percent of women beemployed at these levels (up from 27 percent in 1994)(Women’s Eyes on the World Bank—U.S. 10). The Bank pro-vides consistent information on the breakdown of their staffbeginning with the 2003 Annual Report, and this informationis presented in Table 4.

Even though the Bank did not meet this goal for 1997, by2006, 34 percent of the managerial staff was represented bywomen, one percentage point less than the targeted rate of35 percent. Although the Bank was later in meeting this goal ofincreased representation of women in upper level positions, itseems clear that the Bank has been making progress in this area;albeit later than WEOB would have liked.

TABLE 4 Managerial Staff Represented by Women in the World Bank(in percent)*

Institution 2002 2004 2005 2006

World Bank 24 26 28 34

Sources: World Bank Annual Reports (2003; 2005; 2006; 2007).*The World Bank provides information on its staff including the percentages of

“staff” and the percentages of “management and senior technical positions.” Thislatter category was used for this table (World Bank Annual Report 2003:135).

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Summary and Conclusions

The main goals of AWEPON were to end the structural adjust-ment policies of the financial institutions, convince the institu-tions to rethink the prevailing assumptions of liberal economicpolicies and to incorporate the needs and priorities of womeninto economic policies. The structural adjustment policies of theinstitutions have been modified, and while other NGOs also influ-enced these policy changes at the institutions, AWEPON certainlyplayed a part in this process in two ways. First, since the countriesin Africa (as well as Latin America) suffered the greatest increasesin poverty levels and this group specifically addressed the con-cerns of African women and how they had been affected by thestructural adjustment policies, their contributions to the BeijingPlatform for Action added legitimacy to the push for policychanges in the financial institutions. This legitimacy can be seenin the fact that Wolfensohn attended the Beijing Conference (thefirst Bank President to do so) and after receiving the Beijing Plat-form he “committed the Bank to increasing dialogue with women’sgroups and taking the necessary steps to enact the demandedchanges” (Women’s Eyes on the World Bank—U.S. 5). The devel-opment of the PRSPs could also be viewed as a rethinking of someof the assumptions of the liberal economic framework in that theyare a fundamental change from the recommendations under theprevious SAPs that focused on trade liberalization and currencydevaluation; policies that negatively affected women’s contribu-tions to the economy and increased poverty.

The main goals of WEOB were to ensure that the goalsunder the Platform for Action were implemented with specificattention to changing the Bank’s policies to incorporate a gen-dered perspective in policies and in Bank managerial positions.Again, the formation of the PRSPs in theory would have seemedto have satisfied the criteria of incorporating a gendered perspec-tive in economic programs supported by the Bank. However, oneof the main purposes of the PRSPs was that they be countryowned and country developed; which effectively means that theBank plays a small role in the development of policies in thePapers. It is very possible that the formation of the Papers and afocus on the fact that they be country owned was in response to crit-icisms that the SAPs were ineffective in part because the countries

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were not vested in them (Stewart and Wang 290). In short, itforces the NGOs to deal more with governments and puts lesspressure on the Bank and the IMF. This strategy could be viewedas a more effective one if there were stronger positive results fromthe data presented in Tables 1–3.

Future research should focus on whether the indicators forthese countries improve over time. If these indicators, in additionto other poverty alleviating measures show improvement, thenthe women’s groups can claim victory on two out of three fronts.Specifically, that while they may not have changed the policies ofthe Bank and the IMF in an institutional sense, the PRSPs sup-ported by the institutions recognize the importance of genderedaspects of economic development.

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